University and the European Centre of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments (EKBMM) present this volume of the Proceedings of the On board International symposium: “City Ports from the Aegean to the Black Sea. Medieval – Symposium, was the climax of the project “LIMEN: Cultural ports from Aegean to Black Sea”. Co-funded by the European Program: “Black Sea Basin Joint Operational Programme 2007 2013” and by national resources, the project aimed to push forward the cultural role of the Black Sea city-ports and shed light to their intercommunication and shared cultural features. The main objective of the project was to bridge the existing gap in the development of cultural tourism in the wider Black Sea area.
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CITY PORTS FROM THE AEGEAN TO THE BLACK SEA. MEDIEVAL - MODERN NETWORKS 2 2 n d - 2 9 t h A u g u s t 2 0 1 5
Modern Networks”, which was held August 22 nd-29th, 2015. The
PROCEEDINGS OF THE SYMPOSIUM ON
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CITY PORTS FROM THE AEGEAN TO THE BLACK SEA MEDIEVAL - MODERN NETWORKS 22 nd -29 th August 2015
Editors
F l o r a K a r a g i a n n i - U fuk K o c a b a ş
Proceedings of the Symposium on
City Ports from the Aegean to the Black Sea. Medieval - Modern Networks 22 nd -29 th August 2015
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Proceedings of the Symposium on
City Ports from the Aegean to the Black Sea. Medieval - Modern Networks 22 nd -29 th August 2015
Flora
Editors K a r a g i a n n i - U fuk K o c a b a ş
In the frame of the project “LIMEN: Cultural Ports from Aegean to the Black Sea” www.limenproject.net The Project is co-financed by the EU Joint Operational Programme Black Sea Basin 2007-2013 The Black Sea Basin Programme is co-financed by the European Union through the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument for Pre-Accession Asistance.
P R O J EC T P AR TI CIP A NT S Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters Department of Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects.
European Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments Leophoros Stratou 2, 54640, Thessaloniki GREECE www.ekbmm.gr
Ordu Cad. 34459 Laleli Fatih, Istanbul TURKEY www.istanbul.edu.tr
Museum for National History and Archaeology Constanta
Municipality of Kavala Kyprou 10, 65403 Kavala GREECE
Ovidiu Square no. 12, 900745 Constanţa ROMANIA www.minac.ro
The George Chubinashvili National Research Centre
Odessa City Council, Department of Culture and Tourism
5, Tabukashvili St. 0105, Tbilisi GEORGIA www.gch-centre.ge
Ekaterininskaya 14, 65026 Odessa UKRAINE
Koç University College of Social Sciences and Humanities Department of Archaeology and History of Art
Municipality of Varna 43 “Osmi Primorski polk” Blvd, 9000 Varna BULGARIA
Rumelifeneri Yolu 34450 Sarıyer Istanbul TURKEY http://cssh.ku.edu.tr/arha/home
A S S O C I A TE P A R TNER S Business Council of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, International Secretariat
Organisation of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation
Black and Azov Seas Ports Association
International Black Sea Club
Management Consulting
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE OF THE SYMPOSIUM Anastasia Tourta, Dr. Archaeologist, Director of EKBMM (GR)
