A Contemporary Perspective on Irish Masculinity

A Contemporary Perspective on Irish Masculinity: A qualitative study exploring constructs, influences and traditional attributes among young Irish men.

Clay Darcy

The thesis is submitted to University College Dublin in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Social Science (Major in Sociology).

School of Sociology, University College Dublin, Ireland.

Supervisor: Dr Anne Cleary

August 2013 Page | 1

Table of Contents

Page

Abstract

5

Chapter 1 –

Chapter 2 –

Approaching Masculinity Introduction

6

Study Aims & Objectives

9

Purpose and Significance of Research

9

Brief review of seminal literature

10

Outline of the Report

11

Unearthing Masculinity Reviewing Masculinity Theories

13

Historical Constructs of Irish Masculinity

13

Gender and the Social Meaning of Masculinity

18

Traditional Gender Attributes of Masculinity Male Role and Patriarchy

20

Hegemonic and Subordinate Masculinity

22

Self-Identity and Masculinity

25

The Crisis of Masculinity: tensions between

Chapter 3 –

traditional and emerging constructs

27

Summary

31

Studying Masculinity Methodology

32

Research Question

33

Justification of Methodology

33

Definition and Operationalizing of Variables

34

2

Chapter 4

Sample / Population

36

Method of Data Collection

37

Research Instruments

38

Method of Data Analysis

40

Response Rate

41

Ethical Considerations

42

Summary

43

Discussions with Young Men Findings

44

Introduction to Findings

44

Description of Research Participants

44

Exploring the concept of masculinity with young men

45

Masculinity (Work, Responsibility and Duty)

46

Performance & Family

47

Male Environments & Male Activities

49

Alcohol and the Pub

50

Exploring influences on the young men’s constructs of masculinity

51

Role Models & Influences

52

Hegemonic Masculinity

53

Examining young men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity

55

Strength

55

Violence & Defence

56

Emotional Repression

57

3

Chapter 5

Equality

59

Summary

60

Theorising Masculinity Discussion

61

Concluding Thoughts

65

Bibliography

67

Appendix 1

72

Appendix 2

73

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Abstract This qualitative research project explores the concept of masculinity with a group of young Irish men between the ages of 18-23 years. The study reveals that these young Irish men’s construct of masculinity is complex and maintained through performative action. Although these young men are not trapped in traditional gender roles of the past, they are significantly influenced by them. Masculinity as a concept was flexible for these young men and recognition of multiple masculinities was demonstrated through the complexity and fluidity of the young men’s notions of masculinity and feminity. This study explores influences on the young men’s formation of masculine identity. Significantly older male role models proved influential. These influencing male role models exhibited simultaneously hard and soft masculinity. The influence of media and its role in perpetuating representation of hegemonic masculinity was acknowledged; and new male stereotypes are an influencing factor in emerging masculine constructs. In addition, this study examines young men’s view of traditional attributes of masculinity such as strength, performance and emotional repression. Suggestions of emerging constructs of masculinity are in evidence, however, research findings indicate traditional attributes remain somewhat entrenched. Specifically performance and emotional repression appear engrained in this cohort’s construct of masculinity; presenting them with challenges in negotiating through new cultural gender norms and responding to complex external factors.

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Chapter 1 – Approaching Masculinity: Introduction

‘Men reading fashion magazines, Oh what a world, It seems we live in, Straight man, Oh what a world, We live in’ - (Wainwright, Song Lyrics - ‘Oh, what a world’, 2003)

The nature of Irish masculinity has changed and is now reflective of a country that has experienced significant cultural and societal change in recent decades. This study seeks to take a snap shot of contemporary constructs of masculinity, by exploring the concept of masculinity with young Irish men between the ages of 18 – 23 years. This study is exploratory in nature and whilst aiming to discover how young Irish men view the concept of masculinity, the study seeks to establish what has influenced and impacted on their masculine identities. This research project endeavours to explore young Irish men’s views on traditional attributes of masculinity such as strength, performance and emotional repression and to establish whether these attributes are evidenced among these young men. This research adds to current gender and identity discourses taking place in Ireland. The study seeks to investigate what it means to be a young man in contemporary Ireland drawing upon masculinity discourse and theories, such as hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1999, 2005). Despite notable changes in culturally normative male behaviour in Ireland, evidence suggests that in fact, some old attributes and ideals of masculinity still dominate despite recent cultural change and development (Connell 1995, Kaufman 1999, Cleary 2005 & 2012). Although it may be culturally acceptable in contemporary Ireland for men to read fashion magazines, get highlights in their hair, use moisturiser or hand creams, it appears that men are still reluctant or unable to seek help or disclose when in emotional difficulty (Cleary 2005, 2011, 2012; Bates Freed and Freed 2012; Olstead and Bischoping, 2012).

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‘Arguments that masculinity should change often come to grief, not on counter-arguments against reform, but on the belief that men cannot change, so it is futile or even dangerous to try’ - (Connell, 1995: 45)

Whether men can change or not, many researchers in the area of gender and identity ‘have drawn attention to an apparent ‘crisis’ in contemporary forms of

masculinity, marked by uncertainties over social role and identity, sexuality, work and personal relationships’ (Frosh et al, 2002: 1). Joseph and Black (2012: 488) suggest that ‘research on the male gender identity has shown that men’s claim to masculinity

is fragile and tenuous’. However, others such as Hall et al (2012: 223) believe that conventional masculinities neither in decline nor crisis ‘but are merely being reworked

and repackaged in a more image-conscious consumer-orientated society’. This diversity of opinion reflects the diversity of masculine constructs evident. According to Connell (2005: 18) strong evidence has emerged from recent studies that there is a significant diversity among young people, who are faced with a vast array of situations in their everyday life; and this variety is reflected in the ‘complexity of the masculinities that they construct’. Share et al (2007: 267) note how ‘Irish people are being forced, through the sheer speed and depth of change, to

adopt a thoroughly modern stance of reflexivity’ this speed and depth of change is most notable among Ireland’s youth. According to Share et al (2007) gender stereotypes in Ireland have shifted greatly in recent times; demonstrated by the advent and variety of personal products for available for men; the growing market for men’s clothing and the availability of male plastic surgery. However, Share et al (2007) believe that these changes in gender stereotyping are increasingly putting men under pressure. Men must now navigate through these emerging stereotypes, whilst retaining purpose and role within society. However, this is ever more difficult in societies that are now distinguished by significant changes in family structures, the economy and workforce; and even changes in the reproductive process. The advent of new reproductive technologies has eliminated the need for men at the crucial time of conception. This significant medical and reproductive development may for some men challenge their

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fundamental biological role in life. This multitude of societal change certainly presents men with new challenges. Popular culture also presents new forms of masculinities and gender stereotypes challenging traditional models. Celebrities such as David Beckham challenge such traditional masculine attributes by promoting and typifying metrosexual behaviours and practices normally ‘associated with femininity

or homosexuality’ (Coad, 2008: 73). Despite the fluidity and indeterminateness of notions of masculinity and femininity represented by popular culture, it appears that some traditional attributes of masculinity such as emotional repression still dominate in Ireland. In a study of men who had attempted suicide, Cleary (2005: 160) found that ‘men don’t reveal

problems because this is not behaviour that is associated with being a man’ and that the ‘revealing of difficulties is associated with weakness’. Olstead and Bischoping in a study of Constructions of Self in Panic Discourse (2012: 284) found that ‘men…dreaded speaking with others’ about their emotions and that ‘their panic was

grounded in an overarching anxiety that they would lose their status as men’. There is growing evidence to suggest (as indicated above) that masculinity has been impacted and influenced by societal and cultural changes. This study therefore seeks to explore contemporary constructs of masculinity; through the completion of a snap shot study with a group of young men between the ages of 18 – 23 years.

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Study Aims and Objectives

Study aims: The aim of this study is to explore the concept of masculinity with young Irish men between the ages of 18 – 23 years. In particular the study aims to examine young Irish men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity and establish whether these traditional attributes are evidenced among this cohort.

The objectives of this study are: 1. To explore the concept of masculinity with young men between the ages of 18-23 years. 2. Explore what has influenced these young men’s constructs of masculinity. 3. Examine young men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity such as strength, performance and emotional repression.

Purpose and significance of research ‘In youth and in age, then, at key times of insecurity and transition, men find it harder to hold on to their sense of self and purpose, easier to reach for the false certainty of the terminal conclusion which provides them with a solution no matter what the cost to anyone else’ - (Miles, 1991: 203)

This work is significant in contributing to academic knowledge, specifically to gender and masculinity discourses. In addition this study is significant for me professionally as a youth worker, as it will provide new insight, understanding and knowledge of the young masculinities whom I engage. My initial interest in this field of sociology arose from an observation I made whilst working with a group of young men, who experienced an emotional crisis. My work involves the delivery of programmes and interventions for young people specifically in relation to drug issues. Through this work I became aware of the difficulties experienced by young men in seeking assistance for emotional distress, despite their participation in training related to developing their communication and coping skills. Even within the context of trusted relationships and on-going discussion of mental

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health issues these young men were reluctant to seek help when in emotional difficulty. This situation presented me with an opportunity to reflect on their emotional inhibition and drew my attention to the possibility of traditional attributes of masculinity being an underlying cause. Thus my research is an attempt to explore whether traditional attributes of masculinity are still evidenced and to what extent they contribute to contemporary young masculine identities. This research therefore serves to inform my own work practices and professional development, whilst also aiming to inform and add to current gender and identity discourses on masculinity.

Brief review of seminal literature In chapter two I will examine a number of core concepts and theories relevant to the field of masculinity and indicate how this study links to this overall body of work. I will present a brief historical context and overview of contributing factors pertaining to Irish constructs of masculinity. I will examine the concept of gender whilst also examining the social meaning of masculinity. This will then be followed by an exploration of traditional masculine attributes, in particular exploring the male role and patriarchy. Hegemonic and subordinate masculinity will be outlined and definition provided based on the work of Connell (1995). The concept of self-identity will be drawn upon to provide supporting theory on the development masculine identities referencing Shibutani (1962) and Habermas (1996). Finally I will examine discourses in relation to the suggested crisis of masculinity.

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Outline of the Report Chapter 1 – Approaching Masculinity: Introduction This chapter provides a general introduction to the research project and briefly outlines contextual and theoretical positioning of the work. Within this chapter the research aims and objectives are introduced. The purpose and significance of the research are discussed, followed by a brief outline of the seminal literature to be examined within chapter 2. Chapter 2 – Unearthing Masculinities: Reviewing Masculinity Theories This chapter offers a brief historical account of Irish constructs of masculinity, detailing the influence of land, religion and national identity in the formation of Irish masculinities. This is followed by a discussion on gender and the social meaning of masculinity. As this study is concerned with traditional attributes of masculinity and whether they are evidenced among young Irish men, this chapter examines such traditional attributes specifically addressing male role and patriarchy. Definitions of hegemonic masculinity are provided and also referencing subordinate forms of masculinity. Linkages between masculinity and one’s self-identity are examined; these are then followed by a discussion of the suggested crisis in contemporary forms of masculinity. Chapter 3 – Studying Masculinity: Methodology This chapter outlines the methodological approach and processes undertaken for this research project. The research questions directing the study are outlined followed by a justification of methodological approach. Definitions and operationalizing of variables are provided and description of sample population included. Research instruments are discussed in detail and method of data analysis precisely described. Finally, response rate and ethical considerations are addressed. Chapter 4 – Masculinity Discussions: Conversations with Young Men This chapter provides an introduction to the research findings, which is supplemented by a brief description of research participants to provide context and overview. The findings are presented using the research questions as structural 11

guides. Descriptive account and initial analysis of the data is provided under thematic headings. Chapter 5 – Theorising Masculinity: Discussion and Conclusion Chapter 5 provides discussion based on the research findings. The findings are interpreted, theorised upon and related to existing literature in order to position this study within the current field of academic knowledge. The study completed with concluding remarks.

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Chapter 2 – Unearthing Masculinity: Reviewing Masculinity Theories

Introduction The following chapter will review some of the dominant discourses on masculinity; creating a theoretical framework to contextualise and support this study. Relevant literature will be discussed emphasising concepts and theories pertaining to gender, male role, patriarchy, masculinity, self-identity and the ‘crisis of masculinity’. I have examined a variety of sources including seminal sociological texts, journal articles, online academic materials and other documents for the purposes of this review.

Historical Constructs of Irish Masculinity ‘There is, in the lives of men, a strange combination of power, privilege, pain and powerlessness.’ - (Kaufman, 1999:59)

In the following paragraphs I will outline how masculinity in Ireland has shaped and evolved in its own unique way over the past one hundred years or so. Each society appears to construct its own unique attitudes and beliefs around gender. The work of anthropologist, Margaret Mead (1901-1978), highlights such differences in her studies of three societies in New Guinea; the Arapesh, the Mundugumor and the Tchambuli, each society presented with very different attitudes and behaviours with regard to gender and sex roles. Ireland in its own way has developed its own unique attitudes and behaviours with regard to gender. Much of Ireland’s constructs of masculinity has been heavily influenced by the land, church and national identity. Ireland’s history is one marked by issues revolving around the land and its ownership. Agriculture and farming have shaped the Irish landscape and psyche. Agriculture was for a sustained period of time the mainstay of Ireland’s economy.

