Ўзбекистон Республикаси Олий ва ўрта махсус таълим вазирлиги Алишер Навоий номидаги Тошкент давлат Ўзбек тили ва адабиёти университети
«АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ВА XXI АСР» мавзуидаги Республика илмий-назарий анжумани материаллари
«TAMADDUN» Тошкент – 2017
Dīvān-i balāġat-cunvān-i Salīm hān-i avval. Ba-ihtimām-i Pavul Horn. Berlin, 1904. Dīvān-i Fānī. Kitābkhāna, Mūza va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Šūrā-yi Islāmī, 1035. Dīvān-i kāmil-i Hāfiz. Ba-ihtimām-i Muhammad kazvīnī va Kāsim Ġanī. Tihrān, 1382. Dīvān-i Humāyūn. Kitābhāna, Mūza va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Šūrā-yi Islāmī, 13651. Dīvān-i kāmil-i Hāfiz. Ba-ihtimām-i Muhammad kazvīnī va Kāsim Ġanī. Tihrān, 1382. Dīvān-i Sultān Salīm. Kitābhāna, Mūza va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Šūrā-yi Islāmī, 13392. Kınalı-zade Hasan Çelebi, Tezkiretü’ş-Şucarâ. I.Haz. İbrahim Kutluk. Ankara, 1989. Kleinmichel, Sigrid, Mīr cAlīšēr Navā’ī und Ahmed paša. Archivum Ottomanicum 17 (1999) 77–211. Latîfî, Tezkiretü’ş-Şuacarâ ve Tabsiratü’n-Nuzamâ. İnceleme-Metin. Haz. Rıdvan Canım. Ankara, 2000. Majmūca-yi sih dīvān. Kitābhāna, Mūza va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Šūrā-yi Islāmī, 2658. Mīr cAlī-Šīr Navāyī “Fānī”, Dīvān. Ba sacī u ihtimām-i Rukn ad-Dīn Humāyūn Farruh. Tihrān, 1375. Péri Benedek, I. Szelim szultán kiadatlan perzsa versei I. (Unpublished ghazals by Yavuz sultan Selim. Part I.) Keletkutatás 2015 tavasz, 117–122. Péri Benedek, I. Szelim szultán kiadatlan perzsa versei II. (Unpublished ghazals by Yavuz sultan Selim. Part II.) Keletkutatás 2015 ősz, 113–130. Péri, Benedek, ’From Istāmbōl’s throne a mighty host to Irān guided I;/Sunken deep in blood of shame I made the Golden Heads to lie’: Yavuz Sultan Selim’s Persian poetry in the light of the Ottoman-Safavid propaganda war. In: Proceedings CIEPO Budapest (Forthcoming) Péri, Benedek, Az indiai Timuridák és a török nyelv. A török írás és szóbeliség a mogul-kori Indiában (Indian Timurids and Turkic Language. Turkic Language and Literature in Mughal India). Piliscsaba, 2005. Péri, Benedek, Szelim szultán perzsa ġazaljai I. Az első megközelítés. (The Persian ghazals of Sultan Selim I. A First Approach). In: Dévényi Kinga (szerk.), Varietas Delectat. Tanulmányok Kégl Sándor emlékére. Budapest, 2010, 21–45. Sertkaya, Osman Fikri, Osmanlı šairlerinin Çağatayca šiirleri. Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Dergisi 18 (1970) 133–138. NAWĀ’Ī’SKHAMSA IN THE LIGHT OF TIMURID CULTURAL POLICIES DR.MARC TOUTANT (Centre d’Études Turques, Ottomanes, BalkaniquesetCentrasiatiques (Paris, France)
[email protected]) The Timurid era was a period of cultural florescence, especially at the end of the dynasty, during the reign of the last great Timurid ruler, Sultān Bayqara (1469-1506). This Timurid Renaissance resulted from the intensification of an ongoing process of artistic imitation in various artistic fields.Far from trying to differentiate their domination over the sedentary Iranian population by a specific aesthetic program, the last successors of this Turko-Mongolian dynasty did not cease to model their artistic achievements on the Persian canons.A careful study of imitational practices in the fields of architecture, painting, and literature leads us to understand that this imitation process revealed several tendencies that characterized the last Timurids’ attitude towards the Persianate cultural complex, and what we could ultimately label as a kind of cultural policy. Nawā’ī was recognized as a master in both the lyric ghazal and the narrative mathnawī genre. In the latter, his fame rests upon his Khamsa, a collection of five poems, intended as a poetic response to the Khamsas ofNizāmī Ganjawī (1141-1209), Amīr Khusraw Dihlawī (1253-1325) and also to Jāmī (14141492)’s Haft Aurang. Up to now, most of the studies devoted to this famous rewriting have proved to be reluctant to deal with its ambiguous links to the Persian tradition. Its understanding in the light of recent research carried out in the fields of architecture, painting and literature in the Timurid capital at the end of 80