Sofronis Paradeisopoulos, Director, Branch for the Hellenic Foundation for Culture (UK)
Flora Karagianni, Dr. Archaeologist, Head of the Office for the Promotion of Scientific Research of EKBMM, Scientific Coordinator of the “Limen” project (GR)
Marika Didebulidze, Director of G. Chubinashvili National Research Centre for Georgian Art History and Heritage Preservation (GE)
Spyros Avdimiotis, Lecturer, Department of Business Administration, Alexander Technological Educational Institute of Thessaloniki (GR) Anastasia Chatzinikolaou, Architect, Project Coordinator of the “Limen” project (GR) Ufuk Kocabaş, Professor, Faculty of Letters, Department of Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects, Istanbul University (TU) Zeynep Kızıltan, Director of Istanbul Archaeological Museums (TU) Michalis Lychounas, Dr. Archaeologist, Municipality of Kavala, Deputy Mayor (GR) Menelaos Chatziapostolidis, Consultant, Municipality of Kavala (GR)
Mzia Janjalia, Art Historian, G. Chubinashvili National Research Centre for Georgian Art History and Heritage Preservation (GE) Valeri Kinov, Historian, Manager of Aladzha Monastery (under the management of Varna’s Historical Museum) (BU) Dessyslava Georgieva, Head of Department of Festivals and Projects, Municipality of Varna (BU) Alessandra Ricci, Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology and History of Art, Koç University (TU) Halim Bulutoğlu, Director of Museum of the Princes’ Islands (TU)
Constantin Chera, Dr. Archaeologist, Museum of History and Archaeology of Constanta (RO) Glicherie Caraivan, Senior Researcher - National Institute for Marine Geology and Geoecology, Constanta Branch (RO) 7
CONTENTS EDITORS’ NOTE
13
FOREWORDS
15
SALUTATIONS
19
PRESENTATION OF THE PROJECT The “Limen. Cultural Ports from Aegean to the Black Sea” Project
27
ΛΙΜΗΝ – PORTUS – HARBOUR IN METAPHORICAL USE Evangelos Chrysos
31
PRESENTATIONS OF MEDIEVAL SHIPS IN THE ART OF THE BLACK SEA REGION Elena Kostić
41
OBSERVATIONS ON THE FORTIFICATIONS OF THE LATE-BYZANTINE CITIES OF THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST Stavroula Dadake
53
“TRAVEL, DRINK AND BE MERRY. PORT AND WINE IN BYZANTINE AEGEAN AND THE BLACK SEA”. PAST AND REALITIES Michalis Lychounas
65
THE CHRYSOBULLOS OF 1189 AND THE HISTORY OF GERMAN AND FRENCH QUARTERS OF CONSTANTINOPLE Oleg Lugovyi
71
PUBLIC OPEN SPACE IN THE CITY-PORT OF TOMIS (4TH – 6T H CENT . AD) Irina Nastasi
81
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN ENVIRONMENT OF BATUMI Nino Inaishvili
93
9
THEODOSIAN HARBOUR: A CROSSROAD BETWEEN BLACK SEA AND THE MEDITERRANEAN Zeynep Kızıltan, Ufuk Kocabaş THE COMMERCIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN AEGEAN AND THE BLACK SEA ON THE BASIS OF THE TESTIMONY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN AMPHORAS Eugenia Gerousi
127
COMMERCE ET NAVIGATION DANS LA MER NOIRE DANS LES DOCUMENTS ÉPIGRAPHIQUES ET ICONOGRAPHIQUES Livia Buzoianu
137
CONSTANTINOPLE RECEIVING ICONS; A NEW APPROACH TO AN OLD ISSUE Nikolaos D. Siomkos
147
SOME NOTES ON THE IMPACT OF CONSTANTINOPLE ON THE BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE OF THE AEGEAN AND THE PELOPONNESE Demetrios Athanasoulis RHODES-CONSTANTINOPLE, 6TH CENTURY TO 1523 AD: A TWO-WAY TRAFFIC Angeliki Katsioti THE CULTURAL NETWORK OF CYPRUS – CONSTANTINOPLE – EUXEINOS PONT OS DURING THE ICONOCLASM ERA Charalampos G. Chotzakoglou PRESERVATION OF YENIKAPI SHIPWRECKS Namık Kılıç