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Farming was a dominant profession for Irish men and one might suggest was an influencing factor in the shaping of Irish masculinities. According to Ní Laoire (2005: 96) conventional or traditional farming masculinities ‘involve constructions of the

farmer as a hard worker battling against environmental and economic obstacles and exerting ‘his’ authority over the natural landscape’. Ní Laoire (2005: 97) believes that traditional farming masculinities in Ireland ‘have been rooted in idealised notions

of family life, morality, landownership and farm work’. However, Ireland’s economic landscape has changed in recent times and there has been a marked shift from manual labour, such as farming, to a knowledge and technologically driven economy. This ‘collapse of traditional men’s work’ according to Frosh et al (2001: 1) and the growth of a ‘technological culture’ have meant the tradition of skills being ‘passed on’ between generations is no longer recognisable. This may certainly be the case in Ireland. Contemporary Irish masculinities are no longer intrinsically linked to the landscape and environment as they once were; and the collapse of traditional Irish men’s work has brought about significant change. Frosh et al (2001: 2) suggest that these ‘changes in employment and in normative

gender relations’ have inevitably resulted in ‘boys and young men having to forge new, more flexible masculine identities’. Ireland’s particular construction of masculinity has not only been forged by the landscape but also by the dominant faith, Catholicism. The Roman Catholic Church had a hugely conservative influence on the Irish state since the early 1920’s; however, this influence has greatly diminished since then. Ireland’s deep and longstanding relationship with the Roman Catholic Church has not only impacted on the formation of the Irish landscape and Irish society in general but also on the Irish family, to which many traditional attributes of Irish masculinity originate. The Catholic Church’s teachings on family, marriage and morality heavily influenced the state; and dominated Irish society. This faith based domination continued up until the early1990’s at which point Irish societal sentiment towards the church began to change. The Catholic Church was hugely influential and authoritative in the formation and functioning of family life in Ireland. Irish masculinity was significantly defined by

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Irish family life. According to Share et al (2007: 274) ‘authority ultimately was based

around the concept of the father’ and this authority was reinforced by the teachings of the Catholic Church. Share et al (2007: 274) expand on this by stating that ‘fathers were to inhabit the role of aloof and distant ‘pater familias’, the disciplinarian

who left matters concerning family to his dutiful wife’. Inglis (1998) highlights the particular relationship that existed in Ireland between the Catholic Church and family life. According to Inglis (1998) the dutiful women stayed at home and were responsible for the continuation and propagation of the faith among their children, however, the men were elsewhere to be found. Inglis (1998) suggests that men dutifully frequented the local pub. Many men in the past retreated to the pub either for solace, companionship or escape. Inglis (1998: 245) states that Irish mothers were viewed or ‘seen as paragons of Christian virtue who

were happy to stay at home rearing their children in the love and sight of God’ and ‘who fussed and worried about their husbands spending too much time in the pub’. This statement reveals a significant truth about Irish gender roles of the past. Men left matters of the home to their wives, whilst they went out to work. The rewards for a hard day’s labour was invariably a ‘pint or two’ in the local pub. The pub therefore was predominantly a male environment where masculinity was distilled, deepened and drank down. The relationship between alcohol and the Irish has been heavily commented on in Ireland and abroad. Alcohol is part of Irish national identity. Abroad many view Ireland as the Emerald Isle full of Leprechauns and Guinness. The Leprechauns may be a fictional element of our national identity; alcohol however maintains a very real and dominant presence. Alcohol remains a topical issue and dominant stereotypes of the drunken Irish prevail in many places. But this relationship between the Irish and alcohol has also impacted on constructions of masculinity in Ireland. Going to the pub was and is a common practice for Irish men; however, the pub no longer remains a male dominated space as it once was. The way in which a man drinks alcohol is often significant in terms of their masculinity. Being able to hold ones drink or to drink large amounts may be associated with male strength and hardness (Canaan, 1996). But the purpose of consuming alcohol was not limited to achieving a certain status; it was also as illustrated by Inglis (1998) an emotional analgesic. 15

According to Inglis (1998: 245) ‘what made male community life in Ireland different

was not so much that they drank more, but the way they drank’. Inglis (1998: 245) suggests that this hard drinking was about the ‘elimination of the self’. This elimination of the self may have been a means of coping with emotion or dealing with difficult situations and highlights another traditional attribute of Irish masculinity, the repression of emotions. According to Cleary (2005: 157) ‘relatively

little is known about male emotion, as it is not a well-researched area, but an implication from existing studies is that male and female emotions may not be so distinct’. Connell (1995: 21) also states that ‘sex differences, on almost every psychological trait measured, are either non-existent or fairly small’. But despite this psychological similarity and common ground between the sexes, it appears men and women deal with emotions very differently. Emotions were not the only thing to be repressed in Ireland; sexuality was repressed by many. Share et al (2007: 274) state that in Ireland’s past, homophobia, or fear of homosexuality was a powerful force ‘in the development of dominant modes of

masculinity and feminity’. This is strikingly evident from the work of O’Donoghue (2005) who examined the ‘role of the body and masculinity in primary teacher

education in Ireland’. O’Donoghue completed a study on the masculinising practices of a single sex primary teacher training college in Ireland during the period of 1928-38. O’Donoghue (2005: 237) discovered that ‘homosexual relationships of any kind were strictly forbidden

and on discovery of such, expulsion [from the college] was the penalty imposed’. While this was a predominately male environment, where men participated in all of their daily activities together, ‘close relationships between men were actively

discouraged’ for fear of homosexual relationships developing (O’Donoghue, 2005: 237). Strict rules were in place to ensure that relationships between men did not form. O’Donoghue’s study clearly highlights the homophobia that existed at that time in Ireland; it also demonstrates how homosexuality did not fit in with constructions of masculinity of the period.

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The fear of homosexuality was so strong and displays of emotion were so out of keeping with normal masculine attributes. Emotional displays were viewed as being feminine or homosexual in nature. Share et al (2007: 276) suggest that in Ireland the ‘disclosure of difficulties was viewed as un-masculine’ and therefore ‘implying

weakness’, this they suggest was ‘associated with feminine or homosexual-type behaviour’. In contemporary Ireland, many of the major issues of public and private debate for the past thirty years or so ‘have related to issues of gender, sexuality and

the family’ (Share et al, 2007: 241). According to Share et al (2007: 266) these discussions around gender and family issues ‘reflect the long term issues of gender

inequality, and the unresolved uncertainties of moving rapidly towards a postmodern society’. As illustrated, much of Ireland’s past constructs of masculinity can be traced back to the landscape, church and national identity. The dominant forms of manual employment in jobs, such as farming, were hugely influential in the shaping of Irish masculinities. Men shaped and were in turn shaped by the land, passing on learned skills and knowledge down through younger generations of men. In addition the societal influence of the Roman Catholic Church on family life, also contributed to the formation of Irish male identities and gender roles. Alcohol and its place within Irish national identity also influenced Irish constructs of masculinity. Alcohol assisted as both a means of eliminating the self and repressing emotion, whilst also serving as a mechanism by which strength and hardness was demonstrated by one’s ability to consume copious amounts. The cultural norm within Ireland of emotional and sexual repression had also a large impact on how men shaped and maintained their masculinity. Men distanced themselves from homosexual and feminine behaviours, attributes and traits. Ireland has gone through some radical change in recent decades. Men no longer share the same relationship they once had with the land; they have replaced the shovel and plough with iPads and smart phones. The influence of the Roman Catholic Church has waned and open societal discourses are taking place about marriage, emotion and sexuality. Family structures have changed, now diverse in their structure and no longer dictated by religious institution. Popular culture is becoming much more influential. New representations of men and new consumer 17

markets are being aggressively advertised and promoted, which are gradually changing and loosening cultural gender norms. In order to fully understand the significance of this shift in gender norms one must examine gender and the social meaning attached to it.

Gender and the Social Meaning of Masculinity ‘Since gender does not exist outside of history and culture, this means that both masculinity and feminity are continuously subject to a process of reinterpretation’ - (Brittan, 2001: 51).

The definition of gender has been the focus of much discussion and debate. Some argue that gender is biological and determined by our physical sex, others suggest it is more to do with emotion and disposition. Gender has become a term that encompasses not only our identity but also our personality (Marshall, 1998). Kaufman (199: 61) states that ‘gender is the central organising category of our

psyches’. The general consensus within the field of sociology is that gender is a social construct perpetuated by societies’ members. According to De Swaan (2001), although sex differences are the same throughout the globe, in some societies these sex differences lead to enormous gender differences. The following seeks to define gender and explore some of the discourses surrounding the concept.

‘Gender is a way in which social practice is ordered’(Connell, 1995: 71)

According to Howard (1989: 178) ‘all societies tend to categorize people by gender’. In addition, the formation of ‘sex based groups’ is due to a range of environmental factors including ‘kinship, residence, and subsistence patterns’ (Howard, 1989: 179). Macionis and Plummer (2012: 392) state that ‘gender refers to the social aspects of

differences and hierarchies between male and female’. In the social world gender is blaringly evident and we are separated in nearly all areas of life between male and female. In Ireland as in other countries beginning at a young age males and females are taught gender norms through their family, education, media and community. 18

Joseph and Black (2012: 488) note how ‘males are pushed to seek out risk, to be

emotionally stoic, physically tough, overtly heterosexual, to reject displays of feminity or fear, and to be successful in the economic sphere’. Much of our daily life is determined by our gender, and it shapes how we think about ourselves and guides our interactions with others. Gender can not only influence our social lives, but also our relationships, our work and our family life. Macionis and Plummer (2012: 392) further clarify that where as a person’s ‘sex can male or

female, gender refers to the social meaning of masculinity and feminity’. These social meanings form gender orders, which in turn ‘shape notions of masculinity and

feminity into power relationships’ (Macionis and Plummer, 2012: 390). Sociologist, Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) noted that gender ‘forms a complementary

set of roles that links men and women together into family units that carry out various functions vital to the operation of society’ (cited in Macionis and Plummer, 2012: 404). Parsons further stipulated that ‘distinctive socialisation teaches the two

sexes their appropriate gender identity and skills needed for adult life’ (Macionis and Plummer, 2012: 404). Although Parson’s functionalist view of gender may still be relevant in many ways, gender now appears to be much more complex than to simply link men and women together to perform ‘functions vital to the operation of

society’. Cleary (2005: 156) suggests that ‘gender as appears increasingly evident from

empirical studies, is performative and not predetermined’. Cleary (2005: 157) further elaborates that ‘boys are taught the importance of concealing emotions and

distress and of keeping their emotional lives and displays distinct from female emotional expression’. This would suggest the process of socialisation is hugely influential in the determinedness of gender differences. Although gender is a complex concept it may be understood as a combination of biological sex differences and socialization processes that occur in an individual’s family life, education, peer groupings and community (Marshall, 1998). In order to arrive at an understanding of masculinity and to fully operationalize this research project, one must next examine some of the traditional attributes associated with the male gender. 19

Traditional Gender Attributes of Masculinity - Male Role and Patriarchy

‘Men’s options have not changed along with changes that have occurred for women; men are stuck in the same traditional gender roles as providers, protectors and competitors for women’s attention’ - (Clatterbaugh, 1997: 79).

Giddens (1986: 115) states that in ‘Western Europe prior to the development of

Capitalism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the family household was generally a productive unit’. Within this productive unit, family members had distinct roles. This is evidenced in societies where there is little or very simple technology. In such societies its members have little control over biological forces; this subsequently means that often gender roles are determined by physicality. The physically strong carry out certain roles, whilst those physically less able complete other functions within the family unit or social group. Resulting in unequal social relationships, where those physically strong often using their physical strength to exert dominance over the weak. Physical distinction between the sexes, led to the division of labour, which has been a major factor in determining relations between men and women (De Swaan, 2001). In technologically basic societies, generally men’s greater physical strength determined their male role. Women’s common experience of pregnancy significantly influenced and determined their gender role within social units. Pregnancy and the nursing of infants were ‘impediments’ experienced by women according to De Swaan (2001: 51). However, advances in technology have given members of society greater freedom and choices about gender roles. Technology has diminished the need for strength to carry out physical tasks and contraception has given women control over pregnancy, freeing up and blurring the boundaries between contemporary gender roles. Despite these technological advancements and change, the old stereotype of men needing to be strong remains evident (Connell 1995, Clatterbaugh 1997, Peberdy 2010, Cleary 2012).

