The Deir Mar Musa Censer

The Deir Mar Musa Censer. On 28th September 1870 that well-known and somewhat notorious Victorian explorer and Orientalist, Richard Burton, decided to pay a visit to the monastery of Deir Mar Musa al-Habashi near the town of an-Nabk. As British Consul to Damascus he seems to have spent his time in Syria exploring the wilder fringes of the country. The settlement is located in the Qalamoun mountains approximately 90km north of Damascus and can now be reached in an hour by car or bus. In the 19th century it would have been a one- or two-day ride by horse. He later described this event with characteristic bravado in his book Unexplored Syria: The monastery is perched on the left side of its gorge, and here the bridle-path, a narrow ledge and ladder of slippery stone, ends abruptly; the good monks preferred keeping a precipice of some 500 feet in front of them, in order to ward off the Bedawin who ride the lowlands. We exchanged a shot or two with some fifteen of these gentry, mounted, evidently for business, on mares and dromedaries, but more for bravado on both sides than with the intention of doing work.1

At the time of Burton's visit the monastery had been abandoned for some forty years and was largely known only to the local Christian population and the shepherds and goatherds who sought refuge there during the winter. An-Nabk is known to be the coldest place in Syria and the mountains to the east of the town, in which the monastery is situated, frequently have snow from January through to March.

It is unclear how Burton came to hear of Deir Mar Musa but he may have been told of the site by Christian acquaintances in Damascus. During the 18th century Catholicism in two oriental forms had replaced the native Orthodox Churches in some regions of Syria. The Arabic-speaking Greek Orthodox (known as Rum Orthodox) were 1

Burton, R.F. & Tyrwhitt-Drake, C.F., Unexplored Syria, London, 1872, vol 2, p.273.

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evangelised in Arabic and the resulting branch of Catholicism became known as Greek (Rum) Catholicism. The Syriac-speaking Syrian Orthodox community were evangelised in Syriac and thus became Syrian Catholics. Whilst it is unclear to what extent the Syrian Orthodox Christians of an-Nabk still used Syriac as a vernacular, it was (and is) still the liturgical language of the Syrian Orthodox and by extension the Syrian Catholic Churches.

As the 19th century began the Christian population of an-Nabk converted en masse to the Syrian rite of Catholicism. Ultimately this led to the demise of the monastery of Mar Musa as the number of monks, already dwindling, was forced with a decision to convert to Catholicism or leave their monastery. By the 1830’s it is recorded in Syrian Catholic Church records that the last monks had abandoned the site. From this point onwards it was left to the care of local parishioners, but its remote location 18km east of the town over a mountain range meant that in reality it was rarely visited except by the bedu seeking shelter as they herded their goats in the area.

Despite this the foundation retained several reasons for escaping total obscurity: the dramatic location and antiquity of the site2and the mediaeval cycle of frescoes that covered the walls of the monastery chapel. Whilst Burton himself would undoubtably been aware of the rarity of such a survival it is probable that he did not realise that the frescoes of Deir Mar Musa represent the only surviving mediaeval cycle anywhere in

2

A manuscript in the British Library (Add. 14,559) mentions on 60f that it belonged to the Monastery of Mar Musa near a mountain in the Metropolitan district of Damascus. This MS has been dated to the late 6th century.

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the Levant.3 A stone inscription in the church interior notes that the church was renovated in 1058/94 and a further inscription, this time painted, records the upper layer of frescoes as being completed in 1192/35 meaning that the cycle can be securely placed within this period. What Burton overlooked was that this represented a remarkable survival of Syrian Christian art.

