Co-Editor Associate Editors Commissioning Editors Editorial Advisory Board

Commonwealth YOUTH AND DEVELOPMENT Volume 11 No 1 July 2013

Editor Fulufhelo Netswera Department of Research, Unisa

Co-Editor Linda Cornwell Department of Development Studies, Unisa

Associate Editors Prof. M. Vambe Department of English Studies, Unisa Prof. S. Ndlovu Department of Development Studies, Unisa

Commissioning Editors Robyn Broadbent Victoria University Tim Corney University of Melbourne Christal de Saldanha-Stainbank

Editorial Advisory Board Reuben Aggor University of Ghana, Légon Tim Corney Centre for Post-Compulsory Education, University of Melbourne Ken Danns University of Ghana Christal de Saldanha-Stainbank Dawn Goodwin Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology Azimi Hamzah University of Putra Malaysia Johnson Hebe Department of Social Welfare and Development, Papua New Guinea Jonah G. Mboroki University of Nairobi Lincoln Williams University of the West Indies Mantina Mohasi National University of Lesotho

Open Rubric

CONTENTS Volume 11 No 1 July 2013

ARTICLES •

Growing up with normalised violence: Narratives of South African youth

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Resilience in the context of learners and youth raised in grandparent-headed families

Shena Lamb and Lyn Snodgrass ............................................................................................

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V.G. Gasa ................................................................................................................................ •

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The role of soccer and education in the transformation of the South African society

Lebogang Morodi ................................................................................................................... •

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Efficacy of a brief meaning-centred intervention among young people in the Free State, South Africa

Solomon Makola...................................................................................................................... •

Psycho-social needs of children in child-headed households in South Africa

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Narrating the country: A Rhodesian girl child’s account of the colony

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Continuous education – Lifelong learning to professionalise youth work programmes

44

GH van Rensburg, S.P. Human and M.M. Moleki..................................................................

56

A. Rangarirai Musvoto ...........................................................................................................

70

Esther Njiro and Mpho Dichaba ............................................................................................. •

78

The creative visions of Natalia Molebatsi in post-1994 South Africa, in Sardo Dance (2009)

Katy Khan ..............................................................................................................................

87

•

Beyond education for domesticity: Towards an African education for girls

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Reconciliation without justice? Experiences of white and black youths in White Man Black War and Country of my Skull

Nontyatyambo Pearl Dastile ..................................................................................................

Maurice Taonezvi Vambe .......................................................................................................

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS

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GROWING UP WITH NORMALISED VIOLENCE: narratives of South African youth SHENA LAMB AND LYN SNODGRASS

ABSTRACT

Various contemporary South African studies highlight South Africa’s current crisis regarding the high numbers of young men and women who, increasingly, are both the victims and perpetrators of violence in South Africa. Although South Africa’s violent history underlines that neither exposure to violence nor youth criminal violence is new, especially for the poor, marginalised youth in South Africa, of real concern is the continuing prevalence of the socio-economic factors which expose such youth to family violence, community violence and youth gangs. These factors include unchanging apartheid-based structural inequality, poverty and unemployment as well as inadequate schooling. Longstanding economic, racial and gender inequality as well as dysfunctional family dynamics are particularly implicated. Against this backdrop, a significant degree of normalisation of violence is inevitable. While much normalisation of violence results from chronic, socially structured or institutional violence which is often hidden by more direct violence, normalised violence also includes a range of anti-social behaviour, early and regular exposure to violence in the family and community as well as cultural beliefs that legitimise violence. This study explores how the conflict stories of a particular group of young, so-called “at-risk” South African adults reflect this normalisation of violence and the resilience they build up. In addition to questionnaires to obtain a conflict profile of the participants, the study used narrative analysis to probe the deeper meaning of their stories with a view to highlighting the challenges that such young people in South Africa are currently facing. Keywords: youth violence; normalisation of violence; resilience

Introduction and background For the last few decades social scientists have been sounding the alarm regarding the critical nature of youth violence in South Africa. For example, Norman, Matzoupoulos, Groenewald and Bradshaw (2007) note that in 2000 the homicide rate among South

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African males aged 15--29 years was more than nine times the global average and a study by Mathers, Inoue, Guigoz, Lozano and Tomaskovic in 2002 of girls and women, gives the South African rate as more than 60% higher than the 14 per 100 000 record in the African region. Numerous studies (Altbeker 2008; Cooper and Foster 2008; Demombynos and Ozler 2005; Foster 2000; Foster 2012; Graham, Bruce and Perold 2010; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and Dunkle 2009; Seekings and Natrass 2006) have sought to understand the causes of these unreasonably high rates especially since, as Altbeker (2007, 33) stresses, South Africa’s high crime is unique for “its extraordinary violence, with interpersonal violence and the exponential growth in robbery, the principal manifestations of this”. While it seems clear that South Africa’s past history, continuing socio-economic conditions, poverty, unemployment and, especially, inequality (Altbeker 2008; Stiglitz 2012; Wilkinson and Pickett 2009) are all implicated, one factor is especially insidious: the invisibility of violence when it is normalised. When violence is no longer seen as violence, when it masquerades as socially acceptable or even socially encouraged behaviour, it can become dangerously entrenched in everyday life (Galtung 1990, 294). This study of a group of so-called “at-risk” young South African men and women explores how such normalisation of violence is reflected in their worldviews and their personal stories of conflict. After an initial survey of their individual conflict profiles, the study used narrative analysis to explore the everyday manifestations of conflict, violence and resilience in the lives of these young people. The young adults (18--25 years of age) in this study were students of the UmziWethu project1 and classified as “at-risk” or “displaced” youth because of a vulnerability status which could include one or two missing parent(s), no formal income in the family or an abusive home environment.2 The sample consisted of 19 young Xhosa adults, ten females and nine males, all from the Eastern Cape. All the research was conducted on the premises of UmziWethu in Port Elizabeth.

Structural violence in South Africa Direct violence is visible and has traumatic effects, for instance, assault, torture or war while the violence resulting from oppressive social structures is invariably hidden, chronic and institutionalised (Opotow 2000, 404; Jeong 2008, 181). Such structural violence occurs locally, regionally, nationally and internationally as a result of inegalitarian social structures or harmful state and corporate policies and practices which force people into situations where their choices are predetermined for them by a power structure set up to benefit certain groups and disadvantage others (Parsons 2007, 175). Because

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structural violence can be imperceptible, its victims are often seen as causing their own debilitation (Opotow 2000, 405). Structural violence is therefore more complex to address as its results are usually profound and long-term. In South Africa under apartheid, the state-motivated limited access to education and job opportunities for the majority of its citizens stigmatised these groups socially, politically and economically and many authors attribute South Africa’s current pervasive societal violence to the profound and ongoing effects of apartheid mainly because of the inequality it fostered (Soudien 2007a, 2007b, 2010; Kyoch 2008; Graham, Bruce and Perold 2010; Altbeker 2008; Foster 2012; Ward 2012).

Violence and South African youth The relationship between societal inequalities and rates of violence has been clearly established (Altbeker 2007 and 2008; Stiglitz 2012; Wilkinson and Pickett 2010) and the literature is consistent in noting that structural violence gives rise to a range of antisocial behaviour, especially amongst the youth (van der Merwe, Dawes and Ward 2012; Foster 2012; Graham, Bruce and Perold 2010). Van der Merwe et al. (2012, 53-55) define such behaviours among young people (12--24 years)3 as ranging from contraventions such as stealing or fighting to violent tendencies such as aggravated assault. Referring to the substantial body of literature which identifies the key determinants of youth violence as operating at individual, family, school, peer group and community and broader societal levels, Van der Merwe et al. (2012, 80) stress the overlap in these determinants and how violent behaviour is only one aspect of “a constellation of moderate to serious antisocial behaviours that tend to co-occur” (ibid) and underline how long-term poverty increases the risk factor of each determinant. For example, crime can be used as a daily support or to address exclusion felt through not having material goods, or to counteract the powerlessness resulting from other unmet human needs implicit in poverty. One a key characteristic of the determinants of youth violence, however, especially in South Africa, is their normalisation. For example, Leoschut’s (2006) study concludes that many South African families consider physical violence as a socially acceptable means of problem-solving and that for many youth in South Africa violence in the home has become the norm rather than the exception. In her study on the prevention of relationship violence from the perspective of South African youth, Pretorius (2004, 111) comments how their narratives were “dominated by the centrality of the family environment in the unfolding of acts of violence”. Where violence is normalised rather than condemned, the standards by which children learn to judge violent behaviour are set (Van der Merwe et al. 2012, 69--71). Van der Merwe et al. (ibid) mention various studies, both international and local (for example, Leoschut 2006), which

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show statistically significant relationships between young people who are exposed to violence in their homes and those who are victimised as well as a strong relationship between physical punishment and repeat victimisations. Unsurprisingly, boys who regularly see their mothers beaten are at increased risk of engaging in violence as adults (Seedat, Van Niekerk, Jewkes, Suffla and Ratele 2009, 1015). Schools are also sites of socialised acceptance of violence, usually seeing fights among children, especially among boys, as normal or bullying as inevitable and often condone certain initiation rites involving intimidation and violence (Graham et al. 2010, 11). As in other patriarchal societies, many South African boys thus grow up with the perception that they must resolve their differences by fighting physically or by using violence to protect themselves, and young South African women are socialised into the dominant discourse of violence especially by cultural beliefs that legitimise coercive sexual behaviour against women (Burton 2007, 4). Discussing South Africa’s extreme gender violence as well as violence towards children and the resulting high rates of maternal and infant mortality and trauma, Schlottman (2011, 81) refers to the sociological concept of cultural anomie4 which, as a syndrome of deep valueerosion, occurs when societies lack social structure, usually as a result of extreme stress and rapid social change. Schlottman maintains that when anomie acts on existing patriarchal systems (as happens in South Africa), the damage is worse because even minimal patriarchal protection of women and children can disappear and socially unacceptable behaviour can become the norm. For this reason the promotion of gender equality in a country like South Africa is critical, especially now. The United Nations5 stress that, unlike gender equity which can be based on traditional practices often detrimental to women, gender equality means ensuring that the priorities of both women and men (which can be different) are given equal weight in policy and decision-making.

Normalisation of violence Thus in South Africa, “people, system structures and cultural values intertwine to create cultures of violence …” (Cook-Hoffman 2002, 41). Many South African women and men have long accepted some degree of physical violence between intimate partners and, in various South Afrrican communities, if police reaction to crime is ineffective, vigilantism is often regarded as a right (Graham et al. 2010, 37). Many South Africans still believe that physical punishment is the only punishment that is “heard” and communities believe that violence is the only way to get attention – for example, by rioting for specific demands – or taking it upon themselves to physically punish offenders.