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For Connell (1995: 24) gender roles or indeed sex roles are a ‘general set of

expectations’ that are attached or attributed to one’s sex. Gender roles influence relationships between members of society and determine the ways in which we present ourselves and interact with others. For Goffman (1959), social interactions are theatrical performances where men and women are actors who have assumed specific gender roles. Relationships between men and women are often shaped by the expectations that accompany these gender roles. Goffman used the terms ‘performance’ and ‘actors’ in which to describe how social interactions function. Goffman (1959: 26) defined a performance as ‘the activity of a

given participant on a given occasion which serves to influence in any way any of the other participants’. Participants or actors in turn perform based ‘on the principle that any individual who possesses certain social characteristics has a moral right to expect that others will value and treat him in an appropriate way’ (Goffman, 1959: 24). Therefore being male or female brings with it an assumption that one will be treated appropriately based on these gender roles. For Goffman (1959: 37) when actors assume established roles, such as the male role, ‘usually he finds that a particular

front has already been established for it’. One might suggest an example of established male role or ‘front’ is the paradigm of patriarchy.

‘The authority of manhood, therefore, is not a mantle that descends by right, but most of all against the poverty of man’s emotional training, but most of all against other men’ - (Miles: 1991: 121).

Weber (1968: 346) defined patriarchy as a ‘situation where, within a group, which is

usually organised on both economic and kinship basis, as a household, authority is exercised by a particular individual who is designated by a definite rule of inheritance’. Traditionally men occupied this authoritative position, given that historically rules of inheritance in Western countries followed the passing of family estates down to the eldest son. Weber (1968: 346) also stipulated that the ‘authority of the patriarch carries strict obligations to obedience only within his own

house hold’. Connell (1998: 41) provides a simple definition of patriarchy as a ‘system of gender domination’. Macionis and Plummer (2012: 394) elaborate by 21

adding, patriarchy is ‘(literally, ‘the rule of fathers’) a form of social organisation in

which men dominate, oppress and exploit women’. Others according to Marshall (1998: 395) define patriarchy simply as ‘the problem of men’. Patriarchy has been a huge influencer in the shaping and construction of masculinities. Patriarchy has determined and dominated many societal structures (including the family); creating hierarchies that influence and shape constructs of masculinity. Traditionally men have assumed authority within the family unit, and as Weber (1968) highlights they expected obedience from those within the household. This has contributed to masculinity being associated with attributes of authority, dominance and power (especially within the family unit). But Connell (1995: 80) also implies that patriarchy is not necessarily a societal cancer among all men, as many men are able to draw from it without being authoritative or dominant in a harmful way towards others; ‘a great many men who draw the patriarchal dividend also respect their wives and mothers, are never violent towards women, do their accustomed share of the housework, bring home the family wage, and can easily convince themselves that feminists must be braburning extremists’.

Hegemonic and Subordinate Masculinity

‘All societies have cultural accounts of gender, but not all have the

concept of masculinity’ - (Connell, 1995: 67)

Marshall (1998: 395) defines masculinity as ‘the characteristics of, and appropriate

to, the male sex’. But according to others masculinity is much more complex than this. Many correctly identify that there is no one single form masculinity. As Kaufman (1999: 60) points out there are ‘hegemonic and subordinate forms of

masculinity’. Connell (1995: 29) states that masculinity is not ‘just an idea in the head or a personal identity’ it is much more multifaceted than this. Connell (1995: 29) suggests masculinity is ‘extended in the world, merged in organised social

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situations’. Additionally for Connell masculinity does not exist without contrast to femininity, it is only through comparison with femininity that we may classify what is regarded as masculine or not.

‘Masculinity…is simultaneously a place in gender relations, the practices through which men and women engage that place in gender, and the effects of these practices in bodily experience, personality and culture’ - (Connell, 1995: 71)

According to Connell (2005: 11) masculinity is in fact a set of ‘constructions within a

gender order’ and these gender orders are ‘neither simple nor static’. Masculinity and indeed feminity may be interpreted, according to Connell (1995: 24) as ‘internalised sex roles’ which are ‘the products of social learning’. Macionis and Plummer (2012: 390) state that ‘what it means to be masculine or feminine differs

across cultures and history’, furthermore ‘cultural meanings about what is considered masculine and feminine, and what is not, vary from one society to another and from one historical period to another’. Connell (2005) suggests that constructions of masculinity are influenced by a number of factors. In particular Connell (2005: 24) stipulates that ‘the interplay of gender

relations with other structures of social difference and inequality means that the construction of masculinity has different starting points in different lives’. However, Connell (2005) believes that adolescence is a key period in which ‘existing

masculinities are appropriated and inhibited’. During this period sexual experience and fatherhood are extremely important according to Connell. For many young adolescent men sexual experience is ‘often a source of pride, and a claim to

masculine honour’ (Connell, 2005: 14). In addition, fatherhood has a significant role in the prevailing definitions of adult masculinity; Connell (2005: 17) suggests that ‘many youth look forward to fatherhood as an important part of their future’. It is during the period of adolescence that the young male negotiates between the constructs of masculinity deciding whether to appropriate or reject old patterns of masculinity. These old patterns of masculinity may include elements of patriarchy.

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Connell (1995) identifies the particular link between patriarchy and masculinity in what she terms as ‘hegemonic masculinity’. Hegemonic masculinity is defined by Connell (1995: 77) as ‘the configuration of gender practice which embodies the

currently accepted answer to the problem of legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women’. This does not mean according to Connell (1995) that the most prominent bearers of hegemonic masculinity are always those considered the most powerful, they may alternatively be exemplars or notable popular figures. Based on Connell’s ideas one might suggest therefore that hegemony relates to forms of masculinity that are culturally dominant and considered the social norm. These dominant forms of masculinity become the bench mark of masculinity that certain members in society may aspire to, assimilate or to which others may become subordinate or complicit. This in turn suggests that hegemony is entwined within internal gender roles and Connell (1995: 80) would suggest that ‘the interplay of

gender with other structures such as class and race creates further relationships between masculinities’. For Whitehead (2002: 90) the concept of hegemonic masculinity ‘achieves what

patriarchy fails to achieve’ as he stipulates ‘it offers a nuanced account of the processes and rationalities of feminity-masculinity and male power while staying loyal to the notions of gender and sexual ideology, and male dominance’. Whitehead is, however, critical of the concept of hegemony, believing as a concept it is flawed. But despite this conceptual flaw he is resigned that hegemonic masculinity will ‘always be with us’ (2002: 94). Whitehead believes that the ‘fundamental

inconsistency in the term hegemonic masculinity is that, while it attempts to recognize difference and resistance, its primary underpinning is the notion of a fixed (male) structure’ (Whitehead, 2002: 94). Whitehead (2002: 94) further suggests that ‘what appears a subordinated masculinity in one site always has the potential to

be a hegemonic masculinity in another’. In summary masculinity is varied and multifaceted, however, dominant or hegemonic masculinity is ever present in society. Masculinity is a set of constructions, to which men build upon or deconstruct in the formation of their own masculine identity. In keeping with the theme of construction, Kaufman (1999: 65) points out that ‘in more 24

concrete terms the acquisition of hegemonic (and most subordinate) masculinities is a process’ but this process of ‘manhood’ comes with a cost. Kaufman believes that this process of acquisition involves not only the suppression of emotions and needs but also the elimination of characteristics associated with femininity such as nurturing, receptivity, empathy and compassion. For Kaufman, masculinity is linked and entwined with both power and pain. Kaufman believes that men feel the need to perform and stay in control and that this is an integral part of being masculine. Kaufman (1999: 65) states that ‘we [men] are

supposed to conquer, to be on top of things, and call the shots. We have to tough it out, and achieve. Meanwhile we learn to beat back our feelings, hide our emotions, and supress our needs’. Kaufman succinctly captures the essence of what being a man and being masculine supposedly entails; being strong, suppressing emotions and achieving. These attributes are omnipresent in hegemonic masculinity and while as Kaufman (1999) suggests most men cannot measure up to this cultural ideal, this ideal none the less remains a very dominant and real presence in men’s lives.

Self-Identity and Masculinity ‘All perceptible differences between people are socially formed: that is to say, within each society a certain significance and certain expectations will be attached to them, and these will help determine their impact’ - (De Swaan, 2001: 34).

Constructions of masculinity are intrinsically linked to the formation and development of self-identity. One’s gender is a key component of one’s self-identity. But selfidentity is not an isolated entity existing solely within an individual. According to Habermas (1996: 196) ‘the identity of the individual and that of the collective are

interdependent; they form and maintain themselves together’. Therefore Habermas (1996) suggests that no man or woman can maintain their identity by themselves. Self-identity begins in early childhood and according to Habermas (1996: 228) the growing child eventually ‘gives up its early identity which are tied to familial roles, in

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favour of more and more abstract identities secured finally in the institutions and traditions of the political community’. Habermas (1996: 229) believes that the ‘collective identity’ of a particular group or society has an instrumental role in securing ‘continuity and recognisability’ of identities (in this case masculinity). One might deduce that constructs of masculinity within a society are defined by and perpetuated by that given society. The social environment according to Habermas affords experiences and exchanges that shape and mould one’s personal life-world and sub sequentially one’s self-identity. Social environments and the experiences they present men with are hugely influential in the formation of masculine identities. Habermas (1996: 229) stipulates that this social environment and ‘collective identity’ therefore ‘regulates the membership of

individuals in the society’. Self-identity is linked to self-image and to the concept of masculinity; indeed attributes of masculinity form part of one’s self-image. Shibutani (1962: 214) states that ‘self-images are specific and differ from one context to another’. Additionally, Shibutani (1962: 215) suggests that an individual can identify themselves as a particular human being which is ‘characterized by a distinctive set of attributes’. One might characterise one’s self by attributes that may be masculine or feminine. In this regard a man’s assumptions of himself and how others view him, in terms of his masculinity or lack thereof can determine his interaction with the world. Shibutani (1962: 215) believed that ‘the things that a man does voluntarily, and in some cases

even involuntarily, depend on the assumptions he makes about the kind of person he is and about the way in which he fits into the scheme of things in the world’. One’s self-identity and self-image (of which our constructs of masculinity or feminity are a part of) are instrumental in our ability to act within wide variety of situations and environments. Shibutani (1962) would suggest that once we are clear about our self-identity / self-image this allows us to act with consistency and stability in our families, communities and society in general. But a ‘man’s sense of identity also

arises from the continuity of his experiences in time’ (Shibutani, 1962: 217).

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For Shibutani (1962) a man’s construct of masculinity is determined and shaped by his experiences in life. These experiences are limited to the degree in which a man can exert control over. The ability to recognise his limitations and that which he has control over provides him with consistency in his environment. In turn this consistency reinforces his self-conception and provides a man with a manner in which ‘he can locate himself within the patterned activities of the groups in which he

participates’ (Shibutani, 1962: 220). But a man’s conception of himself is not only determined by his environment and experiences but more significantly by his body. According to Shibutani (1962) a man’s body and physical appearance is the premise upon which he acts, finds social status and cultivates his own idiosyncrasies. Habermas and Shibutani suggest one’s self-identity and self-image are intrinsically linked to one’s environment and the social groupings in which one participates. As previously discussed social environments, structures and groupings have gone through significant change in recent times, especially in Ireland. These societal changes according to some are a contributing factor in the emerging ‘crisis of

masculinity’.

The Crisis of Masculinity: tensions between traditional and emerging constructs ‘To receive initiation truly means to expand sideways into the glory of oaks, mountains, glaciers, horses, lions, grasses, waterfalls, deer. We need extravagance. Whatever shuts a human being away from the waterfall and the tiger will kill him’ - (Bly, 1999: 55)

For the majority of us, men and women alike we have indeed removed ourselves from the waterfall and the tiger in most of our daily life. In turn we have surrounded ourselves not with oaks, mountains and glaciers but with forests of multimedia filled with popular culture. According to Marshall (1998) popular culture offers us a window into mass consciousness. Macionis and Plummer (2012: 155) define popular culture as ‘cultural patterns that are widespread among a society’s population’. For some popular culture is the antagonist which undermines the stability of masculine

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identities. Ging (2005: 30) states that many theorists suggest that ‘mainstream

media are increasingly involved in contemporary societies ‘troubling’ or problematisation of masculinity’. Within popular culture one can find numerous examples of constructs of masculinity. Never has popular culture been so omnipresent and pervasive as it exists today. Modern technology provides a vehicle for industry to saturate us with imagery and messages on a daily basis that reaffirm and reinforce patterns within popular culture. Within this saturation one can find numerous masculinities. These constructs are often hyper-masculinities. Examples described by Peberdy (2010: 233) as ‘hard’ or

‘soft masculinity’. These may include the macho man or the wimp, the wild man or the suave sophisticado, the male chauvinist or the metro-sexual sensitive type. Examples of these various forms of masculinity can be found throughout numerous genres of popular culture; including film, literature, music and television. Young men are bombarded through the broad array of media technologies available to them. Images are streamed and downloaded through television, computer games and online media and social networking websites; constantly presenting and reinforcing young people with cultural norms and stereotypes of what it is to be a man. The male characters within film, music videos, advertisements and games provide fictitious role models, to which young men can relate, aspire to or indeed reject. None-the-less despite the range of masculinities commonly depicted within popular culture, hegemonic forms of masculinity dominate (de Visser, 2009). These dominant or hegemonic masculinities are the measuring post to which many men compare their own masculine identities (de Visser, 2009). But despite the presence of hegemonic masculinity within many forms of popular culture, many suggest that masculinities are in crisis (Frosh et al, 2002). One such commentator, Bly (1999) notes a perceived feminisation of society in which men have become emasculated. This view is not shared by Kaufman (1999) who feels rather that the problem is not that men have become emasculated but that the norm has become for men to repress emotions, needs and possibilities. None-the-less Bly in his book Iron John A