10
109
163
179
191
203
FROM UNDERWATER TO MUSEUM: PRESENTING UNDER WATER CULTURAL HERITAGE A. Gökçe Kılıç
209
SUSTAINABLE CULTURAL ROUTES IN ISTANBUL: THE KÜÇÜKYALI ARKEOPARK AND ITS VICINITIES Alessandra Ricci, Barış Altan
215
CULTURAL TOURISM: POTENTIALS FOR GROWTH Georgia-Anna Kanaki
227
FUNDING OPPORTUNITIES FOR CULTURAL PROJECTS: HOW HIGH IS CULTURE IN THE EUROPEAN AGENDA? Vassiliki Sotiropoulou
235
FROM ANCIENT DIVERS T O MODERN DIVING INDUSTRY AND ITS EFFECT ON CULTURAL TOURISM F. Sancar Uğuryol, Volkan Demir
243
VARNA – A CROSSING POINT OF ANCIENT HISTORY, CULTURAL HERITAGE AND TOURISM OPPORTUNITIES Irina Ugrinska
247
SUSTAINABILITY OF CULTURAL HERITAGE EXPLOITATION AND LOCAL TOURISM DEVELOPMENT: BALANCE AND COSTING AND THE ROLE OF THE STAKEHOLDERS Ioannis Tsoukalidis, Menelaos Chatziapostolidis CULTURAL ROUTES OF KAVALA: “TRACES OF MUSLIM AND CHRISTIAN ORTHODOX REFUGEES IN THE CITY OF KAVALA” Boskou Chr. Effrosyni THE ST. PAUL TRAIL Kate Clow
253
261
271
THE ΕΝΙ IN THE CONTEXT OF CBC - TARGETED SYNERGIES FOR BRINGING EU AND ITS NEIGHBORS CLOSER TOGETHER Anastasia Evangelidou
279
OLKAS: INTERNATIONAL CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL TOURISM IN THE BLACK SEA REGION Sofronis Paradeisopoulos
287
THE BSUDRA PROJECT, EVALUATION, OUTPUTS, SUSTAINABILITY AND PERSPECTIVES Polyxeni Adam-Veleni
293
THE DIGITAL ECONOMY, CULTURE AND TOURISM IN THE BLACK SEA REGION Pyrrhus Mercouris
301
11
BLACK SEA PORT-CITIES, 1780S-1910S: OBJECTIVES AND ACT IONS OF AN INTERDISCIPLINARY PROJECT Gelina Harlaftis, Athina Vitopoulou
309
LIMEN. THE NEW INSTITUTION: “CULTURAL PORT OF T HE BLACK SEA” Flora Karagianni, Anastasia Chatzinikolaou
321
FEASIBILITY – SUSTAINABILITY STUDY OF THE PROPOSED INSTITUTION “CULTURAL PORT OF THE BLACK SEA” - THE MARKETING PLAN Sofia Bournatzi, Chryssa Kopra EXPERIENCES OF THE CULTURAL CAPITAL INSTITUTION Robert Palmer
325
333
EMBRACING A NEW INSTITUTION FOR THE BLACK SEA: “CULTURAL PORT OF THE BLACK SEA” Michael B. Christides
341
LEGAL ASPECTS IN CREATING CULTURAL NETWORKS: THE CASE OF THE “CULTURAL PORT OF THE BLACK SEA” Dimitrios Nikolakakis
345
APPENDIX
12
LIST OF AUTHORS
355
PROGRAM ON BOARD SYMPOSIUM
359
PROGRAM AGENDA CRUISE
367
SAILING THROUGH HISTORY WITH SYMPOSIUM-ON-BOARD Ufuk Kocabaş, Işıl Özsait-Kocabaş, Taner Güler, Evren Türkmenoğlu
379
The Cultural Network of Cyprus Constantinople - Euxeinos Pontos During the Iconoclasm Era Charalampos G. Chotzakoglou
The author examines in his paper the role of Constantinople as the administration centre and as the intermediary for further commercial and cultural contacts between Cyprus and territories in the Euxeinos Pontos (e.g. Bulgaria, Romania, Cherson, Georgia). Cherson and Cyprus were not only places of exile, but, according to the Vita of St. Steven the Younger - product of a
†N i ke K o r f i a t i s
i n mem o r i a m
later compilation-, shared also the common rumor, that Iconoclasm was never exercised there. Due to written sources of that era, as well as according to archaeological evidence, the author arguments that both places were under the constant byzantine control and obeyed the iconoclastic policy, which was initiated in Constantinople (726-787 and 813-843). 191
CITY PORTS FROM THE AEGEAN TO THE BLACK SEA
Fig 1. Georgian monastery in Gialia , Cyprus.