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Such normalised violence does not always feature in official statistics. For violence to be seen as criminal, it needs to be defined as a crime in criminal law (Graham et al. 2010, 44). If both the victim and the perpetrator do not think the crime warrants police attention, the violence goes unreported and sometimes, even when the violence is reported, the police might regard it as a private matter. Defining violence as criminal then depends not only on the law but also on social conventions and attitudes (ibid, 44) and the approaches to conflict, the everyday “stories”, rhetoric, silences and inconsistencies teach powerful lessons about conflict and its management (Williams 2004, 249). Young people thus acquire violent behaviours through the modelling to which they are exposed, through punishment or discipline from authority figures and from discussions about violence with relatives, teachers and peers (Ward 2007, 27). Ward maintains that South African youth are often rewarded for violent behaviour and their homes, schools and neighbourhoods are replete with pro-violence models and messages including pro-violence messages from political leaders. One of the main reasons that such socially learned beliefs persist is because of South Africa’s overarching patriarchal ideology in which violence is not always explicitly recognised and where, as Foster (2012, 47) concludes, “patriarchal ideology continues to enable particular forms of masculinity that, aided and abetted by reputation, peers, collectives and gangs, produce tremendous damage in and from only a small proportion of males”.

Resilience However, counteracting these powerful daily messages of “normal” violence are protective factors, aligned to resilience factors, which can diminish young people’s potential to engage in anti-social behaviour (Leoschut and Burton 2009). Although recent research suggests that it is simplistic to regard protective factors as simply the opposite of risk factors (Farell and Flannery 2006), nine key factors have been identified as enhancing young people’s resilience to crime: education, gender, non-violent family environments, non-exposure to criminal role-models, substance abstinence, non-victimisation, neighbourhood factors and attitudes intolerant of violence and antisocial behaviour (Leoschut and Burton 2009). Importantly, these factors interact with each other to increase resilience to violent or criminal behaviour and help explain why the majority of youth remain resilient to violence and crime despite growing up in riskfilled environments (Leoschut 2009). Although “resilience” is commonly understood as an individual’s ability to overcome adversity, in the literature the term is expanded to mean people’s capacity to

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“navigate to the resources they need to overcome challenges as well as their capacity to negotiate for these resources to be provided in meaningful ways” (Ungar 2012, 1). This definition moves resilience from the western, individual-based concept to a social construct which takes into account structural inequality and historical circumstances (Kolar 2011, 425). Ungar (2004b, 342) regards resilient behaviour as “negotiations between individuals and their environments for the resources to define themselves as healthy amidst conditions collectively viewed as adverse” and emphasises the importance of nurturing the “hidden resilience” in youth by trying to understand them rather than only supervise or control them (Ungar 2004b). Soudien (2007b, 1) underlines that, in order to be able to understand why young people respond to the world as they do, the psychological dimension of their lives needs to be taken into account. Key to intimacy and hence resilience in young adulthood is peer acceptance and young people’s need for self-esteem which McDonald (1999, 203) observes is replacing institutions and cultural norms as the primary socialisation factor, especially for young people who are poor in an affluent society because “their lifeworlds are not organised in terms of roles, norms and transmitted patterns of socialisation … [thus] the demand for self-esteem replaces being socialised into a social identity”. McDonald also sees this as the reason why young people, especially those marginalised young people, have such a critical need to be respected. Given the central role that relationships play in constructing an adult identity, improved selfesteem, specifically attitudinal changes regarding self-image and perceptions of other people (especially those seen as threatening), is one of the most direct routes to resilience development (McDonald 1999, 208). Thus, because resilience is a learned reaction that “develops and is maintained within particular contexts” (Leoschut and Burton 2009, 3), central to how young people construct self-identity is the importance of positive role models, and resilience in young people can be fostered within families and schools where conflicts are resolved constructively (Leoschut and Burton 2009, 3). However, as is widely documented, in addition to poverty, many young people in South Africa have “unstable living arrangements, absent, indifferent or violent fathers and alcohol or other substance abusive parents or relatives” (Kirsten and Bruce 2010, 4) and their schools are too often unsafe sites of struggle. For these reasons, youth violence in South Africa needs to be seen more as “a disease with a clear set of causes than a type of crime, and prevention more a matter of getting tough on the underlying causes than getting tough on youthful criminals” (Butchart, xiv). Importantly, despite the lack of social crime prevention on the current agenda of the South African government which favours “law enforcement” because it promises quick results (Bruce and Gould 2009), numerous social sectors (not just police and criminal justice) need to offer preventive programmes to “disrupt developmental

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trajectories towards violence” (ibid) and support youth in their efforts to build resilience, let go of past family and societal negative patterns and make effective life choices. Appiah’s (2005 in Slocum-Bradley 2008, 6) description of how we choose who we are aptly sums up the current situation for South Africa’s youth:

… we make up selves from a tool kit of options, made available by our culture and society. We do make choices, but we don’t, individually, determine the options among which we choose.

Research Design and Methodology The study assumes a social interpretivist worldview and uses a fundamental interpretive continuum to contrast “insider” or first person perspectives with “outsider” or third person perspectives (Kelly 2006, 346-348) in order to gain a better understanding of the situation under study (ibid, 348). The study thus aspires to Gergen’s (1985) idea of qualitative research being essentially generative and creating “new ways of understanding” (ibid, 350). Preparatory data to obtain a conflict profile was sourced from a semi-structured questionnaire which included a request for a written or spoken conflict narrative. Narrative analysis was then applied to the narratives to explore their deeper meaning. By using more than one interpretive practice (Denzin and Lincoln 2008, 4), the opportunity was created for the data to “speak to each other” (Fine, Weis, Weseen and Wong 2000, 119). In eliciting the conflict narrative, both oral and verbal instructions were given. Although written narratives are more reliable, in order to accommodate participants who preferred to tell their stories personally, spoken, audio-taped narratives were also accepted. Each participant could thus choose between narrating the conflict narrative orally (and having it audio-recorded) or writing it. In these cases, the recording was preceded by the question “Can you tell me about a conflict that you personally experienced?” The study then used a narrative analysis approach to examine these conflict narratives. Although the connection between narrative theory and practice and conflict analysis is relatively recent, it has been found to be especially useful for exploring the “stories” of how different parties view a conflict (Johnston 2005, 278). Narrative analysis of a conflict situation can look at its nuances and innuendos allowing for broad or thematic understandings of conflict processes, both as a research tool for analysis and a theoretical framework for what narratives explain about people and conflict (ibid, 277).

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The method most commonly employed in narrative analysis, and the method used for this study, is thematic analysis which focuses on the content of the story and what carries the “plot” forward as well as the sequence and ordering of events and any recurring patterns. Phoenix (2008, 66) mentions the distinction between the “big story” approach (the autobiographical or biography as the unit of analysis) or the “small story” approach which looks at the everyday stories in social interaction which accomplishes certain tasks including identity-construction. Because this study explores the everyday conflict narratives of its participants, it uses a “small story” approach.

Analysis of the conflict narratives Although the initial profile6 showed that the participants seem typical of their age group in both their attitudes to conflict and their conflict management strategies, their “small story” narratives revealed more details, especially of the pervasiveness of conflict and violence in their families, with peers and in their neighbourhoods, highlighting how violence is a “normal” part of their lives. This section presents the main themes of these stories, together with relevant extracts from the narratives.7 Apart from some inclusions in square brackets to assist coherence, the excerpts from the narratives are reproduced exactly as they were written or spoken by the participants but, for practical purposes, have been edited of hesitations and repetitions although these were taken into account during the analysis. Excerpts from the original narratives are in italics.

Presentation and discussion of the key themes of the narratives The key themes emerging from the narratives are: escalation of verbal conflict to physical violence – in families, with peers and in neighbourhoods; absence of positive role models; feelings of anger and powerlessness; and resilience. These themes are discussed in greater detail below.

Escalation of verbal conflict to physical violence – in families, with peers and in neighbourhoods Of the 11 (out of 19) narratives that include physical violence, a key feature is the speed with which the arguments turn into physical fights. When conflict escalates and intensifies, it becomes more difficult to resolve because those involved are often trapped in defensive reactions seemingly beyond their control which become increasingly destructive. Triggers to escalations of conflict are often the perception of conflict as negative, misjudgements and misperceptions of the other party (Deutsch

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1994, 23) and an inability to consider the other’s perspective (Ting-Toomey and Oetzel 2001, 196). This lack of empathy for another’s experience invariably goes hand-inhand with a reduced ability to extend the same care towards oneself mainly because development of this capacity requires role-modelled examples, encouragement and direct personal experience (Little 2002, 206) all of which, as mentioned, are not easily available, especially to young people like those in this study. For example, the narrator of The Angry Father describes how he finds himself reacting to his girlfriend’s irate father who comes to find out why his daughter did not come home: …”as I try to explain, the father jump for me with golf stick, before I know I was bleeding and I took my hockey stick and go to him and… I beaten him in his rib” and The Half-sister recounts a physical fight between sisters which began as a disagreement: “then she …slap [me] and I slapped her back, that when the fight started. We fought and she wanted to hit my mom but we didn’t gave her any chance, then we fought like really”. In The Boyfriend the narrator’s mother beats her (the mother’s) drunken boyfriend “… but there is this one time that the verbal conflict became physical and my mother hurt her boyfriend bad, the boyfriend was weak and drunk while they fight” and in The Iron, the narrator reacts to the hostile behaviour of an uncle just out of jail:

then our uncle came to our house he was from jail. He greet us and asked for something to eat then we made him. He then ate … after …he was standing on the sink and took out all of his clothes, then people were starting to stare at him. We [wanted to] … phone our parents then we did, but unfortunately they were in a business meeting. After he has done taking a bath outside, he went to his old friend and he came back at night. We were watching tv and my sister was … ironing our school uniform then he turned [off] the tv and said ’this is my brother’s tv no one will watch it’, because he was [drunk] … I asked nicely can you please turn it on again. He started swearing me and my sister and I took that hot iron and put it in his face, because I was very cross. Even now we don’t get along, because he got jail attitudes. Some of the family conflicts seem related to the actual family structure: the narrator of The Half Sister who fought physically with her sister expressly states, “remember that she’s my half-sister” as though to underline that a half-sister does not have as much value as a full sister, and in The Sibling where a brother and sister argue, the narrator explains “… family wise we’ve got this differences you know, she’s my sister but she’s not my biological sister … yeah so we had this conflict with my mother … according to her, she loved me more than her you know”. The narratives also recount physical fighting with peers: The narrator of The Lunch Box explains how she reacts to a friend who betrayed her confidence:

I told her that my father was not working only my mother is so we are having problems I only have money when my mother gets paid. After few days I told her my situation she told my other friends so they were asking a lot of questions. I went to her and shouted at her we ended up hitting one another. 12

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Common to all these narratives is the inability to resolve verbal disagreements without resorting to physical violence. Wilmot and Hocker (2007, 43) emphasise the importance of the tone of the “critical start-up” of any conflict and how any form of criticism is likely to result in an escalation of conflict. In The Attack where the narrator is accosted by a former primary schoolmate on his way home, there is no time for a verbal argument:

… we were playing at the same team at school playing under … under 12… ja … and he said to me do you have ten rand and I thought he was joking and I said no I don’t have a ten rand … by the time I pass I just had a punch into my face, you see like my teeth is broken, ja, it was … a big shock Mam, I don’t know if he … he was wearing something … something like steel, I don’t know but … this guy … he mean business … and in The Gang Fight this type of male-on-male peer fighting has escalated into gang stabbings:

They were there, drinking there so that they this time fighting verbally but it turns to physical. The boy who robbed the boy who lived in my location was stabbed so he slept in hospital. So what’s going on, they wanted revenge, they come back to these boys I’m sitting with and they also stab these boys so it was … like a gangsterism thing, such thing like that. The final instance of violence escalation is given in The Community where the narrator finds herself in opposition to her community who have just killed two young thieves. She angrily condemns the action but when she realises that her feelings are not shared by the people around her she feels frightened and confused, “I was so angry and everyone was looking at me as if I’m saying something wrong… two women shouted at me as if I was saying a bad thing”. She intuitively knows that violence is not the way to solve problems but she is aware that she is putting herself in danger and goes home, “I was against everyone who was at the park I left and went home very disappointed, furious, worried because I didn’t know what will happen to me if those angry people saw me again”. These stories underline the influence of normative cultural expectations (Bruner 1990 in Phoenix 2008, 69) on the worldviews of young people and how conflict can be manufactured in social contexts rather than embedded in individuals (Semmler and Williams 2002, 2). For the most part, these narratives show youth perpetuating the patterns of violence that seem to have become a normative strategy for resolving conflict in South African communities (Farr, Dawes and Parker 2003, 31). In addition, such narratives are indicative of how the “other” can be dehumanised, and converted into an “it”, thus setting the stage for violence (Galtung 1990, 294).

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Absence of positive role models Also evident in the participants’ stories was the absence of positive older role models especially fathers, uncles and brothers able to fulfil the role of nurturers and protectors. Instead, in many of the narratives, men perpetuate the cycles of abuse in families. Discussing gender, class, “race” and violence, Foster (2012, 43) concludes that “an extremely toxic form of masculinity operates in nearly a third of South African men” which he attributes also to patriarchal ideology and its hegemonic values (ibid, 39). In The Angry Father, the father and uncle come to reprimand the narrator armed with a golf club; the men in both The Brother and The Boyfriend are physically and verbally abusive to women; in The Hot Iron, the uncle’s behaviour is hostile and threatening and The Job Thief lies in order to give the narrator’s job to his girlfriend. The only report of a positive older role model in the narratives is a woman in the police forum in The Gang Fight who arranges for the two fighting gangs to talk to each other with their parents. The absence of a father or another caring, nonviolent male puts young men at higher risk of violence and of perpetuating family patterns of abusive behaviour, especially of resolving conflicts with physical violence. Linked to this lack of role models is the narrators’ reference to the treatment of women, some of whom are present in the stories largely through their invisibility or their passivity. For example, in The Half Sister, the mother of the three sisters who are fighting physically, is a silent presence who, while the centre of the conflict, is unable to influence the situation positively. In The Boyfriend the mother is unable to protect her daughter from her drunken boyfriend or her regular fights with him; and in The Brother the narrator provides no details about the girlfriend who is regularly beaten or how she feels about this, only saying that “my brother usually does this [beat his girlfriend]” as though in acceptance of this fact. As Winslade and Monk (2001, 41) stress, since our point of view comes directly from our socio-cultural context, our worldviews and individual conflict narratives will inevitably echo the dominant political and social discourses, in this case the patriarchal male ideology of sexual entitlement.

Feeling angry and powerless The reactions of most the narrators to the conflict and violence they recounted were invariably feelings of helplessness and powerlessness which often accompany an experience of rage. For example, in The Accusation the narrator describes her reaction when accused of something she did not do “so I get angry and start to swear and go and lay on my bed and start to cry”, and the narrator of The Boyfriend describes how she feels at being included in her mother’s conflict with her boyfriend, “She does not understand how the fight effected me, she never ask of how I felt, and how I feel, her relationships were her own business she used to say. And I will never ever want to experience conflict anywhere”.

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In The Brother the narrator expresses similar feelings when she witnesses her father beating her drunken brother, “and here I was so lost trying to figure out and truly I didn’t know what to do, all I knew was I hate what I’m seeing” while the feelings of powerlessness of the victim of The Rape went further:

She couldn’t speak to anyone about what happened to her for days. She hated men for a very long time because of what had happened to her. She wanted to die, couldn’t live with the fact that something like had happened to her. She started asking herself why her. She was very stressed about the whole situation and wanted to hang herself because she didn’t know those guys and what diseases they may have. Related to these feelings of helplessness are feelings of low self-esteem, such as those expressed by the narrator of The Aunt in response to her daily criticism:

I tried and tried then I realised that the more I was trying the more things went wrong and she would shout at me and say bad words that brings a person down to earth that you can do everything, you can kill yourself, throw yourself in a building, run away from home etc. These feelings of helplessness were not limited to the female narrators. In The Rejection, the narrator cannot defend himself against his girlfriend’s accusation that he cannot provide for their child as he is unemployed; in The Angry Father, after his fight with his girlfriend’s relatives, the narrator loses all power in the situation: his girlfriend is taken away and he never sees her again; the employee of The Job Thief feels impotent against his supervisor’s scheming to give his job to someone else, and in The Soccer Game, the player feels overwhelmed by the result of his inability to manage his emotions on the field. The unmet needs behind these strong feelings, especially when the needs concern processes as vital as building self-esteem or gaining respect in order to construct an adult identity, will inevitably generate a sense of victimisation or rage unless there is a strong commitment to nonviolence based on personal commitment of some kind.

Resilience Significantly, certain narratives also exhibit the resilience these young people have developed despite the limitations of their environments. Ungar (2004a; 2004b) and Van Dijk (2008) stress the often creative coping strategies that young people can develop notwithstanding the hardships of their environments, pointing to the social nature of resilience and its roots in family or community values. For example, the narrator of The Boss explains how she resisted the temptation to steal:

I told my colleagues I’m gonna leave this place and they said so if you are going to leave why don’t you take the money with you when you know you will not come back because you’ve worked and worked and worked and you never get paid … I was not raised like that Shena Lamb and Lyn Snodgrass

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… I touched the money and I feel it and feel it and I just put it in … and I said I’m just gonna leave it like that … I’m not gonna take it … I know that I’m going to do something better for myself … Because she knew she was “…not raised like that” and felt capable of doing “something better”, she was able to withstand the influence of her peers. Similarly, the narrator of The Aunt shows her determination to derive strength from how her aunt abuses her.

I thought I was no good person I was not a good child, I thought maybe it was a mistake for me to be in this world because of the words my aunt used to say but today I’m this grown woman because of her, I’ve grown because of the way she was treating me, I’m strong and I stand on my own, I work every day to build a brighter future for me and my family. Other narrators detailed what specific thoughts or actions help them when they face difficulties. The narrator of The Rape explains how she supported the victim:

I was there for her as a friend, supported her in every way I knew how. I told her that it wasn’t her fault and that what doesn’t kill her makes you stronger. God doesn’t put you in a situation you can’t handle, what he takes you to, he puts you through it. She is now well, happy and strong In the same way, in The Job Thief, the narrator recounts:

… when he was accusing me, sometimes I will just keep quiet then I will go, after my work then I will go to my room and then I will pray there, to God saying that okay I have this problem so what must I do God because this guy is accusing me. Importantly, participants who were able to manage their emotions, did so consciously. For instance, The Joker claims:

I never really acted, like in terms of … someone made me angry and .. I didn’t really act in terms of be angry or hit him …… because it’s the way I always approach myself … because most of the time I don’t get that angry … His expression “the way I always approach myself” shows an intuitive understanding of the choice we have in choosing our attitude to any situation. The narrator of The Sibling exhibits a similar conscious choice of reaction when he explains that, when fighting with his sister:

… after few minutes of shouting, swearing, doing, saying everything you know, I was realising this is not worth it … for me to just shout and for me to fight with her … I saw that there must be someone between me and her … so that this conflict can end you know and I decided that I’m gonna be that person that’s gonna just shut my mouth.

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These strategies for not allowing a verbal disagreement to escalate into a physical fight demonstrate these narrators’ capacity for resilience and ability to implement strategies to maintain their well-being.

Conclusion In conclusion, this study points to how the normalisation of violence can affect young people’s worldviews, their relationships with others and their sense of themselves. Although the initial profile showed that, in keeping with most young people of their age group, participants of this study most commonly perceive their conflict situations as difficulties of interpersonal communication, trust and respect, exploring their conflict narratives revealed the extent of everyday violence that has become a “normal” part of their lives, especially physical violence that escalated from verbal disagreements. In addition, the reports of instances of violence that participants did not always construe as violence (for instance, abusive behaviour by family members or friends as well as their own use of violent tactics in conflict situations) indicate the degree to which conflict and violence are normalised in their lives and how cultural expectations can sometimes encourage violence or prescribe certain behaviour. This socialised acceptance of violence as a way to solve problems in their communities negatively affects young people’s social and emotional well-being especially those with feelings of low self-esteem and insecurity. The narratives also revealed how often participants felt angry and powerless at how members of their immediate or greater family behave or treat them or at the lack of support they receive, also from their communities and how they dealt with this anger by either being reactive and shouting or fighting physically or by suppressing the anger, often turning it inwards on themselves. Their narratives showed that they often felt powerless to deal with their conflict situations. This combination of anger and powerlessness, especially of youth who are labelled “at-risk” due to compromised family circumstances (which, as this study has shown, is a label that can be given to a disproportionately high percentage of young black South Africans today), can be seen as a potential seedbed of violence. It is these feelings of anger and powerlessness that, when unaddressed, render young people vulnerable to perpetuating family cycles of destructive conflict or to the criminal lifestyle especially since many of them are living without positive older role models. Because of such vulnerability, healthy construction of an adult identity – always a difficult task, even with supportive communities – is not always possible. Yet despite these limitations, the evidence of the resilience of these young people as they try to make constructive life choices demonstrates their attempts at non-violence and their need for respect, self-esteem and intimacy.