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Book about Men (1999) presents a number of interesting arguments and ideas that warrant further discussion with regard to the crisis of contemporary masculinity. For Bly masculinity has been blurred, diluted and softened; not just by popular culture but due to changes in societal structures. According to Bly (1999: 3) ‘young

men …wanted their harder women, and women began to desire softer men. It seemed like a nice arrangement for a while…but it isn’t working out’. Essentially Bly’s argument is that men have forgotten their ‘wild man energy’ (1999: 8) and in turn have lost the process of initiation, which he believes serves a hugely significant purpose in the formation of young masculinities. According to Bly (1999: 15) ‘ancient societies believed that a boy becomes a man only through ritual and effort’ but these rituals do not take place anymore. Bly (1999: 15) stipulates that it is only through ‘active intervention by the older men’ that the transition between boy hood and man hood takes place. Bly (1999: 23) believes that in modern society older men are not doing their job, this is compounded by popular culture and contemporary television, which are perpetuating images of men that attacks ‘masculine integrity’. Bly (1999: 23) advocates for a return to images of ‘positive male energy’ and ‘healthful male power’. Bly observes that family structures have changed greatly in recent times and that many young men are growing up in homes without a father figure. This absence of the father figure or older man, results in boys and young men being ‘introduced

primarily by the mother to feeling’, which results in the young male learning ‘the female attitude towards masculinity’ and in turn taking a female view ‘of his own masculinity’. For Bly, the changing nature in men’s work has had a significant impact on relationships among fathers and sons; and subsequently on the construction of masculinities. According to Bly (1999: 94) ‘only one hundred and forty years have

passed since the factory work began in earnest in the West, and we see in each generation poorer bonding between father and son, with catastrophic results’. Bly describes how boys and young men, no longer see their fathers work; these fathers are a living force detached from the home, which the son or daughter doesn’t fully know. According to Bly, the father they know is a man that is touchy and numb,

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tired and exhausted who returns home from a long day at the office. This type of father, Bly (1999: 97-8) believes is ‘remote’ and can be damaging to both young males and females, as the child receives ‘only temperament and no teaching’. According to Bly (1999: 98) this leads to the ‘demons of suspicion who have invaded

the psyches of young men’, resulting in dysfunction between father and son; and an inability by young men to form positive and strong masculine identities. Bly’s work Iron John (1999) in which he presents these ideas provides an interesting perspective on the challenges young men face in the formation of their masculine identity. But Bly is not without criticism and many dispel his mytho-poetic writings. However, whatever challenges young men face in this process of acquiring their masculinity; the role that popular culture has in perpetuating dominant hegemonic masculinity cannot surely be dismissed. Yet despite the numerous other masculinities presented within popular culture there appears to be a dichotomy. Although popular culture may present us with new masculinities and new masculine social norms, where men are depicted through film or television as being more nurturing and in touch with their emotion, the reality appears to be quite different.

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Summary

Much of the above cited work provides a strong theoretical frame work for the exploration of constructs of masculinity among young Irish men. A brief historical account of the construction of Irish masculinity provides social context and reference for this study. Literature strongly indicates that masculinity is socially constructed and intrinsically linked to a man’s self -identity. In addition, traditional attributes of masculinity are deeply positioned within the concept of hegemonic masculinity. But hegemonic masculinity does not imply total control, nor according to Connell (1995) necessarily automatic or guaranteed among men. True masculinity according to Connell (1998) is often thought of as proceeding from men’s bodies but is not limited to this. Others such as Habermas (1996) have suggested that masculinity as part of one’s self-identity is habituated through culture, societal systems and through one’s life world. This review has also illustrated that popular culture often provides the measuring stick for evaluating one’s own masculine identity, as it typifies societal norms, and reflects the consciousness of the masses.

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Chapter 3 – Studying Masculinity: Methodology

Introduction

‘Methods are not ends in themselves, and we should always remember that we are using analytic perspectives and techniques in order to make discoveries and generate interpretations of the social worlds we investigate’ - (Coffey and Atkinson, 1996: 154)

This chapter describes and provides rationale for the methodological approach undertaken for this research project. Throughout this chapter and in subsequent chapters the young men who partook in the research have been referred to as participant’s or research participants. I have chosen to use this terminology as it is in keeping with the language used in youth work (the field in which I work) and reflects the voluntary participatory nature of both this research project and youth work in general. This chapter will outline the research questions that underpinned the project. Justification will be provided for the methodological approach undertaken. This will be accompanied by an outline of the research variables pertaining to operationalization of the project. Furthermore a description of the sample population will be provided with criteria utilized for inclusion in the research. Method of data collection will be described and rationale for this method provided. Finally the method of data analysis will be outlined in detail, providing specific details on process of data analysis and the response rate of participants. This will be followed by a summary of the chapter.

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Research Question: This research project aims to explore the concept of masculinity with young Irish men between the ages of 18 – 23 years. In particular the study aims to examine young Irish men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity and establish whether these traditional attributes are evidenced among this cohort.

The objectives of this study are: 1. To explore the concept of masculinity with young men between the ages of 18-23 years; 2. Explore the factors which have influenced these young men’s constructs of masculinity; 3. Examine these young men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity such as strength, performance and emotional repression.

Justification of Methodology ‘Asking questions and getting answers is much harder task than it may seem at first’ - (Fontana and Frey, 1994: 361)

This research project has been designed on the model of a snap shot qualitative study utilising semi-structured interviews as the primary method of data collection. According to Flick (2009: 137), this research design ‘allows one to run pragmatically

focused studies, which are interested in describing the state of affairs in a field’. The decision to conduct this type of research project was made based on a number of pertinent factors. This research project aimed to explore contemporary views on masculinity among young Irish men between the ages of 18-23 years. In order to achieve this it was important to get young men talking about masculinity and sharing their views and opinions. Therefore an interview provides ideal opportunity to facilitate such discussion. Fontana and Frey (1994: 361) state than an interview is one of the most powerful tools ‘we use to try to understand our fellow human beings’. In addition, a research strategy employing qualitative methods, such as semi-structured interviews, allows for an ‘emphasis on words rather than quantification in the collection and 33

analysis of data’ (Bryman, 2004: 266). I chose to employ semi-structured interviews as the primary method of data collection as I did not believe that quantitative methods would prove sufficiently useful given my research questions. This decision was further supported by the type of data I wished to collect. I was not interested in measuring young men’s masculinity but rather what influenced their construction and maintaining of such identities. Essentially this study is concerned with young men’s personal views and ideas on masculinity and being able to describe and analyse these. This research endeavours to create a narrative on masculinity based on the words and thoughts of the young men who participated in the study. This study seeks to determine some of the influences on young masculine constructs and establish whether traditional attributes play a dominant role in contemporary constructs of masculinity. In order to uncover and explore these research questions, a qualitative strategy which allowed for what Geertz (1973) would have described as thick description seemed most apt. A qualitative interview as Bryman (2004: 319) states allows for ‘flexibility’ and provides a mechanism for uncovering and exploring an ‘interviewee’s point of view’ and this was at the heart of my research questions. Bryman (2004: 320) believes that qualitative interviewing ‘gives insight into what the interviewee sees as relevant and

important’ and this was essential in exploring my specific research questions.

Definition and Operationalizing of Variables

This small scale research project sought to explore three key research questions (see above). In order to achieve this, a topic guide was developed for the collection of data using open ended questions. These questions were carefully constructed and designed in cognisance of the following variables. Firstly, the project sought to explore the concept of masculinity with young Irish men. For the purposes of the data collection process within this study I have drawn upon the following definition of masculinity by Krienert (2003) ‘a socially constructed set of meanings, values and

practices that come together to form differing levels of behaviour that men work to

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project’. This definition is succinct and simple, whilst retaining the essence of noteworthy definitions by Connell (1993 &1995) and others provided in the review of literature. In addition Kaufman’s (1999) suggestions of masculine attributes are extremely useful as indicators of masculinity, these include; men needing to perform, being strong, staying in control, being on top of things, achieving, hiding emotions and not showing pain. I have also drawn from attributes of masculinity often depicted in popular culture as indicators of masculinity, including; hyper-musculature, being hairy, sporty, hard or tough, confident and promiscuous. This study sought to establish what influenced the young men’s construction of their masculine identity. To achieve this young men were asked to reflect on what they thought influences how we become men. They were also asked who may have influenced them when they were younger, specifically if they had a male role model. Participants were then asked to describe their role model in detail. Questions relating to possible influences from popular culture were also explored (see topic guide – appendix 2). This study sought to examine young men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity, such as strength, performance and emotional repression. Questions were constructed to elicit the views and opinions of the research participants on such attributes. Strength within the context of masculinity may be considered to be a man having physical strength, having strength of character and being strong willed. Performance in this context is in reference to a man’s ability to perform certain tasks, such as; carry out work, achieve in work, provide for his family, offer safety and protection to his family. Emotional repression may be thought of as, stoicism and the maintaining of what is commonly alluded to as the male ‘front’ i.e. bravado, machismo and not crying or showing vulnerability / weakness. Indications of traditional attributes of masculinity being evident might be determined by the young men providing their views and opinions on whether, for example, men should be responsible for the family and home, men being the ‘bread winner’ or primary provider of family income. As Connell (1995: 90) states that ‘masculinity

has come to be associated with being a breadwinner’ and questions relating to such were used in the interviews. Advocating women having to stay at home, have

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children and care for the family might also be considered evidence of traditional views on gender roles. Other strong indicators of traditional attributes being evident are the participant’s views on male bravado and machismo being essential for males. Additionally, whether the research participants thought men needed to be strong or hide their feelings might also be considered indicators of traditional views on masculinity. Evidence of emerging attributes might include the young men sharing the view that men should express emotions. acknowledge vulnerability and weakness. Additionally emerging attributes might include being sensitive towards others, being gentle and having compassion for others.

Sample / Population ‘Sampling in qualitative research is concerned with the richness of information’ - (Kuzel, 1992 cited in O’Reilly and Parker, 2012: 192).

Purposive sampling was the sampling method used for this research project. According to Oliver (2006), this a form of ‘non-probability sampling’ where choices concerning the research subjects are taken by the researcher based upon a variety of criteria. For the purposes of this study I was interested in young contemporary views on masculinity. Therefore the population I chose to focus on for this research project were young Irish men between the ages of 18-23 years. This particular cohort was chosen as their construct of masculinity is relatively newly formed or in some cases possibly still forming. Given the small scale of this research project additional criteria for inclusion in this research project were used, as it was felt that it would be best if the research participants were not too dissimilar. This would allow for greater credibility and transferability of data attained. The additional criteria included that research participants were not attending a third level college or university, and where possible came from a similar geographic and socio-economic background. I utilized my position as a youth worker to make contact with other youth workers within my own organisation (Catholic Youth Care / Cross Care) to act as gatekeepers to access such participants. This was done with full organisational consent and 36

support. These youth worker gate keepers were informed of my criteria for inclusion in the research and they then identified possible candidates within their youth groups and clubs. Possible candidates were told about my research project and informed that if they wished to take part to let their respective youth worker know. In total seven young men came forward to volunteer to take part in the research, and interviews where arranged at youth / community centres at a time convenient for the participants. However, two of these participants never presented for interviews that were scheduled. In total five young men participated in the research project. All of whom are engaged in some form of youth work programme and all between the ages of 18 to 23 years. All of the participants are from the same geographic catchment and all fitting the criteria mentioned above.

Method of Data Collection

‘The kind of research method used, then, does not provide the defining characteristic of qualitative data. It is the nature of the data produced that is the crucial issue’ - (Denscombe, 2007: 286).

This small scale study sought to explore the research participant’s subjective views on the concept of masculinity and traditional masculine attributes. Thus a qualitative research design was completed. This was the most appropriate method of data collection given qualitative research is primarily concerned with analysing subjective meanings behind social issues, events or practices by collecting data which is often non-standardized as opposed to numbers and statistics generated through quantitative methods (Flick, 2009). This research project utilised the collection of verbal data from research participants through semi-structured interviews. Data collected through this qualitative method was then analysed and interpreted in order to establish findings based on the research questions outlined above. Data was collected between late May and early June of 2013.