the fifteenth century has provided us with new perspectives. It shows that Nawā’ī’s poetic endeavourcan be seen as a singular embodiment of major Timurid aesthetic trends of this period and a privileged access to the cultural history of the region. Nawā’ī’s khamsa: between ‘servile copying’ and‘absolute originality’? Facing a Khamsa written in a Turkic language, Western Orientalists who began to look at Nawā’ī’s work were more interested in his language than in its literary content. Since Nawā’ī labelled his own work an imitation of the great Persian writers, it was generally considered that his work, and especially his Khamsa, did not deserve any particular interest. This opinion was openly expressed by Edgar Blochet, a French orientalist who was the adjunct curator of the manuscript department of the Bibliothèque Nationale in 1929. He did not hesitate to state that the Timurid poet was nothing but a “slavish imitator.”1Edgar Blochet’s judgement was far from being isolated and this kind of attitude towards the poet had great consequences on the way he was studied in Europe. In fact, stating that Nawā’ī was just an imitator showed that the imitation process in Central Asia was not well understood. Many Orientalists were apparently blinded by the Romantic vision and the Romantic aesthetics of the last two or three centuries, which have made originality the ultimate literary value. Given that the illusion of ‘radical originality’ devalues all forms of repetition, it implies that the status of the poet as imitator of his predecessors was often equated with servile copying, and lack of originality. In Central Asia, one could expect that academics were more accustomed to the imitation process. However, it was primarily for political purposes that, during the Soviet period, Uzbek and Russian interpretations contradicted Western Orientalists’ harsh judgement of Nawā’ī. Nawā’ī was a cultural piece in the elaboration of a national Uzbek identity ethnogenesis after the Second World War. In accordance with these indigenisation policies, emphasis was henceforth put on his originality. The eminent Iranist Evgeni Bertel’s was one of the first to stress Nawā’ī’s specificity by comparing his Khamsa with that of Nizāmī, and did not hesitate to criticise Blochet’s scornful attitude.2Bertel’s opened the way to a modern literary understanding of the poet’s work and the complexity of the imitation process was progressively taken into consideration in the Navoiyshunoslik.3 But, for Nawā’ī was mostly studied in the Soviet empire whose cultural policy established the Timurid poet as the emblematic writer of the new-born Republic of Uzbekistan, Soviet scholars tended to isolate his work from any Persian influence. While this attitude had proved to remain a basic trend, outside the Soviet World the question was even less approached since Turcologists tended to focus on the Turkish elements of Nawā’ī’s poetry, and Iranists appeared to be rarely concerned with Turkish emulators of Classical Persian poetry. The point is that, while preserving the poet from the accusation of being a ‘slavish imitator,’ Turcologists have always emphasized the originality of Nawā’ī’s Khamsa to an extent that has clouded his link with the Persianate tradition. Rarely did they attempt to discern Nawā’ī’s specific ambition in the light of Timurid concerns towards the Persianate tradition. Given the complexity of the imitation process, the importance of the tradition, the poet’s awareness of the significance of the Persian poetry, it seems consequently that the question requires further investigation. Three major aspects of timurid aesthetic trends To fully understand Nawā’ī’s conscious re-interpretational attitude towards the Persianate tradition requires reading the poet’s reflection on the poetic past while considering the cultural milieu within which 1 E. Blochet, Les Enluminures des manuscrits orientaux de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Éditions de la Gazette des Beaux-arts, 1926, p. 95. 2 See “Navoi i Nizami,” in ed. A. K. Borovkov, Ališer Navoi, Sbornik statej, Leningrad, Moscou Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1946, p. 68-92. 3 See also from Bertel’s “Nevāi i ‘Aṭṭār,” in ed. V. Bartol’d, Mir-Ali-Šir, Sbornik k pjatisotletiju so dnja rozhdenija, Leningrad, Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1928, and Navoi. Opyt tvorčeskoj biografii,Leningrad, Moscou Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR po Izdaniju Naučno-Populjarnoj Literatury, 1948.