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To conclude, the findings of this study confirm what the current literature on South Africa youth repeatedly emphasises regarding the effects on young people today of South Africa’s longstanding socially structured violence and how it manifests in violence which is regarded as normal or socially acceptable. Specifically, these findings emphasise young people’s need for support and the importance of building on young people’s own constructions of resilience.

Notes 1.

A Port Elizabeth-based project of the Wilderness Foundation, UmziWethu selects young adults for training scholarships and partnerships with game reserves and parks.

2.

Personal communication, Paul Longe, UmziWethu 22 April 2010.

3.

Although the South African Youth Policy defines youth as 14-35 years for historical reasons, the United Nations’ definition of 15-24 years seems to be currently more commonly used (for example, by Ward, Dawes and Matzopoulos 2012:3)

4.

From the Greek, meaning “lawlessness”.

5.

Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women (CH rev. August 2001). www.un.org/womenwatch

6.

The study sourced contextual information from the participants regarding their perceptions of conflict in an initial, semi-structured questionnaire (in both English and Xhosa, the participants’ home language). One of three open-ended questions asked participants to recount a conflict narrative: a short (15-30 lines) description of a personally-experienced conflict situation.

7.

The complete narratives – part of a larger study on South African youth - can be accessed at http://www.nmmu.ac.za/default.asp?id=12280&bhcp=1/2012/Lamb-duPlessis

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Ungar, M. 2012. Resilience Research Centre. [Online]. Available at: www.resilienceproject.org (accessed 30 May 2012). Van der Merwe, A., A. Dawes. and C. L. Ward. 2012. The development of youth violence: an ecological understanding. In Youth violence: sources and solutions in South Africa, ed. C. L. Ward, A. van der Merwe and A. Dawes, ed. 2012. . Cape Town: UCT Press. Van Dijk, D.  2008.  Beyond their age: coping of children and young people in child-headed households in South Africa.  African Studies Collection.  Ward, C. L. 2007. Young people’s violent behaviour: social learning in context. In P. Burton, ed. Someone stole my smile: an exploration into the causes of youth violence in South Africa. Cape Town: Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention. Ward, C. L., A. Dawes and R. Matzoupoulos. 2012. Youth violence in South Africa: setting the scene. In Youth violence: sources and solutions in South Africa, ed. C. L. Ward, A. van der Merwe and A. Dawes.. Cape Town: UCT Press. Ward, C. L., A. van der Merwe and A. Dawes, ed. 2012. Youth violence: sources and solutions in South Africa. Cape Town: UCT Press. Wilkinson, R. and K. Pickett. 2009. The spirit level: why greater equality makes societies strong.  New York: Bloomsburg Press. Williams, J.H. 2004. Civil conflict, education, and the work of schools: Twelve propositions. Conflict Resolution Quarterly 21(4):472-9. Wilmot, W.W. and J.L. Hocker.  2007.  Interpersonal conflict.  7th ed. New York:  McGraw-Hill.  Winslade, J. and G. Monk.  2001.  Narrative mediation: a new approach to conflict resolution.  San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

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Resilience in the context of learners and youth raised in grandparent-headed families VG GASA Department of educational Studies UNISA, [email protected]

ABSTRACT

This paper describes a study of resilience and protective factors in learners who are raised in grandparent-headed families. There is considerable evidence that children can grow up in all sorts of challenging circumstances without developing significant problems. Using targeted sampling to capture the diversity and range of this often neglected population, a study followed 20 learners from when they started schooling to the age of 25. This allowed identification of resilience and protective factors in learners exposed to challenging or disrupted family environments as they grew up. The findings reveal that these learners grew into competent, confident and caring young adults. None developed serious learning or behavioural problems in childhood or adolescence. They succeeded in school, managed home and social life well, and expressed a strong desire to take advantage of whatever opportunity came their way. However, resilience should be conceptualised as a process and as a process it is the product of an interaction between the individual and their social context. If it is produced by interaction it is potentially open to influence. There is thus a need to consider the protective factors that sustain resilience in learners who are raised in grandparent-headed families. Keywords: resilience, social context, learning barriers, behaviour problems

Introduction South Africa is characterised by a number of different family systems including grandparent-headed families. This type of family system consists of a diverse but often neglected population, such as infants and school-going children at different developmental stages as well as youth. This family system is often neglected because very few people, if any, talk about the frustrations and challenges experienced in such

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© Unisa Press ISSN 1727-7140 Commonwealth Youth and Development Vol 11 no 1 2013 pp. 22-31

a system, and it is rarely recognised by government agencies in their policies and regulations. School-going children, who will be referred to as learners in this study, and youth who are raised in a grandparent-headed family present an issue that is unlikely to disappear. There are a number of issues that point to the fact that this trend will continue for some time to come. The prevalence of diseases such as HIV/AIDS, emotional, physical or mental illness of the biological parent are all factors that contribute to this trend. Additional factors include unplanned/teenage pregnancies, abandonment, parental neglect or abuse. Some of these families are formed when grandparents take over the parenting of their grandchildren because of parental death, military deployment, deportation or disability of the parent. Increasing frequencies of divorce and single parenting, rising rates of substance abuse, poverty, homelessness also contribute to the increase of grandparent-headed families. In other cases grandparents are given this responsibility when a biological single parent decides to live with or marry someone else and leaves the children behind, or due to criminal activities of the parents, they might be placed in jail resulting in ever-increasing numbers of children that need a home. As has been mentioned above, this type of family system has challenges and frustrations that affect all those involved - the learners, the youth and the grandparents. For the grandparents the demands of these learners and youth are overwhelming as they require emotional guidance. They also need support with school work, coping with life challenges and finding direction. Grandparents are often overwhelmed by these demands, and in many cases are unable to for them adequately. The children’s needs and demands require someone with a great deal of knowledge which grandparents often do not have and are not equipped enough to give the necessary support. In many cases the grandparents are illiterate. This then becomes a two-way situation of frustration. Despite these challenges, there are nevertheless a few learners and youth who not only survive adversity but thrive under hardship. Their resilience raises these questions: What makes them resilient despite the hardships at home? What are the protective factors that sustain their resilience?

Theoretical framework Resilience is a subjective concept that is fluid in nature and not easily definable. It can be regarded as context-specific because what may be considered resilient in one context may not be so in another context. According to Hegney et al. (2008), resilience is the positive adaptation in the context of hardship. It refers to the capacity of an individual or community to cope with stress, overcome adversity or adapt positively to change. It is the ability to maintain competence despite stressful and difficult life circumstances (Dass-Brailsford 2005). It is thus the ability to bounce back from negative experiences. The most commonly used definition of resilience is positive adaptation despite adversity (Ledogar and Fleming 2008). In this study, resilience is viewed as the VG Gasa

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ability to embrace the challenges of life, to retain openness to the world in the face of adversity and to maintain competence despite difficult life circumstances. O’Leary (1998) acknowledged that resilience has become an important concept in the field of psychology. It is derived primarily from humanistic psychology theory. Abraham Maslow, leading the humanistic tradition, examined the healthy side of human existence. He therefore upbraided psychology for focusing more on human frailties than on human strengths. Resiliency research has become more attentive to the concerns that Maslow raised. It calls for a more positive development in psychology that focuses on mastery, competence, coping, pro-social behaviours, strengths and resources. Competence refers to a variety of adaptive behaviours of people, enabling them to achieve resilient outcomes, while mastery is a journey that allows a person to be the master of their destiny. Coping helps us to function better in a given situation or to deal successfully with a difficult situation whereas resources are assets or individuals that increase the likelihood of achieving positive outcomes (Arnason 2009; DassBrailsford 2005). In addition, Van Breda (2001) states that resilience theory addresses the strengths that people demonstrate that enable them to rise above adversity. He went further, clarifying that the emergence of resilience theory is associated with a reduction in emphasis on pathology and an increase in emphasis on strengths. There are three different types of resilience seen in people: individuals who have experienced traumatic events but have been able to recover well; persons who belong to high-risk groups, but who have more favourable outcomes than expected; and persons who show positive adaptation despite life stressors (Masten, Best and Garmezy 1990). Resilience theory provides us with an understanding of why some learners and youth from grandparent-headed families continue to thrive despite difficult conditions at home. It has been highlighted that in most of these families, learners and youth are plagued by many challenges because grandparents are mostly elderly persons from a low socio-economic background who enter into kinship care unexpectedly due to familial responsibility. Most of these grandparents are illiterate, have emotional problems themselves and are not well physically. Theiy usually become increasingly frail as they advance in years. There thus comes a time when they have to confront the fact that their bodies are increasingly limited and they can no longer do what they used to be able to do, and gradually they find themselves unable to attend events outside their homes (Edwards and Ray 2010). Caring for grandchildren on a full-time basis is not expected by most grandparents, and in most cases they are not afforded the time to adjust to this transition. Sometimes there is little or no support from the government, and societal responses to the needs of grandparent-caregivers have been desperately inadequate. All these physical problems, combined with other multiple losses experienced, may impede their ability to provide adequate care, especially to school-going learners and youth (Cox 2000). Grandparents are not equipped to deal with issues such as emotional support, and the 24

Resilience in the context of learners and youth raised in grandparentheaded families

educational and moral development of the children in their care (Hayslip and Kaminski 2005). Some custodial grandparents are challenged by having to shift from the role of grandparent role to that of parent. The guardianship places even more economic pressure on grandparents who, in many cases, depend primarily on state-funded oldage pensions. They not only struggle to keep up with the school, social and physical demands of the learners and youth, but also have to bear the financial cost and cope with accessing services and financial assistance programmes to meet the needs of the learners and youth (Smit 2007). Although they frequently prefer informal caregiving, this too is problematic, as grandparents without legal sanction may face difficulties in their dealings with schools, health facilities and other agencies that may require proof of legal authority as a condition of providing services. This can affect the learners and youth because they depend on their grandparents to provide sound financial, emotional and educational support (Cox 2007). Many grandparents are compelled by circumstances to care for the learners or youths who have been emotionally or socially damaged by their circumstances. They are expected to care for these traumatised learners or youths independently, with little professional assistance. Due to the complexity of the system, most grandparents acting as primary caregivers for learners and youth in South Africa do not receive government assistance. There is a significant difference between the resources available to relative caregivers and those available to licensed foster parents (South African Child Gauge 2007/2008). If relative caregivers choose not to become registered, and do not obtain an affidavit from the South African Police Services (SAPS) proving that they are the child’s custodians, they can expect far less assistance from various public services. The resources needed by grandparents in order to provide adequate care and support to these learners or youth are not easily accessible. This has a negative impact on learners and youth because they need the expertise, support and guidance from their grandparents (Gasa 2012). Despite challenges and frustrations, one can safely say that the learners and youth raised in grandparent-headed households are able to seek stability in the midst of family changes. They have an ability to adapt to different family forms and understand why these families work at various times and in various places. There are contemporary scholars, such as Wallerstein and Blakeslee (1989) and Popenoe (1996), who argue that the intact nuclear family is still an important component in healthy child-rearing. Notwithstanding the importance of the nuclear family in bringing stability into the child’s world, the resilience theory looks at the strength that learners and youth from grandparent-headed families show in times of change and crisis. This theory helps us realise that as times and circumstances change, there are some people who will rise above adversity. It brings forth an acknowledgement that equilibrium can change and therefore be understood as dynamic, but the human strength will surface in times of adversity. The key idea of the resilience theory is that despite challenges and frustration