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Research Instruments Semi structured interviews were utilised in this research project as research instruments. Semi-structured interviews as Bryman (2004: 321) states follow a ‘list

of questions’ also known as a topic guide. Due to the flexibility of this research method, the research participant then has a greater amount of freedom in how they answer these questions; in addition, the researcher has similar freedom in following up on points of interest raised by the interviewee. This style of interviewing allows for the interviewer to follow up and probe where necessary to encourage and elicit responses from research participants. It was necessary that the interview schedule or topic guide was designed with careful use of language, as Fontana and Frey (1994: 371) caution that this is important for creating a ‘sharedness of meanings’ in which both interviewer and respondent have a common understanding; and to ensure the fostering of a relaxed atmosphere where rapport can be established. The duration of the interviews ranged from twelve to thirty eight minutes. To record the interviews an electronic audio recorder was used. This allowed for the transcription of the interviews at a later time. The researcher also made notes after each interview, recording observations and critical reflections on how the interview was carried out. These notes informed subsequent interviews and also provided valuable material for reflection during the data analysis process. Research instruments utilized in this project as mentioned above included an interview topic guide (see appendix 2), which consisted of twelve primary questions. These questions were carefully devised, refined and developed to ensure they were accessible to the research participants, whilst remaining relevant and valid research instruments. For example, primary questions ranged from ‘What does being a man

mean to you?’ to ‘How do you think a man should act?’ Some of these primary questions also had a sub questions or prompts to assist in eliciting responses. These sub questions and prompts were extremely useful during the interviews, particularly in situations where the research participants required clarification or where they initially provided monosyllabic responses to the primary questions. The process of operationalization within a qualitative research methodology is difficult especially when drawing variables from a construct such as masculinity. The 38

topic guide was developed for the purposes of guiding and directing the interviews, ensuring flow of conversation and ensuring standardisation and validity by maintaining similar process and parameters in each interview. Topic guides are particularly useful as Flick (2009: 154) suggests they allow for greater ‘depth (obtained by probing)’ and assist in ‘guaranteeing the range’ of data collected. Designing an accessible topic guide was a difficult task and despite the accessibility of the language used and simplicity of the questions asked, some participant’s required additional clarification and examples when trying to understand the questions being asked of them. In addition further probing was often necessary as some participants were not as forth coming in their responses. This may have been due to a number of factors including; nervousness of the participant, the personalities of the participants, the questions being asked and the context in which the conversations were taking place. The interview style was informal and conversational with an emphasis on listening. Open questioning was the primary style of questioning, putting emphasis on drawing out the views and opinions of the research participants. It was a difficult task formulating a topic guide that would elicit responses from young men around a concept that they may not have consciously explored themselves. This was evident from the reaction of the participants to some of the research questions; one participant quite succinctly put it by saying ‘that’s a tough question. No one has ever

asked me that before, ever!’ (IN3, Rick: 21-22). Episodic interviewing techniques which, according to Flick (2009: 184), ‘yield

context-related presentations in the form of a narrative’ may have proved very useful given my research questions. However, due to time constraints and limitations on the scale of this project, this was not a viable option for this study. In addition this interview technique may have required greater level of introduction to the research for participants or more rapport between researcher and participants. However, if this research project were to be expanded or continued at some point, this method could then be utilized and explored.

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Method of Data Analysis ‘Data are there to think with and to think about’ (Coffey and Atkinson, 1996: 153)

According to Denscombe (2007: 287) ‘the analysis of qualitative data is based upon

four guiding principles’ which are rooted in inductive logic. These guiding principles were utilized throughout this research process. The first of these principles according to Denscombe (2007: 287) is that ‘the analysis of the data and the

conclusions drawn from the research should be firmly rooted in the data’. With this in mind careful examination of the transcribed interviews were completed. The second principle states that the ‘researcher’s explanation of the data should emerge

from careful and meticulous reading of the data’ (Denscombe, 2007: 287). The transcripts were read numerous times to identify codes, ensure that relevant data was not missed and to identify emerging themes. It was only through the re-reading of the transcripts and field notes that commonalities begin to appear and implied meanings contained within the participants responses emerge. The third principle cautions the researcher to ‘avoid introducing unwarranted preconceptions in to the

data’ (Denscombe, 2007: 287). This principle reinforces the necessity for objectivity when examining the data. Finally the fourth principle followed by the researcher outlines that the analysis of the ‘data should involve an iterative process’ (Denscombe, 2007: 288). Denscombe (2007: 288) also suggests there are five stages involved in the analysis of qualitative data, in ‘logical order: preparation of the data; familiarity with the

data; interpreting the data; verifying the data; and representing the data’. The data was initially prepared through the process of transcription. Denscombe (2007: 289) highlights the importance of the data being collated in a way that ‘that

allows researchers’ notes and comments to be added along-side at a later stage’. Once this was achieved the transcripts were read and re-read numerous times to ensure familiarity. The process of verifying the data was ensured by careful and meticulous transcription of the interviews and then re-reading the transcripts whilst simultaneously listening to the interview recordings.

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For the purposes of the interpretation I initially used open descriptive coding to disentangle and segment the data into single words, short sequences and phrases (Flick, 2009 and Taylor & Gibbs, 2010). Strauss and Corbin (1998: 101) define open coding as ‘the analytic process through which concepts are identified and their

properties and dimensions are discovered in data’. During open coding data are broken down into succinct parts and then closely examined. This allows for the researcher to identify similarities and differences (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). This coding process also allows for ‘data reduction’ which is essential given the volume of data produced from five semi-structured interviews (David and Sutton, 2004: 203). I also used axial coding which may be defined as ‘the process of relating categories

to their subcategories, termed ‘axial’ because coding occurs around the axis of a category, linking categories at the level of properties and dimensions’ (Strauss and Corbin, 1998: 123). More simply it might be thought of a sequence of steps or procedures where data are reassembled or reordered in new ways by making connections between categories. This was achieved by formulating visual charts, network diagrammes (David and Sutton, 2004); and coding lists to link codes and develop an overall hierarchy of codes. Once this process of coding had been completed it allowed for the interpretation of the data to occur. Throughout the process of coding and analysing the data; a combination of examining the transcripts and relevant literature was employed. This moving back and forth between the data and relevant literature assisted in the development of a thematic analysis. Finally in order to remain as close as possible to the intended meanings participants attached to their responses verbatim quotes have been used throughout.

Response Rate Overall the response rate was high and as to be expected some participants had more to say than others. Most participants answered all of the questions asked of them; however, some required additional clarification and the use of prompts from the topic guide. Only two participants did not answer all questions, both of these participants answered eleven out of the twelve questions asked; choosing to skip one question each. The other three participants answered all of the questions asked of 41

them.

Interestingly three of the five participants had difficulty with the first

question ‘what does being a man mean to you?’ Despite the simplicity of the question, it borders on the abstract and may explain why some respondents had difficulty forming answers. Other questions that provided notable difficulty included ‘Can you name a man that best represents men today?’ and ‘Do you think men share

a lot in common?’ Participant’s difficulties with these questions may have been due to the fact that they are not questions they previously neither encountered nor thought about. Prompts were used for both of these questions, with mixed level of success in eliciting response.

Ethical Considerations This study was given much ethical consideration. As my research subjects are adults and the nature of the research was not in any way invasive or intrusive, there were no major ethical issues inhibiting the study. Ethical exemption was sought from the School of Sociology, University College Dublin. There were a number of considerations that were observed to ensure good research practice. Although I am a qualified youth worker and I have regular access to potential research subjects, I was conscious that it would be ethically unsound to use young people who I am currently working with for the purposes of this project. Such young people might feel obliged to participate and it might compromise my working relationship with these young people. So with this in mind I sourced participants from outside of my catchment work area. I relied on other youth workers within my organisation to act as gatekeepers in sourcing participants for this research project. I attained full ethical consent and permission from my organisation to utilise my work contacts to recruit research participants. As with all of my work with young people, I adhered at all times to my organisations Code of Good Youth Work Practice whilst conducting the data collection. It was essential that participation in the research was voluntary. This was ensured by youth workers acting as gate keepers and requesting that those interested in participating expressing their interest rather than suitable candidates being identified

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and sub sequentially targeted or encouraged to participate. Participants were given a cooling off period to think about their participation in the research and this provided them an opportunity to change their mind about participation. Data collection took place in rooms within youth / community centres. Permission was sought for the interviews to take place within these settings and respective centre managers were aware of and consented to the research being undertaken on these premises. All participants were informed their anonymity and privacy would be fully respected. Participants were thanked for volunteering their time and for participating in the study. A letter of consent (see appendix 1) was presented to participants to read and sign, indicting their consent to the interview and also consent to the interview being recorded for the purposes of transcription. Participants were informed that the recordings would only be used for the purposes of transcription and once the research project was completed these recordings would be permanently erased. Finally all participants were again assured of anonymity, the data has since been fully anonymised and pseudonyms have been used throughout this project.

Summary In this chapter I have outlined the methodological approach undertaken for this research project. I have provided justification for this methodological approach and have provided my rationale for each of stages of the research process. I have defined and outlined the research variables, described the sample population and provided criteria for inclusion in the research. In addition, I have provided a detailed account of how I collected, collated, coded and analysed the data drawing upon reputable academic sources of research methods and analysis as guidelines for good methodological research practice. The following chapter will outline in detail my research findings.

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Chapter 4 – Discussions with Young Men: Findings

Introduction to Findings This chapter contains the findings drawn from the analysis of the data collected during interviews. All of the data has been anonymised. A description of the research participants has been provided. Findings have been presented under the three research objectives which directed this study. In addition emerging themes have been used to structure and guide the presentation of the research findings.

Description of Research Participants Interviewee 1: Ed is a 20 year old male, who has recently become a father. Ed is an early school leaver, who is currently unemployed and has had some contact with the Garda Juvenile Liaison system. Ed is currently engaged in a youth work programme and is hoping to train as a car mechanic. Interviewee 2: Conn is 21 years of age, also a young father and is unemployed. Conn is also an early school leaver and has a number of convictions for driving offences. He is currently engaged in a youth work programme. Conn also hopes to train to become a mechanic. Interviewee 3: Rick is 19 years of age and at the time of interview was repeating his Leaving Certificate. Rick is engaged in youth work programmes and hopes to attend third level education. Interviewee 4: Kevin is 21 years of age and currently works part-time in two jobs, one of which is in a pub. Kevin has not attended third level education but has been engaged in youth work programmes for a number of years. Interviewee 5: Neil is 20 years of age and has recently become a father. Neil is currently engaged in an equestrian training programme. Neil was an early school leaver and has had contact with the Garda Juvenile Liaison system. 44

Exploring the concept of masculinity with young men

Exploring the concept of masculinity with the young men who participated in this study was an interesting undertaking. Their concept of masculinity was very much based on traditional models of the male role. Although participants recognised the diversity of masculine constructs, their own view was conservative. Four dominant themes emerged out of discussions with these young men. Firstly and very strongly was the sense that masculinity was intrinsically linked to work, responsibility and duty. Given participants had a mean age of 20 years I found this to be a surprising finding but may be reflective of the fact that three participants had recently become fathers. Interestingly these young fathers had much clearer and definitive concept of masculinity. The second theme that emerged from discussions centred on performance and family. Participants had distinct views on masculine behaviours and this was linked to a man’s ability to provide. Male environments and activities was the third theme that emerged from discussions. Participants spoke in relation to activities such as hunting and boxing. However, although recognising that these activities were associated with men, participants stated they were not exclusively male activities. The final theme which was linked to male environments was the relationship between men and the pub. Alcohol featured strongly in discussions, although participants expressed that many men used alcohol for a multitude of purposes, participants conceded that issues with alcohol were not limited to men. These findings will be discussed in greater depth below.

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Masculinity (Work, Responsibility and Duty) ‘To young men I have but three words of counsel: work, work and

work’ - (Bismarck cited in Miles, 1991: 121)

The prevailing theme that emerged from exploring the concept of masculinity with the research participants was that, masculinity for them was about responsibility and duty to others; indicating the influence of established male role. Expectation was also a prominent theme and participants felt a strong level of expectation by others, . Physical status or prowess was not as prominent as one might have initially expected, however, one of the participants Neil did state that masculinity was about being ‘hairy’ and ‘bigger and stronger than women’ (IN5: 7). For Ed, masculinity was about being able to occupy space, in his own words it’s about ‘being able to

walk around’ (IN1: 10-11). For Ed masculinity was also about ‘responsibilities … It means…have a good job,

provide for your family’ (IN1: 6). Neil stated that it was about being ‘responsible … the way a man should be’ (IN5: 57). Similar sentiments were echoed by Conn stating masculinity was ‘doing like what every other man does’ (IN2: 8). Both Neil’s and Conn’s comments suggesting the influence of dominant hegemonic ideals and prevailing cultural expectations of men. Masculinity for the participants also hinged on a man working and what emerged strongly from the interviews was how much a man is defined by his ability to work and subsequently provide for himself and his family. Conn stated that ‘he’s a proper

man if he can get out and do something like’ (IN2: 72). For Neil there was a clear distinction between men’s work and women’s work, stating that ‘you [the man] have

to do all the hard work, harder jobs’ (IN5: 9); this he believed was because ‘there is no one else to do it … it’s not like women can do it’ (IN5, Neil: 21). For Rick being a man was about protecting and looking out for others, which he implicitly stated; ‘you should always seek to help other people’ (IN3: 558-9). For Rick, caring for your family and providing for them was also significant in being a man, ‘If you have a family that’s your family to love, to take care of, raise and be

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part of till the day you die’ (IN3: 265-6). For Ed, work and family were also significant indicators of masculinity ‘have a job and have a house, have a good nice

house … nice family… it’s the way it should be’ (IN1: 181). Based on the discussions with the research participants their masculine identity appears to be constructed and maintained by their ability to carry out work. A man’s work according to these young men is major determinant of male identity. Work was also significant in enabling men to provide for a family.