Whilst Burton only visited the site briefly and did not systematically excavate or survey the site, it is at this point that the Deir Mar Musa censer emerges out of obscurity and the modern history of this object can be traced. It has been assumed that Burton found the censer in the monastic cemetery west of the monastery, as he records taking five skulls from this place for analysis in London. However he is coy about how he actually found the censer and so this assumption is not supported by his personal account of events. He says merely: I managed here to secure an interesting ‘Mabkharah,’ a brass thurible for burning incense, whose art shows the extreme of quaintness.6

In fact this appears to have been an extremely favourable judgement as he dismissed the celebrated mediaeval frescoes of the monastery church as ‘the vilest of daubs.’7

3

See Dodd, E.C., ‘The Monastery of Mar Musa al-Habashi, near Nebek, Syria, Arte Medievale (1992), pp.61-132 and The Frescoes of Mar Musa al-Habashi. A Study in Medieval Painting in Syria (Rome, 2001) Kaufhold , H., ‘Notizen über das Moseskloster bei Nabk und das Julianskloster bei Qaryatain in Syrien’, Oriens Christianus, vol 79 (1995), pp.48-119, p.62. This inscription was covered by the frescoes and was only revealed in the 20th century due to damage to the plaster. 4

5

Kaufhold, p.63.

6

Burton & Tyrwhitt-Drake, vol 2, p.274.

7

Burton & Tyrwhitt-Drake, vol 2, p.274.

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On Burton’s return to Britain in 1872 the censer was exhibited at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries in London. At this meeting Burton reported to the assembly that the object had already been acquired by the British Museum, where it has remained ever since.8

So if this explains how the object came into the British Museum collection in the early 1870’s what do we know about the censer before Burton’s visit to the site? The label at the British Museum states simply that it is presumed to have originated from the Holy Land between the 7th and 9th centuries.9

The Deir Mar Musa censer is made of bronze and has chains of twisted copper wire10 with bells attached in order to jingle musically as the priest swung the object. It was cast with relief scenes from the life of Christ both in a frieze around the exterior of the object and on the underside, making the bottom scene visible to those who looked up as the priest censed them. The base also has an attractive floral pattern that was incised after casting with a sharp implement.

8

Burton, R.F., Report on the censer in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries (London,1872), pp.289-291. It is listed in Dalton, O.M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities and objects from the Christian East in the department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography of the British Museum (London, 1901), pp.107-108. It had the British Museum reference details M &LA 72,12-2,1 this has now been changed to 1872, 1202.1 9

Further inquiries revealed that the British Museum does not have any further documentation relating to the object. 10

The object has been analysed by the research laboratories of the British Museum.

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The first significant point regarding the censer is the rarity of this item. Remarkably few liturgical objects have survived and the age of this censer, which could on stylistic factors be placed anywhere between the 6th and 9th centuries, make it especially interesting. One explanation for this scarcity can be applied to all metal objects: unlike ceramic artefacts, metal could be melted down and re-used so old, worn-out items were often recycled. This has always been the case in a pattern taking us back to antiquity, leading to suggestions that we will never be able to fully recreate the luxury items of the Greek and Roman eras, as metal objects were melted and refashioned according to the vagaries of changing artistic tastes. This consideration is also applicable to Byzantine art, which often reused classical materials such as porphyry and precious stones.

Secondly, the region has suffered constant political upheavals and invasions, presenting a different problem. Items important to one group may have been more valuable as scrap metal to another – at the sack of Constantinople in 1204 there are many reports of Franks melting both liturgical and secular objects down to gold and silver ingots for easier transportation. Therefore pillaging was a problem and many such objects would have been stolen and melted down during the waves of invasions by various warring factions seeking to control the Caliphate and later by the Mongols. Faced by these invasions many valuable church possessions would have been hidden or taken to regions where the Christians were less likely to feel at risk of attack. In this process many liturgical items like the censer were probably lost or stolen. Bearing this in mind, the survival of the Deir Mar Musa censer is remarkable and, with a small group of similar artefacts, it can tell us much about the artistic and liturgical traditions of the Syrian Church.