During the early Christian period Cyprus served as one of the important trade posts in the maritime navigation from Constantinople to Egypt and SyroPalestine and vice versa1. The loss of Egypt and the conquest of Syro-Palestine by the Arabs led to the stronger dependence of Cyprus to the byzantine capital, as it became the southern island-border between the Byzantine Empire and the Arabs2. Constantinople served as the ideal city for the byzantine periphery, including Cyprus. The Cypriot capital of Lefkosia was crossed by the Mese Hodos (Μέση Ὁδὸς) ending up to the church of Hagia Sophia3, while a copy of the Hodegetria icon of St. Luke had been sent to Cy192
prus and is being kept till now in the Kykkos Monastery4 on the Troodos mountains, a convent with liturgical practices related to Typika of famous Constantinopolitan monasteries5. Further monastic foundations in Cyprus were founded by Constantinopolitan officials or were connected to Constantinople, as for example the monasteries of Machairas6, the Monastery of St. John Chrysostomos in Koutzobentes7, the Recluse of the Holy Neophytos8 in Tala near Paphos, the Monastery of St. George Mangkanon9 in Lefkosia, Antiphonetes-monastery in Kalograia10, as well as the Kamariotissa-monastery11. The Cypriot products were transferred through Constantinople to the Euxeinos Pontos12,
as archaeological finds demonstrate, while the sea-routes of the Black Sea territories allowed the settlement of Georgian monks in Cyprus, who resided in a middle byzantine monastery near Paphos (Fig. 1)13, of Cypriot monks of the Kykkos-monastery in Georgia14, Romania15 and Bulgaria16 with important dependencies (Metochia). In Bulgarian territory Cypriot ceramics of the byzantine period were found in excavations17, while the iconographical type of the Holy Virgin Kykkotissa was spread in frescoes, engravings and icons up to the post-byzantine period18. Cypriot medieval pottery was also found in Tauric Cherson (Fig. 2)19. Cyprus and the Black Sea and specially Cherson shared
The Cultural Network of Cyprus - Constantinople - Euxeinos Pontos
also the rumor, that they were very often used as places of exile, as they both were at the borders of the Byzantine Empire to Barbarians or Arabs and the exiled persons were exposed to dangers of attacks, raids and bad climate. Well known personalities as Timothy III., Patriarch of Alexandria (5th c.) and the Pope of Rome Martin I. (653-†655 in exile)20 church-officials21, Emperor Justinian II. (695)22 and numerous monks23 were exiled in Cherson, while iconophile monks were exiled by the byzantine emperor to Cyprus24.
power of the dragon (i.e. the byzantine emperor), which did not obey his empty words … These places are the areas opposite to the Euxeinos Pontos in the prefecture of Zechia, consisted by Cherson, (Cimmerian) Bosporus, Nikopsis, the places next to Gothia-valley, the places around the sea of South Italy, the places south of the Old-Rome, the metropolis of Calabria, Naples up to the river of Rome, the places south of Lykia and up to Pamphylia and Isauria and the places, which can be reached by ship, as Propontis, the island of Cyprus and the territories opposite to it, up to Tripolis, Tyros and Iope”26.
In our paper we will focus to the Iconoclastic period (726-787 and 813-843), since a notorious hagiological text connects Cyprus with Crimea and in general with the Black Sea. It regards the Life of Steven the Younger (715-765)25. The text describes the persecutions of the byzantine emperor against the clergy and the iconophile monks, which led St. Steven, according to his biographer, to gather the monks of his Brotherhood and to propose them to abandon their monastery. Answering the question, where they should flee, Steven stated: “There are three areas of the (byzantine) Empire, which did not accepted this filthy (i.e. iconoclastic) heresy. I advise you to flee there, as there is no other place under the
Although the medieval historian had more written sources in his disposal, than we do today, he had no access to the scientific methods, which we use today. How many of the Byzantines had access to historical data or even were able to read historical texts? On the other hand, visiting the Church services in city churches and monasteries, the Byzantines were listening to the Matins every single day the version of the historical facts as
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CHARALAMPOS G. CHOTZAKOGLOU
Fig 2. Glazed bowl (13th c.) with military saint, found in Cherson, probably from Cyprus.
