A Contemporary Perspective on Irish Masculinity: A qualitative study
Clay Darcy University College Dublin
Introduction: ‘We have t o like, we have no choice really. Well we have a choice but everyone else does it and we are supposed to do it’ (IN2: 23-‐24)
The woman can [work] like as well … if she has a job … and you have a part time job and take turns’ (IN2: 59-‐60).
This study sought to explore the concept of masculinity with young Irish men; examining their views on traditional attributes of masculinity, and influences on their own construct of masculinity. Historically Irish masculinity was rooted in the land, family and work (Ferguson, 2001; Ní Laoire, 2005). Recent social and economical transformations in Irish society have brought about greater diversity in men’s lives (Ferguson, 2001). However traditional notions of masculinity are still in evidence and many Irish men remain reluctant to disclose when in emotional distress and seek help (Cleary, 2005, 2011, 2012). Some masculinity commentaries have drawn attention to men in crisis (Clare, 2000; Joseph & Black, 2012), whilst others suggest masculinities are being reworked and repackaged (Hall et al, 2012). Methodology: A qualitative snap shot study, utilising semi-‐structured interviews with young urban Irish men [N=5] between the ages of 18-‐23 years. Findings: v v v
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Participant’s constructs of masculinity were conservative, and their views on masculinity and the male role were at times contradictory. Common consensus emerged that masculinity is intrinsically linked to duty, responsibility and work. Although the breadwinner role featured prominently, participants expressed they were open to and willing to, share this role with a partner. Participants aware of new gender norms, such as, being a housefather and it being ok for a man to cry. However, participants themselves did not embody these new gender norms. Perceived expectation of others was felt strongly by participants. Masculinity f or these young men is performative. Male violence was frowned upon, except in defensive situations or when protecting others. Older male role models proved significant in participant’s construct of masculinity. Male environments and activities feature prominently in ‘doing’ masculinity. Maintaining the male front was an indicator of strength, and emotional displays repressed due to fear of peer ridicule.
‘I looked up to him’ ‘Provide for your family’ ‘Not to cry’
‘There’s no – she stays home … he goes out to work and comes home and gets his dinner’ (IN3: 118-‐19)
‘he was very hard and stern in ways … gentle as anything but just don’t mess with him’ (IN3: 71-‐8)
‘Protect’
‘I work in a pub and everyman i s the same … they are in there same hours, same days … everyday .. and they do the same things’ (IN4: 227-‐30)
Discussion: Reflecting the work of Connell (1995, 2005) these young men’s construct of masculinity was complex and multifaceted. Heavily influenced by older males and traditional notions of masculinity, participant’s construct of masculinity was conservative and there was little evidence of emerging masculinities other than the willingness to share the breadwinner role and if need dictated be a ‘house father’ (IN5: 68). The findings of this study demonstrate that for these young Irish men, although aware of new male gender norms they did not embody them. Perceived societal and family expectation weighs heavily on these young men. This cohort of young men demonstrated contradictory views on masculinity, and their reluctance to embrace new male gender norms may be attributed to engrained traditional notions of Irish masculinity.
Note: This study was completed in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Sociology (UCD). For more information on this study email
[email protected] or scan the QR code below (BR).
‘House Fathers’
‘Hard front’
‘Doing’ ‘I think they need t be strong in situations like … when women are in danger or even themselves are threatned’ (IN3: 150-‐1) ‘It’s a natural sense for a man to be a protector of women’ (IN3: 144-‐5)
‘Defend ‘doing like what every other man does’ (IN2: 8) ‘he’s a proper man if he can get out and do something like’ (IN2: 72)
‘responsibilities … it means … have a g ood job, provide for your family’ (IN1: 6)
A Contemporary Perspective on Irish Masculinity: A Qualitative Study Clay Darcy University College Dublin
References: Clare, A. (2000) On Men – Masculinity in Crisis, London: Chatto & Windus. Cleary, A. (2005) ‘Death rather than disclosure: struggling to be a real man’, Irish Journal of S ociology, Vol. 14, (2), pp. 155-‐176. Cleary, A. (2011) Men in pain find it hard to seek help, Irish Times, Url: http://www.ucd.ie/sociology/newsevents/news/title,106288,en.html -‐ accessed 07/02/2013. Cleary, A. (2012) ‘Suicidal action, emotional repression, and the performance of masculinities’, Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 74, (2012), pp. 498-‐505. Connell, R.W. (1995) Masculinities, B erkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Connell, R.W. (2005) ‘Growing up masculine: rethinking the significance of adolescence in the making of masculinities’, Irish Journal of S ociology, Vol. 14, (2), pp. 11-‐28. Ferguson, H. (2001) Men and Masculinities in Late-‐modern Ireland, In: Pease, B. and Pringle, K. (Eds.) (2001) A Man’s World? Changing Men’s Practices in a Globalized World, London and N ew York: Zed Books. Hall, M., Gough, B. and Semour-‐Smith (2012) ‘I’m Metro, N OT Gay!: A Discursive Analysis of Men’s Accounts of Makeup Use on YouTube’, The Journal of Men’s Studies, Vol. 20, (3), pp. 209-‐226. Joseph, L.J. and Black, P . (2012) ‘Who’s the Man? Fragile Masculinities, Consumer Masculinities, and the Profiles of Sex W ork Clients’, Men and Masculinities, Vol. 15, (5), pp. 94-‐114. Ní Laoire, C. (2005) ‘You’re not a man at all! Masculinity, responsibility and staying on the land in contemporary Ireland’, Irish Journal of S ociology, Vol. 14, (2), pp. 94-‐114. Email:
[email protected]