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The upheavals that followed the ending of the Roman Empire in the west and the evolution of the Byzantine Empire in the east led to the hiding of a number of silver treasures that could clearly be dated to the 6th century by stamps and inscriptions. Rodley comments that: …but while most of these hoards were found in the west, and secular objects predominated, the sixth-century hoards contain mostly church plate and come from the Middle East and Anatolia. Until recently, the literature dealt with several sixth-century Syrian hoards, but it is now argued that some of these…were once a single hoard, found at Stuma and then dispersed in several batches. This single hoard, now called the Kaper Koraon treasure…contains objects dated between 540 and 640 by their stamps.11

The Kaper Koraon treasure appears to have been the church treasure of a small group of villages12 and included a variety of liturgical items, such as chalices, patens, crosses and lamps, but no censers. Whilst many items are plain with the exception of inscriptions, crosses and the chi-rho, some had figural decoration.

However a plain style of liturgical object seems to have been the more usual form in Syria around this period and this is supported by two censers now in the British Museum. Both are simply decorated with incised lines and both are believed to have originated in the Eastern Mediterranean c.550-650, one has a provenance linking it clearly to Syria whilst the other was found at Glastonbury Abbey in Somerset in the early 1980’s.13 These two examples seem to form a Syrian-type of censer that extended to other regions of the Eastern Mediterranean: 11

Rodley, L., Byzantine art and architecture. An Introduction (Cambridge, 1994), p.97.

12

Rodley, p.98.

13

Buckton, D. (Ed), Byzantium. Treasures of Byzantine Art and Culture (London, 1994), pp.104-105. The censers were numbers 113a and 113b in the 1994 Exhibition at the British Museum Byzantium. Treasures of Byzantine Art and Culture from British Collections. 113a is number M & LA 1994, 610,13 and is from the Marcopoli Collection from Aleppo, Syria. 113b is number M & LA 1986,7-5,1 and is said to have been found in the early 1980’s in the vicinity of Glastonbury Abbey.

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Three main body-types for non-figural censers predominate in the Early Byzantine period: cylindrical, hexagonal and…hemispherical. The censer [113a] most closely resembles examples from Sardis in Turkey, from Catania in Sicily, from an unspecified find-spot in Egypt, from Glastonbury in England (no.113b), and in the Stathatos Collection, Athens…; an unpublished example in the Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska, reputedly came from Galilee, near Tiberias. This widespread distribution pattern argues for more than one centre of manufacture. The limited archaeological evidence suggests a rough terminus ante quem of the early to mid seventh century for this form, as both Syria and Egypt had fallen to the Arabs by the 630s and 640s respectively.14

Another notable parallel is the Resafa treasure, an exceptional inscribed chalice and other silverware including another chalice and patens, discovered in the basilica at Resafa, the centre of the cult of St. Sergius. Resafa was founded in late Antiquity in central Syria approximately 35km south of the Euphrates. The town flourished in the Byzantine Period before declining as the neighbouring town of Raqqa rose to prominence in the Islamic era. In this case we cannot draw a direct comparison as the Resafa finds are presumed to be somewhat later dating from the Crusader period. They are also a hybrid of Frankish and local forms which are not comparable with the regional idiom of the Mar Musa censer or the plain Eastern Mediterranean type of object outlined above. In the case of the chalice, the most exceptional object in the assemblage, it is clear that the object was manufactured in Europe and made its way to the east with the Crusaders. It was then customized by a local silversmith with a Syriac inscription engraved around the rim of the exterior. From the use of Syriac and style of the decoration it is widely accepted that this alteration was carried out in Edessa, now Šanliurfa, in eastern Turkey. Edessa was one of the Crusader principalities ruled by the Franks and crucially the city had a substantial native 14

Buckton (Ed), p.104.

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Christian population – one that remained until sent into exile by the Turks in the early years of the 20th century. These local Christians were not naturally sympathetic to these foreign rulers and it is unsurprising that they adapted the objects used by the invaders to suit the local idiom. But like the Kaper Koraon treasure, the Resafa treasure is stylistically very different to the Deir Mar Musa censer. For a more direct parallel we have to look a little further north than Resafa and east of Edessa, to the traditional base of the Syrian Church, the Tur ‘Abdin region in the south-east of contemporary Turkey.