193
CITY PORTS FROM THE AEGEAN TO THE BLACK SEA
accepted by the official Church. These texts, which were inserted in Synaxaria, Menologia, Typika and the Lives of the Saints, were offered in a simple language and explained in the preaching, so the Byzantines had not to know reading in order to understand it28. The number of manuscripts, which were copied in the monastic scriptoria and spread this information, was huge and the
Fig. 3. Geometric patterns in St. Barbara-church, Korobia, Cyprus.
life of this information lasted up to our days, in comparison to the pure historical texts, which were partially copied or preserved in libraries. Returning to the Life of Saint Steven the Younger, it seems that the majority of the Byzantine citizens was influenced by the Vitas of saints that were circulated, as well as by the sermons and preachings that were given by the clergy, according to which, Southern Italy, Cyprus and the Syro-palestine towns, as well as the Euxeinos Pontos, were places that never experienced Iconoclasm. The contemporary philological research has in the last years proven that the Life of St. Steven the Younger is a later compila-
tion28 of the victorious iconophile side and the official Church, dated around the middle of the 9th century, contains legendary information and was characterized as “a notorious unreliable source”29. But the case does not end here. This text was used itself as a “historical source” to other contemporaneous and later hagiographical texts, with result to multiply the references regarding Iconoclasm. Therefore we read in the Journey’s Description of the monk Epiphanius (middle of the 9th c.) that the territories of the Black Sea resisted to Iconoclasm and rejected it. Although we know today, based on the philological research, that the monk Epiphanius most possibly never visited Euxeinos Pontos and he received all his information from ancient Greek geographical sources and hagiological texts, such as the Life of St. Steven the Younger, his text was widely accepted, it was distributed and was preserved in several manuscripts30. His text became itself a source for future byzantine writers, as Niketas Paphlagon31 and Symeon Metaphrastes32. A similar text, which contains information on Euxeinos Pontos during the iconoclastic period is the Life of St. Joseph the Hymnographer, written by the Deacon John33. John was based, among
194
The Cultural Network of Cyprus - Constantinople - Euxeinos Pontos
others, to the Life of St. Steven the Younger, as the modern philological research has proven, and he repeated the information of the iconoclastic Cherson34. Therefore it is not peculiar to read in several modern historical texts that Cherson, Euxeinos Pontos and Cyprus rejected Iconoclasm, as they relied upon different hagiographical texts of the 9th c., which actually all repeated the compiled Vita of St. Steven. Nevertheless historical testimonies of these regions reveal that they were under the continuous byzantine authority and remained loyal to the Emperor. Although the testimonies on Cherson during the early byzantine period are not numerous, we can conclude, that at least since the 6th century the byzantine power was clearly exercised upon Cherson35. The Church of Constantinople was consisted during Iconoclasm by prelates and church officials loyal to the emperor, who exercised his policy, appointing their favorite bishops and exiling their opponents36. In this context we have to keep in mind that the bishops of Cherson, Cimmerian Bosporus, Sougdaia and Gotthia were under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate, were taking part in the local Synods of the Church of
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CHARALAMPOS G. CHOTZAKOGLOU
Constantinople37, they signed the Acts of the Synods and were under the direct control of the iconoclast Church of Constantinople38. Therefore, if they were expressing any iconophile statement they would have been exiled. It is very characteristic that the unnamed “bishop of Gotthia”, who took part to the Synod of Hiereia (754)39 supported Iconoclasm. Further solid information on the iconoclastic Cherson derives from iconophile sources, which had no reason to deceive their recipients by presenting Cherson as an iconoclastic region. In one letter of the notorious iconophile Theodore Studites, dated probably in 821 and addressed to iconophile bishops exiled in Cherson, Theodore is encouraging them to keep their faith and he informs them, that the iconoclastic Emperor Leo V the Armenian had died40. As it is well known, the places of exile were under the military control of the emperor and his prefects41. Similar information of exiled iconophiles in Cherson contains also the Life of John of Gotthia, where it is stated that an iconophile monk of the Kleisthenion monastery was exiled in Cherson, after the emperor Constantine V. Kopronymos ordered to cut his nose42, as well as Anna Komnena43.
Fig. 4. Aniconic representations at the church in Agyia, Billoures, Cyprus.
In another letter, Theodore Studites regrets that even in Gotthia, Klimata and the Cimmerian Bosporus the orders of the iconoclast Emperor Constantine VI were obeyed and if any monk resisted, was sent to exile44. At the same time we know that 841 Cherson was elevated 195
church in Jaleti (8th-9th c.)49 and in Benisi (9th c.), which the modern research50 tends to re-date and classify them to the period of Iconoclasm.