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he composed his poetry. Recent works have focused on the imitation process during the Timurid era and allow us to examine the question from a different viewpoint.In Nawā’ī’s time, during the reign of the last great ruler Husayn Bayqara, Herat enjoyed a period of remarkable artistic ferment. The Timurids, and specifically the later Timurids,have universally been acknowledged by medieval Islamic cultural historians as representing the pinnacle of patronage of the arts.What has been called a Renaissance was the result of anintensive imitation process. In factthe Timurid court consciously immersed itself in the media and standards of the ‘Persianate cultural complex.’One of the central issues facing Timurid rulers was the need, as foreign Turkic conqueror to establish themselves as legitimate rulers in the Iranian monarchical tradition. It is undoubtedly true that Timurid calligraphy, painting, decorative arts, and architecture all give convincing testimony of the dynasty’s energetic and conscious cultivation of Persianate art forms. In fact, the imitation process during the period in which Nawā’ī composed was affected by three majors trends. The first one can be seen as a kind of timuridization. The empire Timur left behind at his death was of vast extent. But as there existed neither an effective disposition for the succession nor a firm political organisation for the realm, its unity immediately crumbled. With the passing of AbūSa‘īd the Timurid empire entered a new phase of disintegration. At the end of the fifteenth century, when Sultān Bayqara came to power, he inherited a vastly diminished empire, which would soon disappear. The dynasty then attempted to reconcile itself to the altered circumstances of a vastly diminished empire, while trying to maintain the façade of its earlier power. By shifting the focus of their energies from the battlefields to the arts, the Timurids were able to restructure the image of their power, creating a façade, whose brilliant exterior masked an insubstantial core. Through the cultural and artistic prestige they projected, they were able to maintain the aura of Timurid power so central to their existence. The timuridizationthen can be described as a conscious affirmation of Timurid charisma through overt references to the funder of the dynasty,which resulted notably in a resurgence of interest in Turkic values and literature.Sultān Husayn’s effort to associate himself with Timur took a number of forms.For example, in the field of architecture, while Shāhrukh’s Herat was modelled on the Kartid city (being of Tajik origin, the Kartiddynasty ruled over a large part of Khorasan from Herat during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries), Sultān Husayn returned to the example of Timur himself in order to give Herat a real Timurid shape. The second trend is often describedas apenchant for standardization. The standardization was an essential component of the Timurid project of cultural mastery and assimilation of the Persian tradition. The first thing the Timurids wanted to achieve was to create a catalogue of past work and the formation of the classical canon of the Persian poetry.Thus, while painters, calligraphers, and various artists alike were often engaged in a single cultural project, namely the maintenance and propagation of the classical canon of Persian poetry, Timurid poets concentrated their efforts on defining and organizing the tradition’s thematic and symbolic repertoire: it was a kind of codification and systematization process. Conceiving that any kind of activity must be carried out in the shadow of the archetypes of the Persian tradition, Timurid poetry was a poetry that celebrates and reveals its own systematic conventionality, an aesthetic at the opposite extreme from Romantic notions of artistic freedom and personal expression. On the other hand, this kind of imitation process entailed the consolidation and sometimes the revision of the Persianate tradition since this process was undertaken by people whose concerns and interests were partly determined by the trends of their times.1 The last trend is a form of sufization. At the end of the fifteenth century, religious orders and dervishes were among the groups who benefited the most from the restructuring of Timurid power.Sultān Husayn was dependent upon the support of the sheikhs and their orders, a reflection of declining Timurid power. The impact on the visual arts of this interest in Sufism occurred on a number of levels. At the most obvious, Sufi-inspired texts were copied, illuminated, bound in fine covers, and at times even illustrated. While production of such manuscripts had occurred as early as the second quarter of the fifteenth century, these texts became more prominentand were copied in larger numbers at the end of the century. 1 See P. Losensky, Welcoming Fighānī: Imitation and Poetic Individuality in the Safavid-Mughal Ghazal, Costa Mesa, Mazda Publisher, 1987.
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Towards a new interpretation The identification of these three major trends, which affected the imitation process,leads us to propose a new interpretation of Nawā’ī’s ownimitation of Nizāmī’s Khamsa.Concerning the first dimension, the timuridization, I would like to quote some excerpts taken from the prologues of theKhamsa. In the prologues of each mathnawī,the poetdevelops his warlike vision of the literary emulation. Each poet who had succeeded in writing a Khamsais compared to a conqueror. Let us see how Nawā’īconsiders his achievements in this context: Nizāmī alsa barda‘ birlä ganja if Nizāmī seized Barda and Ganja qadam rūm ahlïgha ham qïlsa ranja if his march hurt the people of Rum chekib khusrau daghï tīgh zabānïnï if Khusraw also drew the sword of the language yurub fatḥ äyläsä hindūstānnï and marched on and conquered India yana jāmī ‘ajamda ursa naubat if Jāmī again took his share in ‘Ajam ‘arabda daghï chalsa kūs-i shaukat if he hit the drums of glory among the Arabs agar bir qaum gar yüz yoqsa mingdür whether they are one tribe or one hundred or one thousand mu‘ayyan türk ulusï khwud meningdür it is obvious that the Turkic tribes are under my control alïpmen takht-i farmānïmgha āsān I easily took under my authority [all the places] cherik chekmäy khïṭādïn tā khurāsān from China to Khorasan without an army khurāsān demä kim shīrāz u tabrīz not only the Khorasan but also Shiraz and Tabriz ki qïlmïshtur nay-i kilkim shakarrīz when the tip of my calame pours its sugar1 According to his own words, Nawā’ī took control over the Persianate tradition. He sees himself as the leader of a cultural conquest, replacing the military conquest thathad established Timurid power over the Iranian settled populations. So as to display his