Masculinity for these young

men was constructed from traditional ideals and views; these young men expressed that being a male included protecting and looking out for others.

This protecting

male role was strongly linked to male performance and family, which will be discussed in greater detail below.

Performance & Family ‘He has to carve out a career and through it make his mark on the world; he has to provide, year in, year out, for those he calls his own’ - (Miles, 1991: 121)

Performance featured quite strongly in the interviews and manifested in the guise of behaving a certain way but also achieving success and status in order to provide for a family. For Conn, men should act ‘sensibly … and not like children’ (IN2: 48-50) demonstrating that for him there is a clear distinction between boy-hood and manhood and there is a strong expectation for men to differentiate themselves from childish behaviours. This expectation of men being serious for Conn was also coupled with ‘get up in the morning, find a job, go to work, support your family’ (IN2: 10), again reiterating the importance of work performance and materially providing for your family. Conn believed that men should ‘work hard’, they should be ‘a normal husband like, gets up does his share, does his work … comes back’ (IN2: 108). Ed also echoed some of Conn’s ideas on performance. Ed believed that men should act ‘more mature, not walking around, like, shouting their mouths off’ (IN1: 43). But also hugely significant for Ed’s construct of masculinity was having a ‘good income’ 47

and being able to provide for a family and achieve the ‘good house … nice car’ (IN1: 10-36). But Ed acknowledged that this may not always be attainable for a man and that the only way a man can feel in this position ‘is like, he’s done his best. Do your

best, that’s it. Can’t knock someone for not …’ (IN1, Ed: 59-60). Rick very strongly expressed the importance of attaining success and as he put it achieving ‘self-actualisation’ (IN3: 382). Rick stated that men ‘want to be the best

they can be in life, they want to die happy knowing they couldn’t have tried any more’ (IN3: 384-5). Kevin’s perspective on performance was different from the other participants and what emerged from his interview was that he felt there was no one way a man should act. In terms of providing for a family Kevin did have an opinion which he formed based on his experiences and exposure to other men in the pub environment where he works. However, his view on this topic was not dissimilar to the other participants. Kevin recounts how the men in the pub spend ‘all their

money up against the pub’ (IN4: 243-4), which to him is wasteful. This wasting of money and failure to provide for the family to him is abhorrent and his cynicism towards such men was strongly expressed. Performance according to Neil was very much related to a man’s ability to retain control over oneself and be the better man in difficult situations. Neil believed that Irish men should be more relaxed and retain control when provoked. Giving the example that if a man were to ‘get something off someone [abuse, jibes or taunts]

like, he’d be able to take it without like fucking cracking them’ (IN5: 175-6). Neil did not express any particular need for men to financially provide for his family. He did recognise that men’s behaviour towards women was often unacceptable. Neil believed that men often take advantage of women and that this was a male behaviour that needed to change. These young men had definite views on male performance. These views appeared to be formulated based on prevailing cultural expectations of men. Expectations centred on specific behaviours and achievements. Male performance for these participants required behaviours including; maturity, sensibility and control. These behaviours formed part of their male self-image. Participants expressed the significance of achieving and success as intrinsic elements of male performance. A

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significant indicator of success for these young men was the ability to provide for a family and attain material status. In their discussions on masculinity and male performance, these young men identified specific environments and activities that they considered predominantly male.

Male Environments & Male Activities Male environments and male activities arose from discussions around what men shared in common. Although male environments and activities arose from such discussion they did not feature as strongly as other themes. However a strong link emerged between men and alcohol / the pub, which will be discussed in more detail under finding 1.4. Two participants Ed and Neil had a clear sense of activities that belonged within the male domain. For these two participants hunting and boxing were activities that were definitively masculine. Although Ed conceded boxing was not exclusively a masculine activity and that many women were accomplished within this sport. According to Ed and Neil hunting did not share this level of accessibility for women and remained an exclusively male activity. This was clearly articulated by Ed stating that hunting was definitely ‘a man’s sport’ and something men might share in common (IN1: 184).

Grooming was an activity that came up in the discussion with

Neil that men might share in common. Neil suggested that men should groom but that this should be functional and ‘not go to the lines that gay people do’ (IN5: 2134). Indicating that for Neil there was a clear line between gay and straight men, straight men groom to become clean, according to Neil, where gay men groom to ‘pamper themselves’ (IN5: 209). Jobs were identified as activities that men shared in common. These jobs were described as the ‘harder jobs’ (IN5, Neil: 9) and included ‘building’ and other such ‘manly jobs’ (IN5, Neil; 70). For Ed men’s activities included ‘go out the back and

clean the dogs’ or ‘do things around the house [DIY]’. Conn also identified similar commonalities among men; those being ‘work in a garage together, go to the pub,

associate with each other’ (IN2: 117).

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These young men identified a number of male activities that in their opinion supported the construction and maintenance of masculine identities. These activities were limited and participants conceded that although men shared a number of activities these were not exclusively male activities. It was the commonality of sharing male company that was the masculine element. This sharing male company or associating with other men was considered a male activity in itself. Alcohol and the pub also featured strongly in discussions with the research participants. These discussions will be explored in greater detail below.

Alcohol and the Pub The pub presented strongly as a male space and alcohol featured significantly throughout the interviews. However, it was acknowledged by participants that the problematic consumption of alcohol was not confined to men alone, and that a man did not have to drink or go to the pub to achieve masculine status. However, the participants did acknowledge that many men do use alcohol to achieve masculine status. Alcohol in their opinion presented a mechanism for facilitating a shared experience among men. This sharing of the consumption of alcohol was an opportunity to display and assert one another’s masculine status. One of the research participants, Kevin, had a lot to say about alcohol and the pub. Much of this was due to him working in a bar. This is an extract of Kevin’s comments: ‘I work in a pub and everyman in the bar is the same … they are in there same hours, same days, every day, seven days a week and they do the same things’ (IN4, Kevin: 227-30). ‘They go for a smoke every half an hour, they have a pint every half an hour, they spend every single bit of money they have in the bar and then they go home and then come back the next morning’ (IN4, Kevin: 232-3). ‘Half them are lonely. Cause they have no one, cause they spend all their money up against the pub’ (IN4, Kevin: 243-4).

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Kevin clearly has had a lot of exposure to this environment and to the men that share this space. There was a strong sense of disapproval in addition to pity in Kevin’s observations of these men. What became clear from Kevin’s observations was that these men shared not only the pub as a space; they shared common behaviours and patterns. However, Kevin wasn’t alone in his identifying the link between men and alcohol. Rick spelled it out clearly ‘we encourage alcohol’ and ‘we’re seen as a stronger

person if you could maintain yourself under 25 pints of Guinness’ (IN3, Rick: 43848). Rick also drew attention to the bravado that often accompanies men and alcohol consumption ‘they think they are great … then to boast about it …LOCKED!’ (IN3: 456-465). Neil drew attention to a more sinister relationship between men and alcohol; the link between alcohol and violence. Men’s violence towards women according to Neil often is exacerbated by alcohol - ‘it all comes down to the drink as

well … like when they [men] get a few drinks in, they might end popping [hitting] women a few’ (IN5, Neil: 234). Alcohol was a prominent theme in discussions with these young men and they all acknowledged the harm that alcohol can have on individuals and families. Alcohol according to the participants was a substance that offered men an opportunity to display hard masculine status. Participants drew attention to the ways in which men use alcohol to affirm strength, control and power. Alcohol as identified by these young men is a vehicle for men to assert their masculinity.

Exploring influences on the young men’s constructs of masculinity Emerging from discussions in relation to influences on the young men’s constructs of masculinity were distinct themes in relation to role models and dominant hegemonic ideals. Participants had a strong sense of what was expected of men but had difficulty identifying where this expectation originated. Four of the five participants acknowledged the influence of a male family member in the construction of their masculine identity. Participants acknowledged the influence of media but expressed that it was not a dominant influencer. However, media presented participants with 51

images and representations of men that reinforced constructs of hegemonic masculinity and although participants expressed that media was not a major influencer it did appear to have a greater impact than they acknowledged. During discussion participants articulated their exposure to depictions of men including; hard men, macho men, muscular men and so on. These finding are discussed in greater detail below.

Role Models & Influences Whilst exploring the concept of masculinity, participants were invited to reflect on what influenced the shaping of their own masculine identities, this was done by asking the participants about possible male role models. Four of the participants suggested a role model had influenced their perception of masculinity. However, one participant Kevin couldn’t identify any male role model in his life. Kevin’s father died when he was quite young and his only male relative was an uncle whom he did not get on with. For the other participants the role model was a male family member who they acknowledged as having a strong influence on them. For Conn it was his father who he said was ‘always working … he supports everyone

in the house … if you need anything, he got it’ (IN2: 31-35). Rick acknowledged the role of his parents ‘the likes of parents they teach you who you are’ (IN3: 31). But interestingly for Rick it was his grandfather who was the primary masculine influence, which he articulated by saying ‘it’s kind of a bit ironic because I looked up

to him as a person, like his way of life (laughs) wasn’t the best way of life’ (IN3, Rick: 56-57). An interesting finding emerged from the four participants who acknowledged a male role model was a similarity in the role models dispositions. All of the four participants indicted that their role model was someone who showed interest in them, spent time with them and provided boundaries. These men were gentle but simultaneously had hardness to them. This duality of hard and soft traits featured in the four significant male role models. In Rick’s words ‘he [his grandfather] was very

hard and stern in ways … gentle as anything but just don’t mess with him’ (IN3: 7152

78). Neil’s role model was his uncle who although spent lots of time with him and shared in various activities also had this hardness ‘well if I pissed him off like, he

wouldn’t think anything about like shouting at me or anything’ (IN5, Neil: 49). This duality within these male role models raises a number of interesting questions particularly in relation to what Peberdy (2010: 233) describes as ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ masculinity and the balance between the two. Family members were significant influencers in the construction of masculine identities for the majority of the young men who participated in this study. But what also appeared strongly in discussions of influences on masculinity was their awareness of cultural and societal expectations of men. These expectations stemmed from pervasive hegemonic ideals.

Hegemonic Masculinity I was interested in exploring if the participants were aware of dominant cultural ideals of masculinity and how these ideals influenced them. I explored this through a number of questions which covered; media representations of men and male celebrities. For Ed, men on television are represented as ‘plucky…they walk around

all brazen like …thinking they own the place’ (IN1: 107-108). These images obviously conveyed messages suggesting male bravado and machismo. Ed was also aware of dominant images or representations of the male body stating that many men on television or in film are ‘big and bulky’ (IN1:117) and Neil described them as ‘muscly … always muscly like’ (IN5: 117). Conn was not as aware of media representations of men and according to him had little exposure to television and other media sources. But Conn did seem to be influenced by dominant cultural ideals; these ideals may have permeated through his family, community, friends or indeed other means. For Conn having to work and provide was an expectation that had to be fulfilled, he stated ‘We have to like. We

have no choice really like. Well we have a choice but everybody else does it and we are supposed to do it’ (IN2, Conn: 23-24).

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Kevin was also very aware of dominant male ideals and he expressed in the following way ‘well like … if a girl gets scared she is going to cry and hide behind the man’ (IN4: 21). This statement echoes the stereotype of men being the protector and shielding others from harm. When asked how men are depicted on television, Kevin responded in the following way ‘Eastenders … Phil Mitchell … big man’ (IN4: 169). But Kevin’s exposure to depictions of men was not limited to this example. Kevin spoken at some length on this topic and also gave the example of ‘look at Marge

Simpson, she doesn’t even work but Homer does, but he’s a piss head and he pisses every bit of money they get up against the wall’ (IN4: 178-9). These depictions for Kevin had negative connotations; both depictions of men that he provided were in negative contexts but Kevin acknowledged that these representations were neither accurate nor fair. For Rick, his example of depictions of men in film was of a ‘macho figure’ who ‘is

perceived as this forefront of like male testosterone, he’s this big, takes no crap, no nothing’ (IN3, Rick: 200-1). Interestingly both Kevin and Rick although aware of dominant stereotypes of masculinity were also aware that they did not conform to these. Rick stated it simply by saying ‘like I know all that stereotype but I am not

one of them’ (IN3: 106-107) and Kyle iterated similar sentiments ‘I don’t know whether that makes me any less of a man. I don’t know like’ (IN4, Kevin: 368). Although all of the participants demonstrated an awareness of hegemonic masculinity and dominant cultural ideals of masculinity depicted through media. Four of the five did not feel that popular culture was a significant influencer in the formation of their own masculine identities most conceding that their family and communities were more of an influence. Rick believed that family were much more of an influence than popular culture, stating ‘as children growing up who eventually

develop into men, they would see parents and take a lot from their parents, like me personally I would take a lot of values from my parents’ (IN4: 43-4). What emerged from these discussions was the prominence of imagery that reinforced hegemonic ideals of masculinity. These young men experienced a saturation of imagery that perpetuated images of tough muscly machismo notions of men. Although the participants acknowledged that these were not real men in the

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everyday sense, they never-the-less appeared to measure themselves against these representations.