Fig. 5. Aniconic representation in St. Athanasia-church, Rizokarpason, Cyprus.
in a Byzantine “Thema”, reflecting its direct control of the byzantine capital and the imperial army45. In Cherson no byzantine painted church before the 11th century46 survived, which could give us an insight on the iconoclast monumental art, except cases of hermitages with the single representation of the cross47. It seems that the situation was similar also in Georgia, where painted churches with aniconic decoration have been preserved, as Sion in Erco (8th c.)48, the 196
The image of a loyal byzantine territory to the emperor offers also Cyprus in the historical sources. According to testimonies of Cypriot bishops, as recorded in the Acts of the VII Ecumenical Council (787), iconoclastic activity appeared in Cyprus51. The whole island was under the byzantine control, while the Peace Treaty between Byzantines and Arabs foresaw the sharing of the Cypriot taxes and not the political sharing of the island, as some researchers willful interpret the Treaty52. Byzantine sources and lead seals confirm the transfer of byzantine officers and commanders to Cyprus, who had to represent the official, imperial policy of Iconoclasm53. When Christians fled from Syro-Palestine at the beginning of the 9th c. because of the Arabs, the byzantine emperor Michael I. (813) allowed them to settle down in Cyprus providing them with financial assistance, a fact which proves the undisturbed exercise of byzantine power in Cyprus54. In the same way the imperial order of transporting a considerable number of Cypriots to Cyzicus
along with their Archbishop in order to settle down in the abandoned suburbs of Constantinople and revive them55, as well as the accusations of the Arabs, that Cypriots during that period were spying in favor of Constantinople, a fact which caused repeated Arab raids as punishment, demonstrate the loyalty of Cypriots to the byzantine emperor56. The fact that iconophile monks were exiled to Cyprus as well as the testimony of St. John of Damascus, that the previous situation in the iconophile Cyprus was overthrown, underline the adoption of the Constantinopolitan iconoclastic policy57. Furthermore the artistic evidence confirms the iconoclastic presence on the island of Cyprus. If Cyprus had rejected iconoclasm, we should expect to find preserved painted churches and icons of that period, as we find in the Sinai monastery58, which escaped Iconoclasm. On the contrary, not a single church with frescoes or icon, lead seal or object of minor art in Cyprus can be ascribed to that period; furthermore four partially painted churches and a dome adorned with wall mosaics have been identified and dated during the iconoclasm period. The churches of St. Barbara in Korobia (Fig. 3)59, the church in Agyia near
The Cultural Network of Cyprus - Constantinople - Euxeinos Pontos
Billoures in Aigialousa (Fig. 4)60 and St. Athanasia in Rizokarpason (Fig. 5)61, all three situated today in the Turkish-occupied part of northern Cyprus, as well as the church of St. Paraskeue in Geroskepou (Fig. 6)62 near Paphos reveal painted decoration with aniconic motives. Furthermore the basilica of the Apostle Barnabas, the founder of the Cypriot Church in Engkome near Salamis preserves two central domes, which were renovated probably during the 9th century and were decorated with reused mosaics with aniconic ornaments (Fig. 7a-b)63. Cyprus and the towns of the Euxeinos Pontos as parts of the byzantine periphery were strongly connected through Constantinople in their commercial relations, artistic influences and consequently in dogmatic issues. Remaining loyal to Constantinople, the byzantine capital, which was the mental and physical bridge connecting distant byzantine centers, was meaning to take part in the world distribution of their products, exchange of ideas and art and secure wealth and protection from foreign invaders, which Church itself along with the Iconophiles could not guarantee. Although the Byzantines themselves were influenced by
the later compiled Church-texts and believed that Cyprus and the Black Sea resisted Iconoclasm, the modern research of
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CHARALAMPOS G. CHOTZAKOGLOU
texts and monuments dictates that the official iconoclastic policy was exercised upon them without any recorded resistance.
Fig. 6. Aniconic patterns in the eastern dome of St. Paraskeue-church, Geroskepou, Cyprus.
Fig 7a. Geometric mosaic pattern in the western dome of Apostle Barnabas-church, Egkome, Cyprus.
Fig 7b. Geometric mosaic pattern in the eastern dome of Apostle Barnabas-church, Egkome, Cyprus.