power, the poet does not hesitate to state that his ‘empire’ will extend from China (Khïṭā) to Khorasan, including the Fars region with Shiraz, and the Caspian Sea with Tabriz. Besides, since this conquest is particularly spectacular, it implies a man of an extraordinary nature. Thus, like Timur who had been said to be sent by God, thereader is informed that Nawā’ī has been chosen not only among Turkic, but also among Persian and Arabic peoples, to write his Khamsa. It is thus not surprising that Nawā’ī gave himself the same title that the great Timurid conqueror was given. When the poet became disheartened by his task in his last mathnawī, an angel came down to him and told him that: naṣīb etti äyläb seni marzbān Fate appointed thee as a custodian sinān-i qalam birlä tīgh-i zabān with the tip of the calame or the sword of the tongue ki bu mülk ara qahramān bolghasen for you will become a hero among men ulus ichräṣāḥib qirān bölghasen you will be the Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction among the tribes2 The title ṣāḥib qirān (‘The Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction’), which was gained by Tamerlane due to his military successes, is claimed by Nawā’ī, not for war achievements, but for cultural victories towards the tradition. Actually, writing a Khamsain Turkic was all the more courageous that,by the end of the century, only ten percent of the poetry written at Sultān Husayn’s court wascomposed in Türkī.Obviously, Nawā’ī attempted to revitalize the Timurid conquest at a time when the dynasty had lost its great power. Being the last resonance of the Timurid conquest and the promise of a cultural revival,Nawā’ī’s Khamsa certainly evoked the glory days of the dynasty’s Turkic past with its military connotations. Throught the writing of his Khamsa,Nawā’īalso epitomized the Timurid specific concern for the codification and the standardizationof the Persianate tradition. The rewriting of Alexander’s expedition provides us with the best illustration of this process. Reading the Sadd-i iskandarī (‘The Alexandrian Wall’), oneobserves that Nawā’ī not only repeated, but also reorganized some of the most important passages of Nizāmī, Amīr Khusrau Dihlawī, and mostly Jāmī’s own versions of Alexander’s the Great biography. Actually, if we take a closer look at theSadd-i iskandarī, we see that this text is ruled by series of thematic 1 Ms Michigan 450,Farhād u Shīrīn, LIV, p. 254. 2 Ms Michigan 450,Sadd-i iskandarī, VIII, p. 364.
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chapters, each devoted to an ethical theme and divided into four sections. This four-section pattern runs as follows: the first section of each thematic chapter is a discussion of the main theme of the chapter (andarz section). This theme is then illustrated by the way of a short apologue (hikāyat section). A third section depicts a discussion between Alexander and Aristotle, his wise adviser, aiming at a better and a deeper understanding of the theme (hikmat section). Finally, the last section narrates an episode of Alexander’s life, which serves as a kind of an empirical confirmation, so to speak, of the concept approached in the first section (dāstān section). Thus, the 72 bāb (sections) of the dāstān (from bāb XVI to bāb LXXXVIII) are divided into 18 thematic chapters, each of which is sub-divided into four sections.Eighteen themes (such as ambition, justice, friendship, etc.) are then subsequently addressed, illustrated, explained in depth, and finally embodied by Alexander’s biography. In this way, more than 70 sections comprise the boxes of this vast table, which reveals how the poet’s approach tended towards systematization. As to the sufization, it must first be recalled that Nawā’īwas initiated into the Naqshbandiyya order by his spiritual master and lifelong friend, the great Persian poet and mysticJāmī, in 1476-1477. In three of his five mathnawīs,theTimuridpolymath does not refrain from highlighting some of the most important rules of the Sufi brotherhood, whereas Jāmī had always been reluctant to do that in his own poetry. For example, in the Sadd-i iskandarī, while exposing the contrast between the suffering caused by Alexander’s journey and the quietness one can enjoy in his homeland, Nawā’ī reminds any reader, who would be tempted by a war expedition such as that undertaken by Alexander, that life is already a journey in itself. Since this existential travel is very hard, one should learn to take a fruitful rest. If the desire to travel is still strong, it is better to adopt these verses, which are expressed in the form of two maxims: musāfir bol ammā waṭan ichrä bol be a traveller but stay in the homeland tiläkhalwat u anjuman ichrä bol look for solitude but stay within society1 Every reader could easily recognize the Turkic adaptations of the famous Naqshbandi mottos: safar dar waṭan (‘travel in the homeland’) and khalwat dar anjuman (‘solitude within society’), so characteristic of the Sufi order to which Nawā’ī and Jāmī belonged. According to the brotherhood’s conception, ‘the travel in the homeland’ is designed as an internal journey in which the individual makes his own internal world progress. The idea of an inward journeying as opposed to an outward one contribute to distinguish the Naqshbandiyya from other Sufi brotherhoods,which had always encouraged the disciple to travel in a physical meaning.Consequently, the study of the Sadd-iskandarī shows that the retelling of Alexander’s conquest could serve as a pretext for illustrating some of the most important Naqshbandi principles like safardarwaṭan. The study of some aspects of Nawā’ī’s intertextual interplay with other Khamsas reveals that the literary practice of imitation was a part of a larger process that involved the wholeTimurid cultural complex. In turn, these three aspects, such as the timuridization, the standardization, and the sufization, which can be described as the major trends of the Timurid cultural policies at that time, help us understand Nawā’ī’s ambition while he was writing his great masterpiece. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary sources 1. AmīrNiẓām al-Dīn ‘Alī Shīr Nawā’ī, Khamsa, Ms Michigan 450, University of Michigan Special Collection Library. Secondary sources 2. Abdullaeva R., “G‘arbolimlariNavoiyvaBoburijodihaqida,” O‘zbek Tili va Adabiyoti, 2007, n° 1, p. 40-45. 3. Adamova A., “Repetition of Compositions in Manuscripts: The Khamsa of Nizami in Leningrad,” in ed. L. Golombek & M. Subtelny, Timurid Art and Culture: Iran and Central Asia in the Fifteenth Century, Leiden, Brill, 1992, p. 65-75. 4. Allen T., Timurid Herat, Baihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients: Reihe B (Geisteswissenschaften), n°56, Wiesbaden, Reichert, 1983. 1
Ms Michigan 450,Sadd-i iskandarī, LXIX, p. 493.