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experienced by grandparent-headed households, members of such families may prove to be tougher than expected. In many of these grandparent-headed families, grandparents are rearing these learners and youths not by choice or tradition, but as the result of family crises that necessitate their intervention (Unger 2006; Normand 2007; Gasa 2012). Regardless of the origin of resilience, there is evidence to suggest that it can be developed and enhanced to promote greater wellbeing (Hegney et al. 2008). Resilience cannot be regarded as a quality that is either present or absent in a person. It is rather a process which may vary across circumstances and time. It thus needs to be conceptualised as a process and as a process it may be the product of an interaction between individuals and their social context. If it is produced by interaction it is potentially open to influence. There is thus a need to consider the protective factors that sustain resilience in learners and youth who are raised in grandparent-headed families. We can thus assume that there are a number of protective factors that can lead to more resilient outcomes which makes it important to distinguish between protective factors (which make it more likely that a learner or youth will develop resilience) and evidence that the learner or youth is being resilient. Resilience is self-perpetuating if it is motivated by inner resources. This can be seen when learners or youths move forward from difficult pasts by their own actions. They may be able to identify goals and dreams and make them happen as well as make the most of education or work opportunities. It can also be promoted by a strong morale, proper upbringing, religion and spirituality (Jenson and Fraser 2006). In addition to inner resources that act as a buffer and sustain resilience, there are some external protective factors that sometimes encourage resilience. Social networks and support system can be identified as major protective factors that help in instilling resilience. These may be obtained through support from the school, immediate and extended family, and individuals and services outside of the family. Access to education and learning opportunities bring a sense of pride and security towards an unknown future. They provide learners and youths with orientation towards the future, a work ethic and successful role models. Associating with older persons is associated with a protective factor in the sense that those persons who can be categorised as “good” exert a positive influence by acting as a sounding board, providing motivation and inspiration. Forming close and secure relationships with a caregiver, with the remaining family members, or close links to the cultural community also protects learners or youths from being vulnerable and encourage resilience. It is believed that behaving in a resilient way increases the probability of further resilient behaviour (Mallmann 2003; Normand 2007).

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Resilience in the context of learners and youth raised in grandparentheaded families

Empirical investigation A mixed method research was used in this study. Data was collected through unobstructive measures. Trochim (2006) defines unobstructive measures as measures that do not require the researcher to intrude in the research context. Unobstructive measurement presumably reduces the biases that result from the intrusion of the researcher or measurement instrument. Babbie (2008) explains that unobstructive research allows the researcher to conduct the study without influencing or changing the subject of the study. Furthermore, the rationale behind using unobstructive measures is that they make up a particularly interesting and innovative strategy for collecting and assessing data. In some instances, unobstructive indicators provide access to aspects of social settings and their inhabitants that are not reachable through any other means (Berg 2001). Two schools in KwaZulu-Natal were selected to provide reports of former or current learners (Grade 10 to exit level) from grandparent-headed families. The schools were requested to provide the reports that included the academic performance (from Grade 10 to exit level) of learners who grew up in grandparent-headed families, the grades that these learners repeated, their general behaviour, school attendance and any leadership roles. The data came back with 68 learners’ reports and from these reports random sampling was done to obtain 20 learners. After obtaining interesting reports from the identified schools, the researcher consulted the schools again and asked them to provide the contact details of these learners. As a result, six participants were found who were willing to participate in the study through a telephonic conversation. Two of them were grade-12 learners in the schools identified, two were working, one was in a higher institution of learning and one dropped out of school. I decided on a telephonic interview because the participants were scattered in different parts of South Africa and it would have been too costly to travel to see them. According to Burke and Miller (2001), comprehensive phone interviews are being increasingly used in multi-stage research studies. The greatest advantages of the telephone compared to face-to-face interviewing is its speed and low cost. The potential benefits associated with using telephone interviews as a mechanism of data collection include (a) using economic and human resources efficiently, (b) minimising disadvantages associated with in-person interviewing, (c) developing positive relationships between researchers and participants, and (d) improving the quality of data collection (Musselwhite, Cuff, McGregor and King 2007). Six participants who grew up in grandparent-headed family were selected through purposive sampling, which enabled the inclusion of participants who could make useful contributions and provide information that was relevant and important to the investigation. Each participant was contacted telephonically and a suitable date and time for the telephonic interview was set. The telephonic discussion of each participant was tape-recorded and transcribed. As a backup, rough notes were also made during VG Gasa

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the telephonic interviews. After understanding, summarising and devising categories for the collected data, the process of coding commenced. Recurring themes or phrases that appeared to be noteworthy were put together. This process is called coding (Wiersma and Jurs 2009). The coded data was interpreted and was tabulated in order to present a more detailed and understandable version of the data. From the interviews it became evident that the grandmothers are the primary caregivers who provided care and guardianship to most of the participants.

Findings and discussion The first part of the findings and discussion will cover the reports that were obtained from the selected schools. The second part will cover the findings regarding the six participants that were selected through the reports. The reports revealed that most of these learners achieved well academically, had a good attendance record and very few repeated a grade or dropped out of school. The most important reason given for dropping out of school was not the expulsion from school but teenage pregnancy. Teenage pregnancy is a recurring problem in most of South African schools and it cuts across learners from all family types, be it a nuclear, extended or disrupted family. The research found that most of these learners had been involved in leadership roles, respected the school rules and had never been caught in any extreme behaviour problems. According to the reports, it appeared that most of these learners were well adjusted and engaged in acceptable behaviour as there was no indication that they developed serious learning or behavioural problems. They appeared to succeed in school and managed social life well which supports the findings reported in the literature that resilient individuals show positive adaptation in the context of hardship, remain competent despite difficult life circumstances and are also able to bounce back from negative experiences (Dass-Brailsford 2005; Hegney et al. 2008; Ledogar and Fleming 2008). The interviews with the participants revealed that most of them grew up into competent, confident young adults, and had a strong desire to take advantage of whatever opportunity came their way. For example, one said, “my grandmother was an inspiration, I did well at school and got a bursary to go to university, I am working and life is good”. It became apparent during the interviews that in many cases life in the grandparent’s home was not easy. The participants pointed out that it was not easy to see their grandparents struggling to put food on the table. But that it was also consoling to know that there was someone who cared for them and would do anything to help them succeed. For example, “I can never disappoint my grandparent, she is always my confidant who rings the bell when I go astray and I need to be strong for me and her

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sake. It takes one solid person to tell you that things are going to be ok, in my case that person is my grandmother”. One participant reported the willingness to go on even after the setback of being pregnant, “I am not down and out, I know I disappointed my grandmother when I got pregnant but I am going back to school, I have two people to prove myself now, my grandmother and my child. My neighbours and my friends are also encouraging me to go back to school”. Similarly to the findings of Hegney et al. (2008) and Jenson and Fraser (2006), this investigation also found that most of the participants succeeded because there were people who acted as protective factors. They provided support and opportunities which promoted life success. They helped them believe that even though their biological parents were not there to care for them, things would work out if they focused on the positive side of life. As one participant put it, “I have a lot of people who believe in me, my family, my teachers and my community. My school mates appoint me to be the school leader because they know that I work hard. My family says we need education in order to get out of poverty”. There is the perception that children who are raised in families that are not regarded as nuclear families are not always going to come out unscathed. However, most of these participants showed that the human spirit is tenacious by nature, and capable of overcoming seemingly insurmountable obstacles. It became clear that although faced with many different choices, they generally made choices that would have positive impacts on their lives. They did not sit around complaining that life was unfair and that there was no hope. The ability to bounce back from negative experiences may thus reflect the innate qualities of individuals or be the result of external factors, learning and experience (Mallmann 2003; Normand 2007; Ledogar and Fleming 2008). In terms of this study, it appears that inner resources as well as external factors encourage resilience. It shows that grandparents may be able to compensate for the neglect of one or both parents. In rural areas it is likely that parenting is shared and child-rearing is seen as the responsibility of the whole group. There are family constellations with a breadth and depth that is not always reflected in private, triadic relationships. It is this family life that may contribute to the fact that regardless of the actual parental absence, the learners and youth interviewed in this study had the opportunity to establish a secure attachment or positive relationship resulting in resilience.

Conclusion Although the findings of the investigation revealed that most learners or youths who grew up in grandparent-headed families showed resilience, the challenges and difficulties they face should not be underestimated. It is noted that grandparents offer more stability and permanent support to the learners and youths because they provide VG Gasa

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a network of support that can be relied on in various situations. Because the members of this network of support are familiar to the learners and youths, it lessens the trauma associated with the separation from their parents. The continuity of relationships between siblings and the support they receive from one another help to protect them from feeling that the family has disintegrated totally and provides them with a greater sense of belonging and the secure feeling that they will not be easily abandoned. It is therefore recommended that support should be encouraged, enhanced and strengthened in order to help learners and youths become resilient and remain so. It was also mentioned that there are a number of protective factors that may lead to more positive outcomes and a higher sense of resilience. It is thus important that external protective factors are considered in order to sustain and foster a sense of resilience in these learners and youths. Moreover, the school staff should also form a basis of support by encouraging them to succeed, get involved in leadership roles, get involved in community projects and form positive relationships with their peers. It should thus be remembered that, “The things that go right in our lives do predict our future successes and the things that go wrong do not damn us forever” (George Vaillant 1995, 155).