197
CITY PORTS FROM THE AEGEAN TO THE BLACK SEA
N OTE S 1 Chotzakoglou 2014, 171, 173-4. 2 Browning 2005, 240-1. 3 Richard 1962, 126 n. 4. 4 Constantinides 2002, 100-10; Chotzakoglou 2009, 43-50 with previous bibliography. 5 Constantinides, Διήγησις, 121. 6 Agathonos 2001, 26-7. 7 Papacostas 2007, 25-156. 8 The Recluse was founded as a monastery under the efforts of the Bishop of Paphos, Basileios Kinnamos, who had strong ties with Constantinople and the byzantine emperor: Asdracha 2005, 408; Constantinides 2005, 420. 9 Papacostas 2012, 94. 10 Chotzakoglou, entry “Aντιφωνητὴς” 46-47. 11 Mango 1973, 127-32; Couroupou and Géhin 2001, 147-64. 12 Chotzakoglou 2014, 171, 173-4. 13 Djobadze 1984, 196-209; Browning 2005, 290; Gagoshidze, Mindorashvili and Gagoshidze 2014; Gagoshidze, Mindorashvili and Gagoshidze 2015. 14 Rev. Athanasios Kykkotes 1998. 15 Gioran 1973, 48-56. 16 «Hγούμενος Μονής Βατσκόβου … ο αρχιμ. Μακάριος», Ekklesiastike Alitheia 13, Year XII., 29/5/1892; Antoniou 2002, 189-94. 17 Manolova-Voykova 2013, 355; Eadem 2014 (in print).
27 Albrecht 2013a, 111-2. 28 Firstly written ca. 807/9 and compiled at the midth of the 9th c.: Brubaker and Haldon 2011, 236, 400 note 136. 29 Brubaker and Haldon 2011, 300; Chotzakoglou 2011, 541; Albrecht 2013a, 114-6. 30 Albrecht 2013a, 113-4 and note 94. 31 Albrecht 2013a, 114. 32 Albrecht 2013a, 114. 33 “Vita Josephi hymnography”, PG 105, 940-976. 34 Albrecht 2013a, 115-6. 35 Ajbabin 2013, 191-2, 207; Albrecht and Herdick 2013, 31-4. We do not agree with the hypothesis of St. Albrecht and M. Herdick that in the 8th c. the southwestern part of the Crimea was governed as “condominium” by Byzantines and Chazars. The writers base their proposal to the analogy, as they call it, that the power on Cyprus between the 7th c. and 965 was shared by Byzantines and Arabs (“condominium”), referring to the relevant Treaty of ca. 688. The mentioned Treaty refers to the sharing of taxes and not to sharing of political power between Arabs and Byzantines. The related sources and the archaeological material discovered on the island do not support such a political system on Cyprus. Moreover the idea of “condominium” was invented in the 20th c. by the British colonialism and does not appear in byzantine sources. See also Chrysos 2003, 145-9; Vryonis 1995, 130-133; On the lead-seals testimonies of continuous byzantine presence on Cyprus see: Chotzakoglou 2005, 749-750. On the state of research for Cherson regarding the proposed theory of “condominium” and arguments against it see: Albrecht 2013b, 451-2, 458-9.
18 Tatić-Djurić 1990, 212, fig. 13-14; Hristova 2000, 16.
36 Τhe case of St John of Gotthia, as described in his Vita, is very characteristic of such a case: Auzépy 2000, 324-31; Auzépy 2006, 69-86.
19 Glazed pottery from Cyprus: Sedikova 2013, 134; Zalleskaya 2011, 118-130, 637 fig. 431.
37 Albrecht 2013a, 113; Albrecht, Herdick and Schreg 2013, 479 and 485 (Quinisextum Council), 490.
20 Albrecht 2013, 105.
38 Auzépy 2006, 69-86; Ajbabin 2013, 192, 201-3, 207.
21 “Vita et Conversatio s.p.n. et confessoris Theodori abbatis monasterii studii a Michele monacho consripta” PG 99, 233-328; Neil 2006; Albrecht 2013a, 105; Albrecht, Herdick and Schreg 2013, 485.