Examining young men’s views of traditional attributes of masculinity

Tensions emerged in discussions in relation to traditional attributes of masculinity. Participants expressed many views on traditional attributes that were contradictory. Traditional attributes where no longer necessary in contemporary constructs of masculinity according to the research participants. Participants expressed that there is less pressure on men needing to be strong; however, displaying emotion is still considered a sign of weakness and is avoided according to participants. Participants expressed the view that men should disassociate themselves from violence, however, violence was condoned and views as necessary for defence and when protecting one’s family. Participants expressed clear views in relation to financial provision and work. Consensus among participants included equal opportunity for women in relation to work and the acceptability of sharing of responsibility for financial provision. The following paragraphs provide greater detail.

Strength Strength was a traditional attribute that participants felt was not necessary in their construction of masculinity. Participants associated being strong with physical strength and participants conceded that this was not essential in being a man. This view may be reflective of the urban environs these young men originate or the emerging attributes of masculinity manifesting. Had the participants been from a rural setting where traditional variants of men’s work are still evident this finding may have differed. The majority of participants expressed that men did not have to be strong, however, for Rick he believed they did. This need for strength was intrinsic to one’s ability to offer protection to one’s family. Rick stated that ‘I think they need to be strong in

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situations like …when women are in danger or even themselves are threatened’ (IN3, Rick: 150-1). Strength therefore was necessary for defence. But Rick expressed that strength was often very much a façade ‘I think a lot of people put up a front of

strength’ (IN3: 168). Kevin had similar views on strength and stated that ‘well obviously there are times when everyone needs to be strong like but there are times when you just can’t be strong’ (IN4: 143-4). Alternatively for Neil strength or the façade of strength was necessary in his construction of masculinity. Neil’s concept of strength was linked to emotional stoicism. Discussion with Neil on this topic highlighted a palpable fear of being labelled ‘a little sissy’ or ‘soft boy’ (IN5: 103) should a man show weakness or emotions. Although participants expressed that physical strength was not a necessary attribute in their construction of masculinity, for some participants the façade of strength was. This façade or front was necessary to maintain their masculine status. The need for strength to defend oneself and one’s family featured strongly.

Violence & Defence ‘For men are ‘the death sex’ in another way too; not only the main perpetrators of violence but its chief victims’ (Miles, 1991: 8)

Violence has often been considered a traditional attribute of masculinity. However, violence it emerged was an attribute that was frowned upon by the participants. Some participants identified Irish men as often being violent, as Ed put it ‘there’s a

lot of Irish men out there that are rowdy like’ (IN1: 224-5) and Neil acknowledged that men ‘should be less aggressive with women’ (IN5: 218). Neil also acknowledged that ‘some men are just like ARRGGGG! Like all pumped up … all

rowdy’ (IN5: 137). All participants acknowledged that being violent was not acceptable nor a necessary trait for men, Conn summarised this consensus stating that violence among men was a ‘bad thing’ (IN2: 153). However, what did emerge was the acceptability of 56

violence if it is in defence or to protect others. Ed was very clear about this and believed that violence was necessary ‘when they are defending themselves … they

have to defend themselves’ (IN1, Ed: 53). Ed reiterated this statement whilst exploring the topic ‘defend yourself and protect you and your family’ (IN1: 56). Rick also shared this view and protecting others featured very strongly in his construct of masculinity. Rick said that ‘it should be a natural response for men, you should

always protect your family’ (IN3: 330-1). Rick also stated that ‘I believe men are protector of people in general’ (IN3: 17) and that ‘it’s a natural sense for a man to be a protector of women’ (IN3, Rick: 144-145). The need to protect and defend was very strongly expressed by the participants and featured prominently in their construct of masculinity. But this need to protect was not limited to others, what emerged through discussions was the need to protect against emotional disclosure.

Emotional Repression Emotional repression featured very strongly throughout the interviews and demonstrated that stoicism is alive and well among these participants. Questions within the interviews explored how men might be perceived when showing vulnerability or weakness. For Ed, emotional displays or showing vulnerability would be akin to ‘making a fool out of themselves’ (IN1: 86). Ed believed that it was important for men not to ‘let other people see them putting themselves down.

Always keep yourself up, keep your head up. Do your best.’ (IN1: 93-94). Conn was of similar mind set and stressed the importance when in difficulty of trying ‘to sort it

out yourself, try working it out’ (IN2, Conn: 95) which suggested a real reluctance on his part to seek help or to disclose when in difficulty. In addition, he felt that ‘it’s up

to him if he is going to sort it out or if he is going to sulk about it’ (IN2, Conn: 99). Again demonstrating that for Conn, stoicism among men is an acceptable way of managing emotional difficulty.

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Rick was not as clear in his opinion of displays vulnerability and emotion. Rick expressed that as a men we display ‘this hard front on you’ (IN3: 170-1) and he stated that ‘we’ve all held up the guard for years but then there’s is always little

things that would just knock you down’ (IN3: 186-7). Although acknowledging that there were times when a man might be knocked down, Rick was still at odds about emotional displays even in such circumstances; ‘it’s ok to, not to cry but its ok to be

just … put down that guard sometimes’ (IN3, Rick: 184). Suggesting a strong reluctance on his part to display emotion. Kevin had no major objection to displays of vulnerability or emotion, but for Neil it was quite the opposite. Neil expressed quite strongly that ‘men don’t really cry …

like women would cry more’ (IN5: 84-5). For Neil a man who openly displayed vulnerability or emotional weakness would be targeted by other men. Neil believed that in such circumstances a man displaying vulnerability or emotions would be viewed by others as ‘a little sissy ... a soft boy’ and that ‘they’ll be made a show of’ (IN5: 103-5). There was a strong feeling from Neil’s interview that showing emotion or vulnerability would bring about shame and condemnation from peers. ‘Like just thinking like, like “ah I don’t want to let them see me cry like” or like “I’m a man” and they are just saying like “what the fuck – a man crying!” Like a grown man like! – (IN5, Neil: 100-1)

Emotional repression was strongly apparent among this group and emotional displays were linked to weakness. Despite such traditionally masculine views and practices in relation to emotional display and help seeking, participants simultaneously expressed contemporary masculine views. Evidence of emerging contemporary masculinities was demonstrated in relation to women’s role within the home and equality within the workforce.

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Equality ‘Masculinity has always been essentially a contract between men and men. As sub-contractors, however, women were vital to the scheme of things’ - (Miles, 1991: 9)

The final theme that emerged from the interviews was a very strong consensus regarding equality, indicating that although many men draw from the patriarchal dividend this was not evidenced among these young men. All of the participants very strongly acknowledged women’s strengths, abilities and their capability to provide for a family. They expressed that men did not have authority over women; and that men and women shared responsibility for the family and home in their view. In addition, equality for work was strongly acknowledged by the participants; ‘the

woman can like as well …if she has a job …and you have a part time job and take turns’ (IN2, Conn: 59-60). Rick further elaborated ‘there’s no; she stays home and does the work, the cooking and the cleaning and he goes out to work and comes home and gets his dinner’ (IN3: 118-119). Neil also discussed equal status stating ‘women are capable of doing things like that

men are’, he also discussed role reversal highlighting men who he described as ‘house fathers’ (IN5: 68-80). Ed also acknowledged women’s equal right to work but still believed that when it came to providing for the family it ‘should be the man’ (IN1: 70). Despite Ed’s traditional outlook, he still conceded that ‘women can do

what men can do’ highlighting the success of recent Irish Olympian Katie Taylor ‘look at what she is after becoming … you know what I mean … she’s like … bate half the men out there!’ (IN1: 200-3). Kevin also discussed equal access to work stating ‘everyone has the right to work’ and drew attention to the success of a woman he knew who was the owner of a successful company. These interviews demonstrate that fluidity does appear to exist among this cohort between notions of masculinity and femininity particularly in relation to sex roles within the household and in relation to employment.

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Summary These young men although at times had difficulty in articulating and expressing their views; demonstrated clarity and certainty in their construct of masculinity. Their concept of masculinity was very much based on traditional models and although participants recognised the diversity of masculine constructs, their own view was quite conservative. Three of the young men had recently become fathers and for them their concept of masculinity was more defined and traditional than the other participants. Masculinity as a concept was flexible and diverse for these young men. Reflecting the work of Connell (2005), their construct of masculinity was neither simple nor static. It was a complex concept that they had not consciously given much consideration, yet had clear distinction between what was considered masculine and feminine. Their construct appeared to be formulated with a combination of traditional and contemporary views. Prominent influences in these young men’s formulation of their masculine identity included family and male role models. Media influences were acknowledged but not given much weight by participants. However, exposure to media representations of men and hegemonic masculinity appeared high. All of the participants demonstrated an awareness of culturally normative male ideals, whether they conformed to these or not. Some traditional attributes featured very evidently among these young men. Most notably was the need to perform in a manner in keeping with hegemonic ideals. Additionally performance within the arena of work was a significant indicator of masculinity for these young men. To provide for and maintain a family home was a significant responsibility men should bare according to majority of participants. Maintaining a front or façade of strength was considered necessary in the young men’s construct of masculinity. This was linked to the repression of emotional displays and the avoidance of acknowledging vulnerability.

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Chapter 5 – Theorising Masculinity: Discussion

‘To be an adult male is to distinctly occupy space, to have a physical presence in the world’ - Connell (1995: 57)

Irish masculinity has distinctive features that have been shaped by Irish men’s longstanding relationship with the land, influences of the Roman Catholic Church and a distinct sense of national identity. Irish men of the past were typically traditional in outlook, with conservative views reflective of their society and culture. However, this study suggests that constructs of masculinity as demonstrated by others, such as, Connell (2005) are neither simple nor static. The young men who participated in this study recognised diversity of masculine constructs. Their concept of masculinity was formulated based on a combination of traditional and contemporary views. Interestingly for the majority of participants their concept of masculinity was heavily influenced by traditional attributes and established cultural gender norms. Conceptually masculinity was flexible for these young men. A certain level of boundary blurring around certain issues became evident through discussions. This degree of conceptual flexibility was demonstrated through the complexity and fluidity of their notions of masculinity, which were dependent on given topics or issues. According to Brittan (2001) masculinity as a concept is continuously changing and being reinterpreted, this study supports that hypothesis. Connell (2005) postulates that contemporary constructs of masculinity are diverse and notions of masculinity and femininity are fluid and indeterminate. The constructs of masculinity evident in this study appear to be going through a process of redefinition but as previously mentioned are heavily influenced by traditional models and cultural norms. Young men in this study appear open to change and willing to adopt new notions of gender norms. Emerging constructs of masculinity are in evidence, with new attitudes in

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relation the role of men within the family having being demonstrated. Additionally recognition of women’s equality and liberation featured in this emerging construct.

The participants in this study demonstrated an awareness of a general set of gender expectations. Despite the indication of emerging constructs and apparent flexibility mentioned above, participants presented clear and distinct views on what they considered masculine and feminine. This extended to certain behaviours, attributes and actions. These gender expectations of masculinity in keeping with the work of Cleary (2005) were performative. Expectation stemmed from cultural and societal norms, which participants felt obliged to meet. This obligation to meet societal and cultural norms; highlights Habermas (1996) theory of the reciprocal relationship between individual and collective identities; each maintaining and reinforcing the other. Participants used these collective expectations as a measure in the construction and maintaining of their individual masculine identity.

The young men’s ability to meet

these expectations not only impacted on their masculinity but also their self-image. Participants identified distinct behaviours attributable to men and positioned themselves according to these. These behaviours included acting responsibly, displaying maturity and being serious. Male attributes esteemed by participants included; self-control, being protective of one’s family, looking out for others and maintaining the male front. Participants expressed views on actions specific to men, including; their ability to carry out work, provide for a family, associate with other men, occupy space and achieve success. Masculinity as demonstrated by the views of participants is performative and intrinsically linked to a man’s ability to carry out specific functions. These performative functions are traditional and in keeping with cultural norms. As suggested by Miles (1991: 121) and as demonstrated by the young men in this study, work ‘is a prime site of adult manhood significance’. A man’s identity and masculine construct appears to be significantly influenced by the work he can carry out.

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These young men although not stuck in traditional gender roles as Clatterbaugh (1997) suggests many men are; certainly appear significantly impacted by some. The expectation by the participants of having to act as providers and protectors was strongly evident. These young men expressed their experiences of having to meet with these expectations. Most notable expectation was the need to perform. The participant’s notions of performance included their ability to work, occupy space and displaying a male front adhering to culturally normative notions of men. The young men who participated in this study expressed the need to be successful in the economic sphere. Providing for a family was significant in these young men’s construct of masculinity. The need to repress emotion, hide vulnerability and maintain a façade of strength was also evident among this cohort. Emotional displays were to be avoided and considered by participants as signs of weakness within the male community. These findings support the work of others, such as, Cleary (2012), Joseph and Black (2012) and Olstead and Bischoping (2012); all of whom suggest that displaying emotions or conceding vulnerability is not in keeping with normative masculine ideals. Although media often presents men being more in tune with their feelings and being emotionally expressive, the reality of young men appears to be quite the opposite. Media influences were acknowledged but not given much weight by participants. Exposure to representations of men and hegemonic masculinity appeared high. However, the young men in this study had a palpable fear of displaying emotion and demonstrated a reluctance to seek help when in difficulty. Masculinity it appears from the constructs evident in this study require men to suppress their emotions, placing them in a position of risk and danger of greater distress. ‘It is a tragic reality of all western cultures, however, that young men are now those who are most at risk’ (Miles, 1991: 11).