References Arnason, G. 2009. The concept of resilience: A functional account. UP Manila Journal, Special issue 105--117. Babbie, E. 2008. The basics of social research, 4th ed. Belmont, USA: Thomson Wadsworth. Berg, B.L. 2001. Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. 4th ed. USA: A Pearson Education Company. Burke, L.A and M.K. Miller. 2001. Phone interviewing as a means of data collection: Lessons learned and practical recommendations. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung/Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 2(2), Art. 7. http://nbn- resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs010271 (accessed 30 May 2012). Cox, C.B. 2007. Grandparent-headed families: Needs and implications for social work interventions and advocacy. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 88(4): 561-566. Cox, C.B., ed. 2000. To Grandmother’s House We Go and Stay: Perspectives on Custodial Grandparents. New York, NY: Springer. Dass-Brailsford, P. 2005. Exploring resiliency: Academic achievement among disadvantaged black youth in South Africa. South African Journal of Psychology 35(3): 574--591. Edwards, O.W. and S.L. Ray. 2010. Value of family and group counseling models where grandparents function as parents to their grandchildren. International Journal for the Advancement of Counseling 32(3): 178--190. Felsman, J.K. and G. Vaillant. 1987. Resilient children as adults: a 40-year study. In The Invulnerable Child, ed. E.J. Anothy and B. Cohler, 289--314). New York: Guildford Press. Gasa, V.G. 2012. Exploring the role of grandparents in the lives of teenage learners. Journal of Human Ecology 37(3): 203--211.

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Hayslip, B. and P.L. Kaminski. 2005. Grandparents raising their grandchildren: A review of the literature and suggestions for practice. Gerontologist 45(2): 262--269. Hegney, D., H. Ross, P. Baker, C. Rogers-Clark, C. King, E. Buikstra, A.Watson-Luke, K. McLachlan and L. Stallard. 2008. Building Resilience in Rural Communities: Toolkit. Toowoomba, Queensland: The University of Queensland and University of Southern Queensland. Jenson, J.M. and M.W. Fraser. 2006. A risk and resilience framework for child, youth, and family policy. In Social Policy for Children and Families: A Risk and Resilience Perspective, ed. J. M. Jenson and M.W. Fraser, 1–18.. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ledogar, R.J. and J. Fleming. 2008. Social capital and resilience: A review of concepts and selected literature relevant to aboriginal youth resilience research. Pimatisiwin: A Journal of Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 6(2):25--46. Maclean, K. 2004. Resilience: What it is and how children and young people can be helped to develop it. LINE, 62. http://www.cyc-net.org/cyc-online/cycol-0304-resilience.html (accessed 15 April 2012). Mallmann, S.A.M. 2003. Building Resilience in Children Affected by HIV/AIDS. 2nd ed. Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman. Masten, A.S., K.M. Best and N. Garmezy. 1990. Resilience and development: Contributions from the study of children who overcome adversity. Development and Psychopathology (1990), 2 (4): 425--444. Musselwhite, K.L., Cuff L., McGregor and K.M. King. 2007. The telephone interview is an effective method of data collection in clinical nursing research: a discussion paper. International Journal of Nursing Studies 44(6): 1064--1070. Normand, C. 2007. Exploring the resilience in youth living in high risk community. Med dissertation. Stellenbosch: University of Stellenbosch. O’Leary, V.E. 1998. Strength in the face of adversity: Individual and social thriving. Journal of Social Issues 54(2): 425-446. Popenoe, D. 1996. Life without father. New York: Free Press. Smit, R. 2007. Living in an age of HIV and AIDS: Implications for families in South Africa. Nordic Journal of African Studies 16(2): 161–178. South African Child Gauge, 2 0 0 7 / 2 0 0 8. Making the link between social services and social assistance. www.ci.org.za/depts/ci/pubs/pdf/general/.../ part.../making_link.pdf> (accessed 20 March 2012). Trochim, W.M.K. 2006. Research methods knowledge base. http://www.socialresearchmethods. net/kb/unobtrus.php (accessed 14 May 2012). Ungar, M. 2006. Nurturing hidden resilience in at-risk youth in different cultures. Journal of the Canadian Academy of Child Adolescent Psychiatry 15(2): 53--58. Vaillant, G. 1995. The natural history of alcoholism: Revised. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Van Breda, A.D. 2001. Resilience Theory: A literature review with special chapters on deployment resilience in military families and resilience theory in social work. Pretoria: Military Psychological Institute. Wallerstein, J.S. and S. Blakeslee. 1989. Second chances: Men, women and children a decade after divorce. New York: Ticknor & Fields.

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THE ROLE OF SOCCER AND EDUCATION IN THE TRANSFORMATION OF SOUTH AFRICAN SOCIETY LEBOGANG MORODI School of Criminal Justice: [email protected]

ABSTRACT

South Africa is faced by diverse social ills marked by self-interests taking precedence over humanity. Soccer and education entities are significant agents of constructive growth and development in any country undergoing social, political and economic transitional phases. These instruments of nationbuilding are positioned in tackling misplaced interests of avarice and corruption impeding the country’s prosperity. Soccer channels its audiences in behaving in accordance with the founding principles. The building of a changing society using soccer and education remains an essential component for peaceful co-existence in settings contaminated by racism, discrimination, xenophobia, violence, voracity, homophobia and human rights violations. This paper discusses the reconstruction and transformation of a divided society using soccer and education. Keywords: soccer, education, nation-building, transformation

INTRODUCTION South Africa is a nation that is a racially and culturally divided society even after 1994; and this situation has also had an impact on learning institutions which have been trying to educate learners with regard to understanding the significance of unity in diversity. Prior to 1960, universities used either English or Afrikaans as the official medium of instruction, and at the same time excluded other race groups, for example, Africans from entering the universities (Wiredu 2004). Nelson Mandela’s speech on nation-building centred on the fact that apartheid destroyed the social nucleus of life in South Africa and challenged leaders to construct a society in which everyone - irrespective of race, colour, belief, religion or gender - is fully recognised, and in which people deserve the right to life, dignity, freedom and

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bliss (Mandela, 1994). Moreover, Mandela believed that South African society carries a responsibility of promoting transparency and he shared his vision where all citizens are involved in serving and caring for people’s interests and needs by ensuring that nobody is subjected to harm and by recognising everyone’s existence as part of the society (Mandela 1994). Mandela also warned that freedom should not be seen to mean the acquisition of higher positions to take control over people, but rather as a means for social and economic transformation of ordinary lives of all people. Society’s basic needs, aspirations and fears can be catered for if everyone works together towards improving the living conditions (Mandela, 1994); soccer and education can be used in this endeavour to transform a nation and meet Nelson Mandela’s ideals of equality and peaceful co-existence. Soccer and education thus have the potential to change the behaviour and attitude of people irrespective of demographic characteristics. In the process of nation-building South Africa’s citizens have encountered significant challenges. The caring for others is what inspires good conduct and should be a concern for citizens; in South Africa’s endeavour to create a society out of apartheid a culture of human rights needs to be embraced (Goliath Business News 2010). The article commences with a definition of concepts.

Definition of CONCEPTS Soccer Soccer is a game played between two teams each consisting of eleven players using an inflated ball on a rectangular playing field with a goalpost at each end of the field with the aim of driving the ball past the opposing goalkeeper and past the goal line in order for the goal to be scored and stopping the opponents from scoring; the ball is pushed forward through kicking and heading the ball (Webster 1976, 406--7; Soanes and Stevenson 2005, 1679). It is a particular sport with two teams of eleven players kicking and heading a ball towards the opponent’s goal side, only the goalkeepers on either side being allowed to handle the ball, except when throwing the ball into the field (Collins 2005, 1529).

Education Education is an empowering process for people whereby they are afforded insight into a venture by taking part in the understanding of their surrounding by determining how to interact or socialise with other people (Lebeloane 1998, 34).

Nation-building Lebogang Morodi

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Nation-building is the most accepted course of shared identity establishment with the purpose of formalising public influence within particular areas of society. It is also an indigenous process demonstrating future prospects by copying from the present day cultures and traditions preserved in institutions as official features supporting the assertion of country’s independent authority and commonness from others (von Bogdandy and Wolfrum 2005, 586).

Transformation Transformation refers to a process marked by a change in form, character, or appearance. In the South African context it is translated into redressing past inequalities inherited from the apartheid years, and advocating a new social order exhibiting values of a democratic country (Soanes and Stevenson 2005, 1873).

Methodology This article is theory-oriented. Secondary sources were consulted that pertained to existing literature on the theme addressing the role that soccer and education play in nation-building in societies characterised by racial, cultural and other forms of divisions emerging out of conflict and oppression. The author consulted literature sources relating to sport and education as catalysts capable of uniting people irrespective of their background. This paper is inspired by the fact that South Africa’s challenges are not necessarily found in the political will or politicians, but rather in its citizens who need to communicate with each other and embrace diversity.

Soccer and education in a divided society The sport of soccer originated in ancient times in China where it was known as tsuchu. The British modified the set of rules governing the game by basing the rules on the principles of fair play, respect and non-discrimination. These are principles that societies can use in their quest for peaceful co-existence in spaces marked by conflict and competition (Lisi 2007, 1). In the past, the education system in South Africa was based on racial and cultural identities, i.e. education was provided separately for Afrikaans, English and black learners. Fort Hare, for instance, thus catered for the Ngunis, the University of Zululand for the Zulus, while the University of the North served Sothos, Tsongas and Vendas. Durban-Westville, on the other hand, focused on Indian students and the University of the Western Cape catered for the coloureds. These separate developments took place as a result of the Extension of University Education Act (45 of 1959) and other laws promulgated for this purpose, e.g. the Bantu Education Act of 1953 and the Group 34

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Areas Act of 1950 (Wiredu 2004). These laws and policies ensured that different racial groups did not live together but functioned as separate entities. South Africa was banned from participating internationally in sports activities due to the draconian laws of segregation, but was eventually readmitted to international sports in 1992 and in 2010 was awarded the right to host the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup. This was as a result of the envisaged role that soccer could play in the building of a divided society (Radnedge 2007, 125). FIFA Fair Play is a programme aimed at maximising the spirit of sportsmanship in denouncing discrimination and racism within football specifically and within society as a whole. The programme transcends the parameters of soccer and promotes the following principles that are applicable to all sports: Play to win; play fair; observe the laws of the game; respect opponents, team mates, officials and fans; concede defeat with dignity; promote football interests; discard corruption, drugs, racism, violence and other threats to sport; assist in resisting corruption; denounce individuals or groups discrediting sport and honour defenders football’s principles (Farlex 2005). It is these soccer principles that can help to address the social ills in South African society when engaging in nation-building.