39 Vasilijevskij 1912, 416.
22 Mango 1990, 42, 101ff· Head 1972, 99ff· Stratos 1980, 103ff. 23 Regarding the monks Theodore (†655) and Euprepius (†667) see: Allen and Neil 1999, 207; Ajbabin 2013, 191. 24 Peeters 1911, 419· Sphyroera et all 2010, I., 189, 205. 25 Brubaker and Haldon 2011, 234-9, 300-302, 400. 26 Τριῶν ὄντων τῶν καθ’ ἡμᾶς μερῶν τῶν μὴ κοινωνησάντων ταύτη τῇ μιαρᾷ αἱρέσει… Οὐ γὰρ ὑπολείπεται ἄλλος τις τόπος, ὅστις ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ δράκοντος, μὴ πειθαρχήσας τῇ αὐτοῦ κενοφωνίᾳ … τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἄναντες τοῦ Εὔξεινου Πόντου … ἐπὶ τῆς πρεσβυτέρας Ρώμης τὸ κάταντες … ἥ τε Κυπρίων νῆσος, καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀντικρύ, ἕως Τριπόλεως καὶ Τύρου καὶ Ἰώπης. Τὶ δὲ χρῆ λέγειν περὶ τῶν προέδρων τοῦ τε Ρώμης καὶ Ἀντιοχείας, Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ Ἀλεξανδρείας, οἵτινες οὐ μόνον ἀπεβδελύξαντο καὶ ἀνεθεμάτισαν τὸ μυσαρὸν τῶν Εἰκονοκαυστῶν δόγμα, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπιστολαῖς στηλιτευτικαῖς οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο καθυβρίζοντας τὸν πρὸς τοῦτο ἐπινεύσαντα ἀσεβῆ βασιλέα, ἀποστάτην καὶ αἱρεσιάρχην αὐτὸν ἀποκαλοῦντες…»: La vie d’Étienne le Jeune par Étienne le Diacre (ed. M.-F. Auzépy), Aldershot, Hampshire 1997, 125, 219-220· Auzépy 1999.
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40 Fatouros 1992, Letter 435; Albrecht 2013a, 108. 41 “The Prefect of the town exiles and confines to the island, which the emperor orders”: Zepos 1931, II., 743. 42 Albrecht 2013a, 112. 43 Albrecht 2013a, 105. 44 “Vita et conversation s.p.n. et Confessoris Theodori abbatis monasterii studii a Michaele monacho consripta”, PG 99, 233-328. 45 Zuckerman 1997, 214; Romančuk 2005, 692; Ajbabin 2013, 207. 46 Plontke-Lüning 2013, 251-269; Ajbabin 2013, 219-225. On frescoes from christian tombs see: Pillinger II. 309-317; Pillinger and Zubar 2000-2001, 123-30. 47 Albrecht, Herdick and Schreg 2013, 475; Bemmann, Schneider et al. 2013, 148, fig. 4. 48 Skhirtladze 1997, 201-2; Mourelatos 2014, 109-10. 49 Skhirtladze 1997, 201-2. 50 Although Panayotidi-Kesisoglou 2014, 96 states that “…the Iconoclastic controversy … never affected the art in Georgia…”, the modern research registers several painted churches of that period with aniconic decoration: Skhirtladze 1997, 201; Mourelatos 2014, 109-110.
The Cultural Network of Cyprus - Constantinople - Euxeinos Pontos 51 Chotzakoglou 2005, 583 with the previous bibliography; Benediktos, (Archim. Paulos) Egglezakes 1996, 85. 52 Chotzakoglou 2011, 545-6; Albrecht and Herdick 2013, 30-1. 53 Chotzakoglou 2005, 582-4. 54 Theophanes, “Chronographia”, PG 108, 1001; Prokopiou 2006, 120 with some mistakes in the transcription. 55 Charanis 1961, 143. 56 Browning 2005, 235-91. 57 Chotzakoglou 2005, 580. 58 Brubaker and Haldon 2011, 320-36. 59 Chotzakoglou 2006, 111, fig. 19; Chotzakoglou 2005, 584; Chotzakoglou 2010, 6. 60 Chotzakoglou 2010, 6-8. 61 Foulias 2010, 203-29. 62 Chotzakoglou 2005, 584-5. 63 Chotzakoglou 2005, 576, fig. 304-5.
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