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5. Balabanlilar L., “Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent,”Journal of World History, 18/1 (2007), Hawaï, University of Hawai’i Press, p. 1-67. 6. Bertel’s E., “Nevāi i ‘Aṭṭār,”in ed. V. Bartol’d, Mir-Ali-Šir, Sbornik k pjatisotletiju so dnja rozhdenija, Leningrad, Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1928. 7. Bertel’s E., “Navoi i Nizami,”, in ed. A. K. Borovkov, Ališer Navoi, Sbornik statej, Leningrad, Moscou Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1946, p. 68-92. 8. Bertel’s E., Navoi.Opyt tvorčeskoj biografii,Leningrad, Moscou Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR po Izdaniju Naučno-Populjarnoj Literatury, 1948. 9. Blochet E., Les Enluminures des manuscrits orientaux de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Éditions de la Gazette des Beaux-arts, 1926. 10. ErkinovA. (ed.).‘Alī Shīr Navā’ī. Dīvān of the Aqqoyunlu Admirers (1471).Tokyo: 11. ILCAA, 2015, 210 p. 12. Erkinov A., “La querelle sur l’ancien et le nouveau dans les formes littéraires traditionnelles. Remarques sur les positions de Jâmi et de Navâ’i,”Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale, 59/1-4 (1999), p. 18-37. 13. Golombek L. et Wilber D., Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1988. 14. Lentz T,& Lowry G., Timur and the Princely Vision.Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century, Washington, Los Angeles County Museum of Art-Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989. 15. Losensky P., Welcoming Fighānī: Imitation and Poetic Individuality in the Safavid-Mughal Ghazal, Costa Mesa, Mazda Publishers, 1998. 16. Milstein R., “Sufi Elements in the Late Fifteenth Century Painting of Herat,”in ed. M. Rosen-Ayalon, Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, Jérusalem, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1977. 17. O’Kane B., Timurid Architecture in Khurasan, Costa Mesa, Mazda Publisher, 1987. 18. Toutant M., “La réponse du poète chaghatay Nawā’ī au poète persan Niẓāmī : le sultan timouride, ‘refuge de la charia’,”in ed. G. Aitpaeva, M. Toutant, Littérature et société en Asie centrale / Literature and society in Central Asia, Cahiers d’Asie centrale n° 24, Paris, Pétra, 2015, p. 81-103. 19. Toutant M., Un empire de mots. Pouvoir, culture et soufisme à l’époque des derniers Timourides au miroir de la Khamsa de Mīr ‘Alī Shīr Nawā’ī, Leuven, Peeters, 2017. НАВОИЙ ШЕЪРИЯТИДА БАДИИЙ МАҲОРАТ МАСАЛАЛАРИ Дилором САЛОҲИЙ (СамДУ) Алишер Навоий лирикаси хусусиятларини текшириш соҳаси кейинги йилларда қатор илмий тадқиқотлар билан бойиди. Аммо, бу мавзу ҳануз навоийшуносликнинг жуда кўп йўналишларида илмий изланишлар олиб боришга эҳтиёж туғдирмоқда. Бундай изланишлар жараёни Навоий поэтик услубининг ҳақиқий қиёфасини, унинг бутун бойлиги, гўзаллиги, сермазмунлигини кашф этиш имконияти бўлиб хизмат қилади. Навоийнинг шеърий услубини аниқ тасаввур этиш учун бир қатор илмий масалаларга эътибор қаратиш лозим бўлади. Бу – шоирнинг аруз техникаси соҳасидаги маҳорати, унинг бадиий санъаткорлик соҳасида қўллаган янги тасвир усуллари ва кашфиётлари, шеър композицияси соҳасидаги янгича қарашлар, лириканинг ижтимоий вазифаси ҳақидаги ўзига хос мулоҳазалар ва шу каби масалалардан иборат. Шу масалаларга қисқача тўхталсак. 1. Шарқ мумтоз адабиёти тарихида аруз вазнларидан мукаммал фойдаланган шоирлардан бири Алишер Навоийдир. У ўз бадиий ижоди мисолида ўрта асрларда араб ва форс-тожик адабиётларида анча пухта ишланган ва гўзал лирик шеърлар, девонлар шаклида оммалашган аруз вазнига асосланган шеърий санъатни туркий тил имкониятлари воситасида бадиийликнинг энг баланд 85
Мундарижа Шуҳрат Сирожиддинов. Навоийни англаш – ўзликка қайтиш демакдир ..................................... 3 I. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙНИНГ ИЛМИЙ МЕРОСИ ВА МАТНШУНОСЛИК МАСАЛАЛАРИ Муҳаммаджон Имомназаров. Алишер Навоий лирик мероси матншунослигининг долзарб масалалари ............................................................................................................................. 6 Қосимжон Содиқов. “Муҳокамату-л-луғатайн” асарининг қўлёзмаларини чоғиштирма ўрганиш масаласи ................................................................................................................................ 11 Иброҳим Йўлдошев. Навоий васфида қалам ..................................................................................... 15 Афтондил Эркинов. Алишер Навоий “Хазойин ул-маоний”си ва унинг протодевони масаласи (Машҳадий қўлёзмаси асосида, 898/1492-93 йил) ........................................................... 