The significance of education and soccer in society Education plays a role by engaging in research projects that are beneficial to the country and help to address society’s needs. Through education and soccer people can learn to act ethically and share resources -- firstly by learning self-respect and then extending that respect to others. The teaching of sportsmanship should also extend to the soccer fans and can be used to promote an awareness of fair play, courtesy toward fellow-players or opponents, a living spirit, and acceptance of match outcomes. The FIFA Fair Play programme focuses on how people ought to behave, emphasising the conduct of ethical behaviour towards others. Good sportsmanship involves participation for pleasure in fair competition, refusal to take unfair advantage of others by signifying courtesy and graciousness irrespective of the match outcomes. Demonstration of respect towards the game, team mates, officials and soccer patrons is an embodiment of dignity towards the spirit of the game of soccer (Webster 1976). Soccer and education are thus significant roleplayers in the process of nation-building in South Africa. In societies struggling to locate themselves as law abiding, values and ethical-centred education require inclusion of generic curriculum designs promoting diversity among different race groups. It is particularly in the designed syllabus where

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ethical values, particularly with regard to diverse values, are implied but not openly mentioned, and questions are asked to challenge people`s perspectives on ethical issues. Institutions of learning have a role to play in the teaching of ethics in societies focusing on the moral products synthesised since people have the tendency to speculate on values and code of conduct to subscribe to, and end up using such hypotheses justifying their behaviour when addressing society’s real life challenges faced on daily basis (Winsor and Curtis 1990). Education is a component of knowledge production and consumption that plays an important role in inculcating a belief system and standards not only in a soccer setting but also in the broader society; such standards include honesty, trust, fairness and humanness which all form the basis for ethical decision-making in terms of specific human conducts. In areas where decisions are being imposed physically or mentally, there are measurements of rightness and wrongfulness to consider (Winsor and Curtis 1990). The teaching of ethics and values should be integrated into the curriculum. For example, in Japan, there is an emphasis on “moral force of method” for doing things right by teaching and motivating individuals to be persistent not only in order to achieve the desired outcomes but also to be aware of always conducting themselves with integrity (Winsor and Curtis 1990). It is important that education discourses be mentioned in unstated curricula which include preparation for consumption, competition and other values in the lifestyle programme. The goal of teaching ethical values is to help people to apply their analytical skills in such a way as to manage the wider ethical features reflective of the moral questions facing the society. Ethical value education should not be restricted to particular course[s], and should be incorporated throughout the learning curriculum directed at diverse types of communication for different races living in co-existence (Winsor and Curtis 1990). Behavioural values should be taught by promoting diversity and pluralism rather than by subscribing to a particular viewpoint, i.e. “official morality for everyone”, and should instead present diverse alternatives on what is fair and relevant in society based on informed choices. The non-subscription to political and religious views of individuals and groups should not to be the issue but all views should be given equal opportunities for self-determination that do not violate the basic human rights of others (Winsor and Curtis 1990). The idea of “good” is associated with growth and development of human beings to be regarded as good; that which restricts, dehumanises or harms human dignity is perceived as wrong; hence educational teaching and imparting of knowledge to

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society along ethical confinement (Winsor and Curtis 1990). Soccer and education play a role in socio-political settings through conventional norms by attaching meaning to social identification of belonging to a particular group (MacClancy 1996, 2).

Challenges hampering south africa’s nation-building initiatives South Africa is the largest developed country on the African continent with widespread natural wealth. The African National Congress (ANC) led government has achieved a momentous turn-around of the economy’s descending path exhibited in apartheid’s preceding years. The country to date has one of the largest inequalities in the world. The country has a high unemployment rate in addition to one of the highest rates of HIV/AIDS in the world. About 50% of South Africans live in poverty, and about seven million reside in shacks, that is, in informal settlements (Knight 2006, 1). Even though there are visible changes, many things have stayed the same. Political apartheid may have disappeared, but the segregation that in the past divided blacks and whites has survived (Callinicos 2009, 1). This is evident in various spheres of South Africa’s life. Some of the challenges are as follows:

Culture of denial A culture of denial is one of the challenges that faces national reconstruction, and can be seen in the manner in which some white South Africans have reacted to the issue of change. This can be seen for instance in their indifferent attitude to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. For them to be involved in any nation-building efforts, they need to develop a political culture of adaptation to the new democratic society. To a certain degree, blacks have had to go through processes of change aligned to identities of changing conditions, and whites too have to confront such conditions (Mangcu 2008, 101).

Resistance to change In South Africa, due to apartheid politics, sport has been a domain marked by race and emotional discourses pertaining to transformation affecting other spheres of life. In building a united society the focus should be on access rather than creating a quota system. In addressing forms of disparities, soccer is a catalyst with the ability of unifying people from different backgrounds. For change to take effect consensus needs to be reached relating to the issues involved in transformation and how transformation can be effected. Soccer has demonstrated its effect in uniting people when consensus is negotiated (Calland et al. 2010, 206--7).

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The perspective taken with regard to transformation in nation-building in South Africa redresses disparities in sports and other areas of life. This has been the bone of contention by reactionaries who believe that soccer has not changed because white players are not included in the men’s national soccer team; and thus soccer like rugby is hampered by this resistance to change hamstringing the country’s progress with regard to nation-building (Calland et al. 2010, 207).

Racism and discrimination The words “racism” and “discrimination” are used interchangeably implying the conviction that there are features and qualities particular to each race, reflecting prejudice against antagonism towards persons of other races (Allen and Delahunty 2006, 502). The dismantling of the remnants of apartheid is a complex process that will take many years. The years between 1990 and 1999 signalled significant developments with the removal of the discriminatory policies and laws of apartheid. However, other issues have remained essentially unchanged accustomed by the apartheid mindset as a legacy in the 21st century (Christopher 2001, 196) in which racism and discrimination re-emerge as challenges impacting on nation-building. The plight of physically disabled athletes withdrawing from taking part in sports activities and other aspects of life is a serious challenge. It is against this background that soccer’s influence can be used to fight discriminatory practices and to teach people not to judge others on the basis of their characteristics (Mastandrea et al. 2006, 49--50).

Stigma Homophobia is an issue that needs attention and the gay and lesbian community is treated in a biased fashion merely because of their sexual orientation. This also applies to the soccer world and yet soccer can be used to combat stereotyping, and people can be educated to treat others with respect and dignity, and can be used to shape a society that is not in denial of reality and address the issue of labelling people who appear different from them (Delamont and Atkinson 2008, xxi--ii). Social injustice, xenophobic stereotypes, corruption in football, substance abuse, culture of violence and the HIV/AIDS pandemic are significant challenges discussed next, followed by the way forward.

Social injustice Social injustice in the form of child abuse is a huge problem in our society which causes immeasurable harm and even death to vulnerable groups in communities (Salkind 2008, 142). Soccer can play an important role in redressing such social ills like child labour 38

The role of soccer and education in the transformation of South African society

and exploitation, as exemplified by Julie Foudy, the captain of the USA’s women’s national soccer team. She led an awareness campaign to highlight the plight of child labour for which she was awarded the FIFA Fair Play Award (Radnedge 2007, 68). This shows that soccer and education are tools that can be used to highlight human rights issues off the playing field and expose societies where social injustices abound.

Xenophobic stereotypes With the advent of democracy in South Africa, the country became the preferred destination for foreign nationals from sub-Saharan countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Malawi in search of better opportunities. This influx of foreign nationals was perceived as a threat as they were competing for resources with the local people. As a result, xenophobic stereotypes became evident in the late 1990s when South Africa became the economic hub of Africa (Christopher 2001, 230--1). Thus, a considerable number of immigrants are found in South Africa in the quest for a better life. Often they are not welcome in other countries, resulting in anti-immigrant sentiments of a derogatory nature, for instance in Britain where the first xenophobic incidents were recorded in 1919 (Roemer et al. 2007, 135). South Africa is no exception and with the advent of democracy a situation developed where foreign nationals became targets of violent conflict, harassment and killings.

Corruption in football When money, competition and power are involved, it is likely that corruption will rear its head and pose a risk to the growth and development of sport. This can lead to matchfixing, bribery and kickbacks as corrupt practices make their way into the sport and bring it into disrepute. It is for these reasons that educational values and the principles of soccer need to be embedded in the broader society as a way of life. However, to impart such values and principles requires the involvement of educational institutions who need to play their part in designing a curriculum that is relevant to the country’s nation-building efforts (Transparency International 2009).

Substance abuse In some of the displaced communities on the Cape Flats the level of gang fighting achieved worrisome levels at one stage as gangs fought for territorial turf, control, racketeering and drugs thus leading to the formation of People against Gangsterism and Drugs (Christopher 2001, 155). Substance abuse is a serious challenge destroying the lives of youths in South Africa and forcing them into a life of violence and crime at an alarming rate.

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Culture of violence Many women and children in South Africa are exposed to violence at home, at school as well as in society. The consequences of such violent experiences are excessive aggressive behaviour among youths when resolving conflicts (Peltzer et al. 2006, 69). Patriarchy is another challenge hindering the emancipation of women. Within African culture women’s productivity and reproduction are controlled by men taking decisions for them (Gordon 1996, 8). Violence against women, workers or prostitutes is a challenge to nation-building because of the inherent sexism and ill treatment that accompany the violence. This issue needs to be addressed as it reinforces societal stereotypes (Gordon 1996, 22). In South Africa, violence against women and children is rife undermining the building of a caring society which promotes a culture of human rights.

HIV/AIDS pandemic South Africa has a high rate of people living with HIV/AIDS as reported by UNAIDS in 2000 when compared with other countries. The pandemic affects all population groups (Shisana and Simbay 2002) and the findings of their report show many infections occur during adolescence and early adulthood. Other associated challenges relate to factors of poverty, unemployment, rapid urbanisation, collapsing of conventional, traditional and cultural norms and family support structures (Peltzer et al. 2006, 71).

The way forward The African National Congress was tasked with the responsibilities set out in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) focusing on redressing past anomalies and abnormalities in terms of nation-building. The areas of focus included education, health care, social security and basic services (Christopher 2001, 207). In countries undergoing political transition, there are usually serious challenges of great proportion. As a panacea a divided society can benefit from adopting soccer principles and education values as a way of encouraging communication at various community levels (Daly and Sarkin 2007, 3). The racial and social conflicts in South Africa can be traced from the way the country was forcefully colonised and the social pressures exerted by colonialism. As a first line of identifying the root cause of ills in society, it is recommended to confront these challenges using soccer and education as agents of change in societies (Davies et al. 1988, 3).