In 1904 an article was published in Échos d’Orient by S. Pétridès15 describing a censer in a private collection. This censer was reportedly from Midyat in the Tur ‘Abdin and was cast in bronze with scenes of the life of Christ. There are striking parallels between this Midyat censer and the Mar Musa censer. Both are cast in an attractive but relatively simple and naïve style that suggests a provincial origin when compared with the metalwork that was manufactured for Byzantine rulers in Constantinople and other large urban centres. It is also far more ornate decoratively and more iconographically complicated than the vast majority of Eastern Mediterranean liturgical objects. They both also employ a similar iconography; the Mar Musa censer can be used as a pictorial guide to the life of Christ beginning with the Annunciation, a scene where the Virgin and Archangel Gabriel appear be joining hands or passing an object from hand to hand. This is followed by the Nativity where the Virgin lies at an angle across from the manger holding the infant Christ, and then by the Baptism of Christ, with the Holy Spirit descending as a dove to Christ who is flanked by John the Baptist and a winged angel. A Crucifixion scene depicts the

15

Pétridès, S.,"Un encensoir syro-byzantin", Échos d'Orient, 7 (1904), pp.148-151.

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Virgin and the Beloved Disciple at the foot of the cross and the sun and moon above it. Finally the scene with the women at the Sepulchre shows two women linked in a manner similar to the two figures in the Annunciation standing by a domed portico surmounted by a cross. The base has an image of the enthroned Virgin that would have been visible to the faithful as the priest swung the censer in their direction.

The Midyat censer has the same iconography together with an extra scene, that of the Visitation of Elizabeth inserted between the Annunciation and the Nativity. It also lacks an image underneath. However there are differences in the execution of the two censers. The Midyat example includes more detail than the Mar Musa version. There is an ox and ass present at the Nativity and the cousins embracing in the Visitation are standing before a palm tree. Also, whereas the casting of the Mar Musa censer has left blank featureless faces on the figures the Midyat censer (as reported by Pétridès and shown in a sketch in his article) has incised details showing the expressions of the figures, and giving more explicit details to each of the scenes.16

Whilst mentioning possible parallels with a flask in Monza and a 13th century silver censer on Patmos, Pétridès seems to suggest that the real origins of the Midyat censer lie between the Black Sea and Russia. He mentions a silver platter dated to the 5th or 6th centuries found in Perm that contains images of the Ascension, the women at the tomb, the Crucifixion, the disciples at Emmaus, the denial of Christ by Peter, and Daniel with the lions. This is in addition to a bronze censer from Kiev with relief figures of the four evangelists, believed to be 8th or 9th century. There is also another 16

In fact Pétridès was not impressed by the naïve execution of the object and remarked: Un simple coup d’oeil jeté sur les deux dessins qui accompagnent cette note suffira pour se Render compte de la grossièreté de l’exécution. Mais si notre encensoir n’a pas grande valeur Artistique, il peut, je crois, en revanche, revendiquer pour lui une belle antiquité (p.149).

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bronze censer from Sougdaea or Soudaka in Crimea, now in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, with scenes of the Nativity, Visitation of Elizabeth, Baptism, Crucifixion and Resurrection. Finally it possesses busts of the twelve apostles. With the exception of this last element the iconography is exactly the same as that of the Midyat censer. From this Pétridès concludes that a probable date for the Midyat censer is somewhere beween the 7th and 9th centuries.

Given that historically Deir Mar Musa al-Habashi was the most southerly monastery of the Syrian rite17, lying as it did on the liturgical faultline that divided the Syrian from the Byzantine liturgical traditions, it seems highly probable that the object was indeed from the north. The monastery is located to the west of the Roman limes that ran from Damascus via Palmyra to the Euphrates18 and this would have been the central trade route for goods and travelers from Mesopotamia and eastern Turkey heading for Damascus and all southern destinations. The small museum at Deir Mar Musa illustrates that the foundation was wealthy or at least boasted several influential patrons. The glazed ceramic wares found at the site indicate that the monks enjoyed a standard of tableware comparable to that of the residents of Damascus citadel and that their tobacco consumption, evidenced by a selection of clay pipes, is one of the earliest examples of smoking in the region.19