19 Юсуф Турсунов. “Муҳокамат ул-луғатайн” танқидий матнини тузиш йўлида . ............................ 38 Абдуллатиф Турдиалиев. Қўқон адабиёти музейи хазинасида сақланаётган Алишер Навоий асарларининг қўлёзмалари ..................................................................................... 41 Рашид Зоҳидов. Матнга кириш иштиёқи . ......................................................................................... 45 Отабек Жўрабоев. Навоий девонларининг Қўқон қўлёзмалари ва уларнинг матнига доир ....... 47 Авазбек Воҳидов. Алишер Навоийнинг «Насойим ул-муҳаббат» асаридаги тасаввуф терминларининг лексик-семантик таснифи ...................................................................................... 50 Дилнавоз Юсупова. “Наводир ун-ниҳоя” фақат ғазаллардан иборат девонми? ............................. 54 II. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙНИНГ АДАБИЙ МЕРОСИ ВА ТАРЖИМАИ ҲОЛИ БИЛАН БОҒЛИҚ МАСАЛАЛАР Шуҳрат Сирожиддинов. Алишер Навоий талқинида инсон фалсафаси . ..................................... 61 Муслиҳиддин Муҳиддинов. Одамийлик таърифи .............................................................................. 65 Нурбой Жабборов. Алишер Навоийнинг тарбияга доир қарашлари .............................................. 69 Benedek Peri. The influence of mīr calī-љīr navāyī’s persian poetry on the ghazals of the ottoman sultan selim I (1512–1520) ...................................................................................................... 74 Dr. Marc Toutant. Nawā’ī’skhamsa in the light of timurid cultural policies ......................................... 80 Дилором Салоҳий. Навоий шеъриятида бадиий маҳорат масалалари ............................................ 85 Нусратулло Жўмахўжа. “...Ул сарви гулрў келмади” ғазали таҳлилларининг тадқиқи .............. 90 Омонулла Мадаев. Дардли мисралар соҳиби .................................................................................... 101 Узоқ Жўрақулов. “Фарҳод ва Ширин”да денгиз хронотопи ............................................................ 106 Каромат Муллахўжаева. Поэтик образ ифодасида анъана ва ўзига хослик ................................. 110 Зуҳра Мамадалиева. Искандар образига Навоий ва унинг салафлари муносабати ...................... 113 Абдулҳамид Қурбонов. «Хамса» сарлавҳаларида муаммо санъати ................................................. 115 III. ТИЛШУНОСЛИК, УСЛУБИЯТ ВА АДАБИЙ ТАЪСИР МАСАЛАЛАРИ Каримбой Қурамбоев. Алишер Навоий ва қорақалпоқ адабиёти . .................................................. 120 Бахтиёр Менглиев. Маърифий адабиёт – мақсадга эришиш методологияси ................................ 126 Аҳадхон Муҳаммадиев. XIX аср Қўқон адабий муҳитида анъанавийлик ва ижодий ўзига хослик ......................................................................................................................................... 128 Баҳриддин Умурзоқов. Алишер Навоий ва Фахриддин Али Сафий ............................................... 130 312
IV. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ИЖОДИНИНГ ЖАҲОН ТАМАДДУНИДАГИ ЎРНИ, ШОИР АСАРЛАРИНИ ХОРИЖИЙ ТИЛЛАРГА ТАРЖИМА ҚИЛИШ МАСАЛАЛАРИ Насимхон Раҳмонов. Тарихий шахслар ва давлатчилик ғояси ........................................................ 133 Ҳамидулла Болтабоев. “Мажолис ун-нафоис”нинг турк тазкирачилигига таъсири ва Францияда биографик жанрнинг шаклланиши ................................................................................ 137 Муҳаммаджон Холбеков. Ҳазрат Навоий мероси Францияда (таржима ва танқид муаммолари) ......................................................................................................................................... 141 Эргаш Очилов. Навоий асарларининг жаҳон тилларига таржималари .......................................... 148 Гулноз Одилова. Жаҳон тамаддунининг тамал тоши ....................................................................... 155 Шаҳноза Мадаева. Алишер Навоий “Сабъаи сайёр” асарининг онтологик моҳияти . ................. 160 Зулхумор Мирзаева. Эдворт Олворт – навоийшунос ........................................................................ 163 Гулноз Рўзматова. Алишер Навоий ва Эрих Фромм фалсафасида муҳаббат мавзуси ................. 166 V. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ИЖОДИНИ ЎҚИТИШ МУАММОЛАРИ Боқижон Тўхлиев. Алишер Навоий асарларининг таҳлил методикаси муаммолари .................... 