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Ethics can contribute to a caring society with strong emphasis on treatment of the other with dignity, courtesy, respect and humility. As the basis of relational behaviour on what is acceptable to self, others and the society, others need to be treated with respect, irrespective of their background; therefore, it is recommended that ethical values do not remain an individual matter but are used to advocate for collectiveness (Wiredu 2004). Ubuntu should be embraced as a way of knowing one’s fellow human beings by taking keen interest in their wellbeing. It provides people with a sense of belonging in terms of others, and can be used by soccer and education to reach out to other groups in society (Baloyi 2008). Within the South African context, sporting achievements have been used as a measure of national reconstruction and unification, for instance the 1995 and 2007 Springbok Rugby World Cup achievements (Callant et al. 2010, 206). When commenting on national issues, it is important to make an assessment on what is wrong and what is good for the country’s progress. Countries like South Africa are marked by fault lines of race, class, religion, ethnicity, gender, generation and creed. A positive mindset is required to change negative perceptions of others (Mangcu 2008, 117--118). Sport in particular has been instrumental in effecting socio-economic changes in the dismantling of apartheid; and the same tool can be used as a catalyst to address all manner of social ills such as the culture of denial, resistance to change, racism, discrimination, stigmatisation, social injustice, xenophobic stereotypes, corruption, substance abuse, culture of violence and the HIV/AIDS pandemic. It is thus recommended that the findings of this research paper be used in an empirical study.

Conclusion It is an undeniable fact that in countries such as South Africa which are undergoing a socio-political and economic transition to a new order, there are grave challenges of great proportions. The building of a nation using soccer and education requires absolute subscription to principles of respect, dignity and fairness in diversity based on the values of equality, respect and dignity. Soccer and education are communication tools that can be used to great effect to bring about socio-economic transformation, particularly in situations where diversity, competition and conflict are experienced. The principles of soccer cross all lines of race, belief, gender and political affiliation and bring people of diverse backgrounds together thereby promoting and advancing the nation-building process.

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Wider inclusive ethical programmes for diverse races need to be developed and which focus on the principles of a shared value system, where race is an inconsequential factor. Soccer and education can play positive roles in transforming divided races into a society united in diversity. Nation-building includes remembering the past, but allowing bygones to be bygones so as to create a society that can pride itself in diversity (Mangcu 2008). Soccer and education can be used as an effective tool to help South Africa achieve its goals of creating a nation that is united in its diversity and thereby addressing the current social ills which hamper the country’s growth.

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Mandela, N. 1994. Speech by President Nelson Mandela before Free State Leaders. 17/09/1994. http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/Mandela/1994/nm940301.html (accessed 4 June 2010). Mangcu, X. 2008. To the brink: the state of democracy in South Africa. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press. Mastandrea, L. and D. Czubernat. 2006. Sports and physically challenged: an encyclopedia of people, events and organisations. Wesport: Greenwood Press. Knight, R. 2006. South Africa 2006: Challenges for the future. South Africa Delegation Briefing Paper, November, 2006. New York: Shared Interest. Peltzer, K., S. Pengpid and T. B. Mashego. 2006. Youth sexuality in the context of HIV/AIDS in South Africa. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Radnedge, K. 2007. The complete encyclopedia of soccer. London: Carlton Books. Roemer, J. E., W. Lee and K. Van der Straeten. 2007. Racism, xenophobia and distribution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Salkind, N. J. 2008. Encyclopedia of educational psychology. Vol. 1. Los Angeles: SAGE Publications. Soanes, C. and A.Stevenson, ed. 2005. Oxford dictionary of English, 2nd ed, revised. Oxford University. Oxford. Transparency International. 2009. Corruption and sport: building integrity and preventing abuses. Working Paper. No3/2009. Germany. Von Bogdandy, A. and R. Wolfrum, ed. 2005. State-Building, Nation-Building, and Constitutional Politics in Post-Conflict Situations: Conceptual Clarifications and an Appraisal of Different Approaches. Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law, Volume 9, p. 579--613. The Netherlands. Webster. 1976. Webster’s sports dictionary: Merriam-Webster. Springfield. G & C Merriam Company. Winsor, J. L. and D. B. Curtis. 1990. Ethics in Higher Education. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Speech Association, 76th, Chicago, IL, November 1--4, 1990. Wiredu, K. 2004. A companion to African philosophy. Oxford: Blackwell Publisher.

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EFFICACY OF A BRIEF MEANINGcentred intervention among young people in the Free State, South Africa SOLOMON MAKOLA Central University of Technology, Free State, Welkom Campus South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]

ABSTRACT

The study evaluated the efficacy of a sense-of-meaning intervention with a sample of adolescents and young adults. The participants included 47 high school learners and 22 university students from South Africa (age range 14 to 28 years, females made up 63.2%, majority (55%) were Sesothospeaking). Data was collected on their sense of meaning regarding the intervention by means of the Purpose in Life Test (PIL) and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-II). In addition, qualitative data was collected on the participants’ subjective experiences of the intervention. A one-group, pretestposttest design was employed. The quantitative data was analysed with t-tests for paired samples. The qualitative data was analysed by means of themes. A sense-of-meaning intervention appears to result in significant improvements in levels of meaning and significant reduction of depressive symptoms among adolescents and young adults. When comparing the two groups, the young adults showed significantly higher meaning in life, and significantly lower depressive symptoms than the adolescents, before and after the intervention. Keywords: young people; sense of meaning; meaning intervention; adolescents; young adults; depressive symptoms

The construct “meaning of life” has received growing attention in recent years, probably due to the fact that individuals, especially young people, are constantly seeking to understand themselves, others, as well as the world in which they exist. Some researchers argue that the search for meaning develops parallel to identity development (Steger, Frazier, Oishi and Kaler 2006). They argue that as in identity

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development, people may go through different stages of meaning development. While the search for identity is defined by an individual’s level of exploration, the stages for meaning may be defined by the search for and the presence of meaning. A study by Keeley (1976) found that when compared to the parental generation, the younger generation seems to have countless doubts about the meaning of life, a lesser level of satisfaction with it, and a greater fear of death. Moreover, a study by Michelson (1991) found a significant relationship between age and coping efforts. As a result, the younger generation, more than any group, is overwhelmed by feelings of inner emptiness and/or an existential void. According to the South African Depression and Anxiety Group (SADAG), nearly 10% of teenage deaths in South Africa are as a result of suicide (SADAG 2013). They believe that for most teenagers, suicidal feelings are often combined with depression and feelings of inner emptiness. Much research has been conducted into the relation between the lack of meaning of life and psychopathological variables such as depression and anxiety, self-harm trends and substance abuse (Harlow, Newcomb and Bentler 1986; Ishida and Okada 2006). A significant relationship has been reported between the construct of meaning in life and wellbeing (Ishida and Okada 2006; Makola 2009; Meraviglia 2005; Pinquart 2002; Ryff and Singer 1998; Shek 1992; Zika and Chamberlain 1992). For instance, a high sense of meaning is a mitigating factor for personal wellbeing. There is also evidence that lack of meaning is associated with psychopathology (Pinquart 2002; Ruffin 1984).

Meaning in young people Adolescence may be seen as a phase of harmonising the old with the new (Kegan 1982) where childhood views begin to change and incorporate new perceptions of the world as there are increased demands of adulthood (Fitzgerald 2005). In order to reach identity achievement, it is expected of adolescents to create a complex image of the world around them and assimilate the many, and sometimes contradictory, information sources (Marcia 1966). The need to evaluate the internal and external experiences propels adolescents to search for the meaning of life (DeVogler and Ebersole 1983). This search ultimately results in psychological growth. A study conducted in the United States among a group of adolescents aged 13 to 17 years revealed that 87% of them believed that their lives had an overall purpose and 13% indicated that they saw no purpose in their lives (Gallup Jr 2004). The experience of meaning among adolescents appears to be independent from academic performance. The results of a study by Bronk, Finch and Talib (2010), conducted with a group of adolescents, suggest that particularly strong academic capabilities are not necessary or even ideal for the pursuit of purpose.

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According to Fabry, Bulka and Sahakian (1979), a sense of purpose and/or meaning addresses the problems of young adults on multiple levels. A study by Shek, Mau and Cheung (1994) suggests that having meaning in life is a protective factor, associated with lower levels of aggressive and antisocial behaviours. Interventions to reconstruct meaning are possible. For instance, Fillion, Duval, Dumont, Gagnon, Tremblay, Bairati et al. (2009) reported on a meaning intervention with nurses in palliative care. Nurses in the experimental group reported more perceived benefits of working in palliative care after the meaning-centred intervention. A study by Brassai, Piko and Steger (2012) also found that young people are capable of searching for more meaning in their lives in a manner that is not driven by a loss or by lack of meaning but rather as part of a healthy developmental process of fulfilling their own personal potential.

Goals of the study The current study targeted young people, i.e. adolescents and young adults. The aim of the study was to investigate the efficacy of a meaning-focused brief therapy intervention on the sense of meaning in adolescents and young adults with regard to their depressive symptoms. The primary research question was: Can a brief intervention focused on creative, experiential and attitudinal values enhance the levels of meaning and decrease depressive symptoms in young people and foster resilience amongst them? The secondary research question was: Are there notable differences in the levels of meaning and depressive symptoms among adolescents and young adults?

Method Research design The study used both qualitative and quantitative research methods. A pretest-posttest quasi-experimental design was used in this study. The study was exploratory and aimed at determining the efficacy of a meaning-oriented intervention with young people involved in a peer helper programme.

Participants The participants comprised 47 high school learners and 22 university students, all from the Free State in South Africa. Both groups, students and learners, were part of the peer helper programme in their respective educational institutions. Their ages ranged from

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Efficacy of a brief meaning-centred intervention among young people in the Free State, South Africa

14 to 28 years; 63.2% were females; and the majority (55%) were Sesotho-speaking. The mean age of high school learners was 16.54 years and that of university students 22.14 years. The sample was purposively selected.

Data collection Participants completed the Purpose in Life Test (PIL) (Crumbaugh and Maholic 1969) and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-II) (Beck, Steer, Ball and Ranieri 1996) pre- and post-intervention. Demographic data was also gathered. The PIL was designed to operationalise Frankl’s ideas and to measure an individual’s experience of meaning and purpose in life. The BDI-II was administered to measure the levels of depression and depressive symptoms of the participants. Qualitative interview. A questionnaire with open-ended questions was used to gain insight into the participants’ impression of the brief meaning-centred intervention.

Procedure Planning for innovation/transforming assessment practice. Permission to conduct this study was obtained from the managements of Eldoret High School, Harmony High School and Central University of Technology, Free State. After permission was granted, the researcher conducted a one-hour session to inform the participants about the purpose of the study. All participants, and parents in the case of minors (