17

Only two Syrian Orthodox monasteries are known south of Deir Mar Musa. They were in Jerusalem and Deir as-Suryan (monastery of the Syrians), Wadi Natrun, Egypt. 18

Nasrallah, J., ‘Le Qalamoun à l’époque romano-byzantine (etude de topographie)’, Les Annales Archéologiques de Syrie, vol 6 (1956), pp.63-86, p.64. 19

Pers. Comm. Discussion with Dr. Sophie Berthier, Director of the French Mission at the Citadel of Damascus.

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The assumption that the Mar Musa censer originated in the north is also supported by the fact that there are no comparable objects associated with the Byzantine rite in Syria, whereas similar objects are known in the Syrian Orthodox strongholds of eastern Turkey. The plain eastern Mediterranean style of the Kaper Koraon hoard and other finds in Syria contrast strongly with the highly decorated and naïve style of the censer and similar artefacts known to have originated in eastern Turkey and the Black Sea region. How and why it was taken to Deir Mar Musa will never be known. Perhaps as a gift from a passing pilgrim or as payment for a manuscript as there is some evidence that Deir Mar Musa once had a relatively active scriptorium.20 However this can only be speculation as the exact date and provenance of the censer must remain unknown. All we can say is that it is possible that the object was in use in Deir Mar Musa for over a thousand years before it was lost and rediscovered by Burton.

Today it has a particular significance for the contemporary community resident at the monastery as they attempt to restore the foundation both physically and spiritually. For all those interested in the art and archaeology of Syrian Christianity on a more general level, the censer is a rare figurattive object made as the Syrian Orthodox Church was breaking away from orthodoxy as defined by the Council of Chalcedon (451). The persecution of this dissident group means that it is difficult to find evidence of Syrian Orthodox decorative art from this early period. One of the accusations levelled at the non-Chalcedonian party was that they were iconoclastic, a claim they always vehemently denied. The censer can therefore be seen as an

20

For references of MSS linked to Deir Mar Musa see Kaufhold, H., “Notizen über das Moseskloster bei Nabk und das Julianskloster bei Qaryatain in Syrien”, Oriens Christianus, vol 79 (1995), pp.48119.

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important piece of evidence supporting the Syrian Orthodox claim in a 1,500 year old theological dispute.

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Bibliography Buckton, D. (Ed), Byzantium. Treasures of Byzantine Art and Culture from British Collections (London, 1994). Burton, R.F. & Tyrwhitt-Drake, C.F., Unexplored Syria (London,1872). Burton, R.F., Report on the censer in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries (London,1872), pp.289-291. Dalton, O.M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities and objects from the Christian East in the department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography of the British Museum (London, 1901). Dodd, E.C., ‘The Monastery of Mar Musa al-Habashi, near Nebek, Syria, Arte Medievale (1992), pp.61-132. Dodd, E.C., The Frescoes of Mar Musa al-Habashi. A Study in Medieval Painting in Syria (Rome, 2001). Kaufhold, H., ‘Notizen über das Moseskloster bei Nabk und das Julianskloster bei Qaryatain in Syrien’, Oriens Christianus, vol 79 (1995), pp.48-119. Nasrallah, J., ‘Le Qalamoun à l’époque romano-byzantine (etude de topographie)’, Les Annales Archéologiques de Syrie, vol 6 (1956), pp.63-86. Rodley, L., Byzantine art and architecture. An Introduction ( Cambridge, 1994). Pétridès, S., ‘Un encensoir syro-byzantin’, Échos d'Orient, 7 (1904), pp.148-151.

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List of Figures 1. The Annunciation, with the Nativity on the right of the picture. 2. The Baptism of Christ. 3. The Crucifixion. 4. The Women at the Sepulchre. 5. The Virgin on the base of the censer.

Plans 1. Map of Syria.

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