171 Азамат Акбаров. Алишер Навоийнинг педагогик мероси ва Уильям Шекспир трагедияларидаги етакчилик масалалари .......................................................................................... 175 VI. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ИЖОДИ ВА ЗАМОНАВИЙ АДАБИЁТШУНОСЛИК Наим Каримов. Улуғ шоир ҳақидаги асар ......................................................................................... 181 Аҳмаджон Қуронбеков. Мустақиллик даврида навоийшуносликда қилинган ишлар кўлами ва ечимини кутаётган муаммолар ........................................................................................................... 185 Баҳодир Каримов. ХХ асрнинг 20-йиллар навоийшунослиги ҳақида айрим мулоҳазалар .......... 189 Гулбаҳор Ашурова. Истиқлол даври ўзбек шеъриятида Алишер Навоий образининг поэтик талқинлари . .......................................................................................................................................... 196 VII. АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ИЖОДИ ВА ЎЗБЕК ТИЛШУНОСЛИГИ Абдулҳай Собиров. Сўз ганжинасининг забардаст хазинабони . ..................................................... 200 Зулхумор Холманова. Алишер Навоийнинг тил ва маданият муносабатларига доир қарашлари .203 А. Мамажонов. Алишер Навоий – йирик тилшунос олим .............................................................. 206 Иномжон Азимов. Тил ва миллатимиз фидоийлари . ....................................................................... 208 Усмон Санақулов. Тилшунослик илмида Навоийнинг назарий қарашлари талқини . .................. 211 Ҳамидулла Дадабоев. Алишер Навоий – сўз соҳири ........................................................................ 214 Бахтиёр Абдушукуров. Алишер Навоий асарларидаги зоонимлар . ............................................... 217 Дурдона Лутфуллаева. Алишер Навоий шеърий матнларининг ассоциатив таҳлили . ................ 221 И. Мадраҳимов. Навоий ва тилшунослик . ........................................................................................ 225 Ш. Искандарова. Алишер Навоийнинг сўздан фойдаланиш маҳорати хусусида ......................... 228 ТЕЗИСЛАР ТИЛШУНОСЛИК Замира Джурабаева. “Лисон ут-тайр” достонида зоонимларнинг қўлланилиши ........................ 233 Комил Жалилов. Ўқувчиларни навоий асарларини тушунишга тайёрлаш стратегиялари ........... 234 313
Гавҳар Комилова. Алишер Навоийнинг “Муҳокамат ул-луғатайн” асаридаги лингвистик қарашлар ............................................................................................................................................... 236 Ёрқиной Насирдинова. Ҳазрат Навоий муаммолари француз тилида ............................................ 238 Султон Нормаматов. Алишер Навоий асарлари ва луғатчилик анъанаси . .................................. 240 Баҳриддин Салимов. Алишер Навоий ижодида ёшларнинг маънавий тарбиясининг ифодаланиши . ...................................................................................................................................... 242 Камолиддин Умаров. Навоий ва жаҳон алломаларининг нигоҳида она тили муҳофазаси масаласи . ......................................................................................................................... 243 Муштарий Холмурадова. Юсуф Хос Ҳожиб ва Алишер Навоийнинг тил имкониятларидан фойдаланиш маҳорати ......................................................................................................................... 245 Барно Қодирова. Алишер Навоий асарларидаги шахс феъл-атворини ифодаловчи лексемалар .246 Сайёра Қурбонова. “Ҳолоти Саййид Ҳасан Ардашер” асарида ва боғловчисининг қўлланилиши ........................................................................................................................................ 248 АДАБИЁТШУНОСЛИК Суннат Абдунабиев. Ойбекнинг «Навоий» романи таржимаси ҳақида ......................................... 250 Шермуҳаммад Амонов. Навоий ва Ҳамза: адабий таъсир масаласи . ............................................. 251 Манзура Асқарова. Юсуф Четиндоғ – Алишер Навоий тадқиқотчиси . ......................................... 252 Абдулла Аҳмедов. Навоий ва Хоразм . ................................................................................................ 254 Ҳайитгул Аққулова. Нaвoий ижoдидa aдoлaт тaлқинига доир айрим мулоҳазалар ...................... 256 Шоира Дониярова. Навоий сиймоси замонавий талқинда .............................................................. 259 Абдумалиқ Ёқубов. Навоийнинг Нақшбандни тушуниши ............................................................... 