Masculinity conceptualised using Goffman’s (1959) terminology may be described as a performance. This performance according to the young men in this study included the need to maintain a male front. This front was essential in the representation of 63

oneself and the maintenance of hegemonic status. As previously mentioned participants demonstrated an awareness of media portrayals of men. These portraits reinforced and perpetuated ideals of hegemonic masculinity. Although the young men acknowledged these media representations, the young men affirmed that these were neither necessarily real nor fair depictions of men. However, these representations were problematic in that the young men still used these depictions as unrealistic measuring posts, supporting the work of Ging (2005) who highlighted the media’s involvement in problematisation of contemporary masculinity.

Shibutani (1961) states that distinctive sets of patterned activities reinforce selfconcept; this was evident among the young men in this study. Participants provided numerous examples of sets that reinforced their masculine identity. The consumption of alcohol as a patterned activity featured highly in the discussions with these young men. The research participants identified the pub as a male environment and reiterating the work of Inglis (1998) who suggested Irish men drink in distinctive ways. Participants identified that many men drink to validate their masculinity, using alcohol to demonstrate hardness, deal with emotions and escape reality. Bly (1991) has highlighted the decline in the intervention of older men with young males and their lack of input in formation of young masculinities. However, the majority of participants in this small scale study identified a significant older male relative whom they acknowledged as an influencer in their masculine construct. These older men although not carrying out initiation in the sense that Bly (1991) suggests are necessary, still proved significant influence in the construction of younger masculinities. This study illustrated that older men have a significant role in the construction of younger masculinities, as male role models were significant influencers for the young men in this study. The participant’s male role model’s shared a duality in their masculinity which supports Peberdy’s (2010) descriptions of hard and soft masculinity. These older men often simultaneously displayed hard and soft masculinity. Their strength, sternness and ability to provide boundaries; yet at the same time offer affection and 64

caring were a combination that proved a significant influence on these young men. Dualities of hard and soft male characteristics appear conducive in providing constructive male influences. Other prominent influences in these young men’s formulation of their masculine identity included their wider family and hegemonic cultural norms.

Concluding Thoughts Masculinity as indicated by existing literature and this small scale study is a complex concept that is dependent on cultural norms, the influence of societal structures and the relationship between individual and collective identities. Notions of masculinity change and evolve over time. These notions may be then assimilated, aspired to or rejected. Hegemonic ideals of masculinity are perpetuated and reinforced resulting in men positioning themselves within such ideals or becoming sub-ordinate to. Young men must construct their masculine identities through a process of socialisation. This socialisation involves the learning of specific male behaviours which are reinforced by cultural norms and specific notions of masculinity and feminity. Young men must therefore form their masculinity identity in response to a variety of complex external factors. This research study provides an insight into the construction of young Irish masculine identities. Demonstrating that within the context of this study masculinity is significantly influenced by traditional models but impacted by emerging constructs and new stereotypes. This study has explored and detailed young Irish men’s notion of masculinity. In addition this research has uncovered influences on these young men’s construct of masculinity, whilst also examining young men’s views of traditional masculine attributes. Masculinity it appears from existing academic knowledge and from this research study is in flux. It appears young men are significantly influenced by traditional attributes of masculinity, some of which remain strongly evident. This influence of traditional

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attributes may prove problematic and risky for young men, as they must navigate through new notions of culturally normative masculine behaviours yet impeded by traditional stereotypes which restrict and inhibit them to varying degrees; particularly with regard to emotional repression and help seeking. However, young men appear willing and open to change. It appears that young men are beginning to adopt more flexible notions of masculinity in response societal and cultural change. This flexibility and willingness to change provides hope that future constructs of masculinity will be confident, flexible and resilient; no longer constrained by constrictive and traditional gender norms.

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Franklin, C.W. (1984) The Changing Definition of Masculinity, Plenum Press: New York and London. Frosh, S., Phoenix, A., & Pattman, R (2002) Young Masculinities – Understanding Boys in Contemporary Society, Palgrave: London. Geertz, C. (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays, Basic Books: New York. Giddens, A. (1986) Sociology A Brief but Critical Introduction, Macmillan Press Ltd.: London. Goffman, E. (1959) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1987 Edition), Penguin Books: U.S.A. Habermas, J. (1996) The Habermas Reader (Outhwaite, W., Editor), Polity Press: London. Howard, M. (1989) Contemporary Cultural Anthropology (3rd Edition), Harper Collins Publishers: U.S.A. Inglis, T. (1998) Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in Modern Ireland, Dublin: University College Dublin. Kaufman, M. (1999) Men, Feminism and Men’s Contradictory Experiences of Power, in Kupers, J.A. (Editor) (1999) Men and Power (pp59-83), Fernwood Books: Halifax. Mac An Ghaill, M. (Editor) (1996) Understanding Masculinities – Social Relations and Cultural Arenas, Open University Press: Buckingham and Philadelphia. Macionis, J and Plummer, K. (2012) Sociology A Global Introduction (5th Edition), Prentice Hall Inc.: London. Marshal, G. (Editor) (1998) Dictionary of Sociology, Oxford University Press: Oxford & New York. Mason, J. (1996) Qualitative Researching, Sage Publications: London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. Miles, R. (1991) The Rites of Man – Love, Sex and Death in the Making of the Male, Grafton Books: Great Briton. Punch, Keith F. (2000) Developing Effective Research Proposals, Sage Publications: London. Share, P., Tovey, H., & Corcoran, M. (2007) A Sociology of Ireland, Gill and Macmillian: Dublin.

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Shibutani, T. (1962) Society and Personality An Interactionist Approach to Social Psychology, Prentice-Hall, Inc.: U.S.A. Strauss, A. and Corbin, J. (1998) (2nd Edition) Basics of Qualitative Research – Techniques and Procedures for Developing Grounded Theory, Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks, London & New Delhi. Travers, M. (2001) Qualitative Research Through Case Studies, Sage Publications: London. Walsh, F. (2010) Male Trouble – Masculinity and the Performance of Crisis, Palgrave Macmillan: England. Weber, M. (1968) (Parsons, T. Editor) The Theory of Social and Economic Organisation (5th Edition), The Free Press New York / Collier-Mac Millian Ltd: London. Whitehead, S.M. and Barrett, F.J. (Editors) (2001) The Masculinities Reader, Polity Press: England. Whitehead, S. M. (2002) Men and Masculinities – Key Themes and New Directions, Polity Press: England.

Journal References: Cleary, A. (2005) ‘Editor’s Introduction’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp.5-10. Cleary, A. (2005) ‘Death rather than disclosure: struggling to be a real man’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp.155-176. Cleary, A. (2012) ‘Suicidal action, emotional expression, and the performance of masculinities’, Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 74, 2012, pp. 498-505. Connell, R.W. (1993) ‘The Big Picture: Masculinities in Recent World History’, Theory and Society, Vol. 22 (5), Special Issue: 1993, pp.597-623. Connell, R.W. (2005) ‘Growing up masculine: rethinking the significance of adolescence in the making of masculinities’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp.11-28. Connell, R.W & Messerschmidt J.W. (2005) ‘Hegemonic Masculinity – Rethinking the Concept’, Gender & Society, Vol. 19 No. 6, December 2005, pp. 829-859. De Visser, R. O. (2009) ‘“I’m Not a Very Manly Man” Qualitative Insights into Young Men’s Masculine Subjectivity’, Men and Masculinities, Vol. 11 No. 3, 2009, pp. 367371.

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Ging, D. (2005) ‘A ‘Manual on Masculinity’? The consumption and use of mediated images of masculinity among teenage boys in Ireland’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp. 29-52. Hall, M., Gough, B. & Seymour-Smith (2012) ‘I’m Metro, NOT Gay!: A Discursive Analysis of Men’s Accounts of Makeup Use on YouTube’, The Journal of Men’s Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3, Fall 2012, pp. 209-226. Joseph, L.J & Black, P. (2012) ‘Who’s the Man? Fragile Masculinities, Consumer Masculinities, and the Profiles of Sex Work Clients’, Men & Masculinities, Vol. 15 (5), September 2012, pp.486-506. Ní Laoire, C. (2005) ‘You’re not a man at all! Masculinity, responsibility and staying on the land in contemporary Ireland’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp.94-114. O’Donoghue, D. (2005) ‘Speak and act in a manly fashion: the role of the body in the construction of men and masculinity in primary teacher education in Ireland’, Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. 14 (2), 2005, pp. 231-252. O’ Reilly, M, and Parker, N. (2012) ‘Unsatisfactory Saturation: a critical exploration of the notion of saturated sample sizes in qualitative research’, Qualitative Research, Vol. 13(2), 2012, pp.190-197. Olstead, R. & Bischoping, K. (2012) ‘Men, Masculinities and Constructions of Self in Panic Discourse’, The Journal of Men’s Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3, Fall 2012, pp. 274286. Peberdy, D. (2010) ‘From Wimps to Wild Men: Bipolar Masculinity and the Paradoxical Performances of Tom Cruise’, Men and Masculinities, Vol. 13 (2), 2010, pp. 231 – 254.

Online References: Bates Freed, B & Freed, D. (2012) Aversion to Therapy: Why Won’t Men Get Help?, Pacific Standard Magazine, (Accessed 06/02/2013) URL: http://www.psmag.com/health/why-wont-men-get-help-42910/ Cleary, A (2011) Men in pain find it hard to seek help, Irish Times, (Accessed 07/02/2013) URL: http://www.ucd.ie/sociology/newsevents/news/title,106288,en.html Krienert, J.L. (2005) Masculinity and Crime: A Quantitative Exploration of Messerschmidt’s Hypothesis, Electronic Journal of Sociology, (Accessed: 29/07/2013), URL: http://www.sociology.org/content/vol7.2/01_Krienert.html 70

Oliver, P. (2006) Purposive Sampling, Sage Research Methods, (Accessed: 15/06/2013), Url: http://srmo.sagepub.com/view/the-sage-dictionary-of-socialresearch-methods/n162.xml . Taylor, C. and Gibbs, G.R. (2010) How and what to code, Online QDA Website – source: http://onlineqda.hud.ac.uk/Intro_QDA/how_what_to_code.php (Accessed 13/06/2013). Wainright, R. (2003) Oh, What a World (Song Lyrics), (accessed 24/02/2013) URL: http://www.elyrics.net/read/r/rufus-wainwright-lyrics/oh,-what-a-world-lyrics.html

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Appendix 1

Letter of Consent I am a student in the School of Sociology, University College Dublin, completing a Masters in Sociology. As part of my course I am completing a research project on how men should behave and act and I am looking for participants to take part in a short interview / discussion. Taking part is completely voluntary and all you would have to do take part is answer some questions on how you think men should behave or act. The discussion will involve 10 or so questions, and should take no more than 40 minutes of your time. You will remain completely anonymous; none of your personal details will appear in the project and will not be named as having taken part. If you agree to take part in this research project, please complete the section below (again none of your personal details will be included in the research and you will remain completely anonymous). Your name (in capitals): ____________________________________________________ Your signature: ____________________________________________________ Date:

____________________________________________________

Consent to Audio Recording Would you mind if the discussion is recorded using a digital recorder for the purposes of transcribing. The recording will only be listened to by Clay Darcy, and once the research project has been completed the recording will be permanently deleted. This recording will be treated with the strictest confidentiality and to reiterate you will remain anonymous as none of your personal details will be used in the project. Do you consent to the discussion being recorded:

Yes

No

(Please circle)

Signed: _________________________________________________________ Date:

_________________________________________________________

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Appendix 2

Topic Guide – Clay Darcy 2013 1. What does being a man mean to you? 2. What do you think influences how we become men? 3. What men / man would you have looked up to as a young person? Can you tell me a little about that person, type of a man they are / were? 4. How do you think a man should act? Do you think a man should act in a particular way? 5. Are there any ways you think men shouldn’t act or behave? 6. Do you think men should be responsible for the household i.e. the breadwinner? 7. Do you think men need to be strong? What do you think about men showing they are vulnerable? 8. How do you think men are portrayed on TV or in films? 9. Name a man you think best represents men today? Does John Terry (Footballer) represent men today? Would men look up to him? How about Matthew Riddle (UFC)? How about Russell Brand? 10. Do you think men share a lot in common? What sort of things? 11. Do you think there is one kind of man today or lots / many different kinds of men? Can you give men examples of different kinds? 12. Do you think there is any difference between say Irish men and European men (or even say American men)?

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