260 Ислом Ёқубов. Навоий сиймоси Ойбек талқинида ........................................................................... 262 Матлуба Жабборова. “Тарихи мулуки ажам”да Жамшид тимсоли ............................................... 265 Лайло Жўраева. Алишер Навоий меросида най чолғусининг таърифи ......................................... 267 Ҳуснигул Жўраева. Қўлёзмаларда Ҳусайний ижодиёти ................................................................... 269 Парвиз Иззатиллаев. Навоийнинг “Хазойин ул-маоний”га кирмаган ғазалларининг бадиияти .271 Лутфулла Илҳомжонов. Ғафур Ғулом ва Навоий ............................................................................ 272 Файзулла Искандаров. Алишер Навоий асарларидаги наътлар хусусида ...................................... 274 Илёс Исмоилов. Алишер Навоийнинг “Садди Искандарий” достони сюжети манбалари ........... 276 Саодат Қамбарова. Адабиёт дарсларида Навоийнинг эпистоляр мероси таҳлили ..................... 277 Э.М. Кенжаев, А. Қурбонов. Ҳусайн Бойқаро даврида ўзбек тили ва бадиий ижодга Алишер Навоийнинг таъсири ............................................................................................................. 279 Соҳиба Мадиримова. Адл ила олам юзин обод қил ......................................................................... 281 Назмия Муҳитдинова. Алишер Навоий халафлари ижодида ошиқона шеърият камолоти (Муҳаммад Ғозий ижоди мисолида) .................................................................................................. 281 Урал Норматов. Навоий насрида шеърий парчаларнинг ўрни (“Ҳолоти Саййид Ҳасан Ардашер” асари мисолида) ................................................................................................................. 283 Муқаддас Оқмаматова. Навоий туюқлари . ..................................................................................... 284 Гулноз Рузматова. Алишер Навоий ва Абдураҳмон Жомий ўртасида чин дўстлик, устозлик муносабатлари . .................................................................................................................... 285 Дилнавоз Рузматова. Алишер Навоий ижодида инсон масаласи ................................................... 286 Гулбаҳор Саидғаниева. Мустақиллик даври Қўқон адабий муҳитида Навоий ғазалларига тахмислар . ............................................................................................................................................ 288 Абдумурод Тилавов. Алишер Навоийнинг Усмонли шеъриятига таъсири ..................................... 289 Озода Тожибоева. Насрий баённинг айрим хусусиятларига доир ................................................. 291 314
Нилуфар Тошева. Алишер Навоий – халқпарвар шоир ................................................................... 292 Салимахон Файзиева. Алишер Навоий шеърлари меъморий эпиграфика сифатида (Аълохон Махдум жоме масжидидаги битиклар мисолида) ........................................................... 294 Гулноз Халлиева. Эдицион тадқиқ ва Навоий ижодиёти .................................................................. 295 Ж.И. Холмурадова. Феруз ижодида Алишер Навоий сиймоси ....................................................... 297 З.С. Шукурова. О звукоритмических концептах в эпических дастанах Алишера Навои . ........... 298 Ирода Эрназарова. “Насойим ул-муҳаббат”да маърифатли аёллар талқини ................................ 299 Гулнара Эшчанова. Алишер Навоийнинг портрет яратиш маҳорати ............................................. 301 Шерхон Қораев. Олий мажлис – Ҳусайн Бойқаро саройидаги адабий йиғин ............................... 302 Носир Қамбаров. Алишер Навоийнинг “Лисон ут-тайр” асари насрий баёнининг инглизча таржимасига доир ................................................................................................................ 304 Хайрулла Ҳамидов. Алишер Навоий асарлари таржимашунос Ғайбулла Саломов ижодида ....... 306 Орзигул Ҳамроева. “Ўзбек адабиёти намуналари” мажмуасида “Мезон ул-авзон”дан парчалар ................................................................................................................................................ 307 Собиржон Тоҳиров. Абдибек Шерозий ва XVI асрда хамсанавислик тараққиёти . ...................... 309
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Ўзбекистон Республикаси Олий ва ўрта махсус таълим вазирлиги Алишер Навоий номидаги Тошкент давлат Ўзбек тили ва адабиёти университети
«АЛИШЕР НАВОИЙ ВА XXI АСР» мавзуидаги Республика илмий-назарий анжумани материаллари
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