Um Bando de Louco: Corinthians and Masculinity in Boleiros and Linha de passe

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Romance Notes, Volume 54, Number 3, 2014, pp. 419-425 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\7KH'HSDUWPHQWRI5RPDQFH/DQJXDJHVDQG/LWHUDWXUHV 7KH8QLYHUVLW\RI1RUWK&DUROLQDDW&KDSHO+LOO DOI: 10.1353/rmc.2014.0050

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um bando de louco: corinthians and masculinity in boleiRos and liNha de passe Patrick thomas ridge

the recent success of teams like sport club corinthians Paulista, champion of the 2012 copa libertadores de américa and the 2012 FiFa club World cup, exhibits the excellence of brazilian soccer in today’s global society. even though these triumphs convey the country’s pride for its unique style of play, the famed team from são Paulo and many of its followers uphold traditional masculine roles through aggressive stadium behavior, the presence of violent hooligans, and an obsession for glory. Films such as boleiros – era uma vez o futebol (1998) directed by ugo giorgetti, and linha de passe (2008) directed by Walter salles and daniela thomas, present são Paulo’s most popular club and its societal impact. the following study analyzes the presentation of corinthians and its fans in the aforementioned films and proposes that the team’s success unites brazilians, specifically those of the lower class, while also fortifying a patriarchal brazil. currently brazil holds five World cup titles, more than any other country. Janet lever suggests that the success of the brazilian game creates a national pride and serves as a unifying force in the country. Furthermore she concludes that soccer in metropolises like são Paulo and rio de Janeiro assist in eliminating the social distance created by the diverse ethnic, national, and religious backgrounds of the population (lever 14, 48). notwithstanding that soccer in brazil helps to unify the nation, it also contributes to the establishment of a heteronormative society. r. W. connell suggests that people’s specific behavior constitutes their masculinity. she explains that violence, domination, athleticism and sexual conquest represent typical masculine characteristics (67). Presently, sport tends to define masculinity more than any other phenomenon and according to Juan José sebreli, sporting competitions in patriarchal societies like spain, italy, and latin Romance Notes 54.3 (2014): 419-25

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america institute traditional virile roles such as aggression, physical strength, toughness, an obsession to win, boasting, and the desire to dominate the inferior (connell 54; 253-54). Furthermore, connell proposes that the institutional organization of public sporting events and men’s sporting prowess undermine feminist rhetoric while also strengthening the notion of masculine supremacy and governing power (54). even though bodily performances of male athletes often symbolize male dominance on the field of play, the spectator also displays traditional male roles. in particular, soccer hooligans violently participate in sporting events in and outside stadiums. these fervent fan groups, known as Torcidas organizadas in brazil, regularly provoke turmoil during soccer matches and in many cases kill rival members (sebreli 49; dunning 156). sebreli adds that these youth subcultures typically exhibit sexist, nationalistic, and aggressive male traits (70). although various studies propose that factors such as social status, regional differences, contrasting religious beliefs, and contradicting political views contribute to conflict between rival fans, many hooligans act aggressively in order to defend their team, territory/stadium, and masculine identity (dunning 148, 155, 158; dunning, murphy, Waddington 218-24; silva 1). moreover, dunning proposes that men living in patriarchal societies are expected to fight to defend family and country and these traits carry over into soccer spectacles (155). humberto abarca and mauricio sepúlveda come to similar conclusions in their research over barras bravas in chile. the study equates the hooligans to warriors participating in battle to protect their homeland while also striving to prove their excellence and superiority against rivals, both factors similarly demonstrating traditional masculine characteristics (165-67). in brazil, press coverage recognizes spectators as an important, if not influential, aspect of the game, although many times this increased media attention is due to violence (lever 84). Torcidas organizadas originated as a frustrated response to the establishment during brazil’s 21-year military dictatorship; however, fan behavior has recently become pathological (mcgrath 55). during matches, Torcidas transform themselves into protagonists that wear team colors and flags, chant songs, coordinate synchronized crowd movements, and confront opponents in order to express masculine identity and group solidarity (máximo Pimenta 46). nurys silva goes on to say that supporters employ these symbolic forms of aggression as a means of demasculinizing adversaries (17). carlos máximo Pimenta also indicates that violence or aggressive encounters are many times commonplace in urban spaces and produce a thrill for many youths. even though legal forces often repress these feelings in the streets, torcidas permit young fans an alternative way to experience violence and develop a shared identity (48).

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in its early years, the elite dominated the soccer world; however, in 1910 five working class brazilians from the bom retiro neighborhood in são Paulo founded sport club corinthians Paulista (antunes de lima). currently, corinthians represents the second most popular team in brazil with fans numbering around 35 million (mcgrath 48; lever 76). the team’s victories also substantially boost media attention giving rise to the fact that the club serves as a national symbol (lever 82). similarly, the club’s hymn, written by lauro d’Ávila, explicitly states the team’s national importance: “corinthians grande / sempre altaneiro / é do brasil / o clube mais brasileiro” (kfouri 109-12). corinthians followers equally achieve nationwide recognition, specifically for their passionate team loyalty. some consider themselves as os fiéis, “faithful” supporters that suffer ninety minutes each week even during a 23year championship drought during the last half of the 20th century (lever 84; antunes de lima). antunes de lima concludes that the most fanatical corinthian’s backers come from a humble background, often the lower class (5). dunning indicates that these emotionally involved fans represent the ones most likely to lose control during matches (155). this intense paixão, as brazilian journalist Juca kfouri includes in the title of his work dedicated to the club, leads in many cases to aggressive masculine behavior, specifically by the team’s largest torcida, known as the Gaviões da Fiel (máximo Pimenta 39). one of the group’s most popular chants, “bando de louco,” includes lyrics that elicit an antagonistic group response that serves to challenge rival foes (“letras”). one of the torcidas’s many Facebook groups and followers also make incessant homophobic insults, mainly calling são Paulo followers “bambis,” an act that attempts to demasculinize their cross-town enemies (Gaviões). in the most violent of occurrences, hooligan conduct oftentimes results in the deaths of opposing supporters, such was the case in February 2013 when a celebratory corinthian flare killed a 14-year-old boy from bolivia’s san José and the brawl that took the life of andre alves the very next month during a match against são Paulo’s Palmeiras (“boy killed”; “Fan declared”). the following study explores this masculine behavior exhibited by corinthians fans in linha de passe and boleiros, while also proposing that even though millions of brazilians identify with the club, many of its most passionate supporters strengthen the notion of patriarchal society. giorgetti’s film centers on the lives of several former brazilian soccer players, coaches, and referees. these men gather in a local bar in the city of são Paulo to share drinks and stories of the country’s most cherished sport. their personal accounts, presented in the film through a series of cinemato-

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graphic narratives, cover everything from gambling’s involvement in fixing matches to the effects of media in the lives of brazil’s most talented players. nonetheless, boleiros introduces some of corinthians’ most dedicated followers and their effects on brazilian society. otávio (adriano stuart), a previous são Paulo F.c. and seleção star, experiences firsthand the aggressive masculine behavior of these devout followers. now serving as a juvenile coach in the metropolis, he invites a young boy to practice with his team and quickly discovers his natural talent. he even gifts the child one of his prized são Paulo jerseys that he wore during his stint on the club. however, otávio fails to discover his star’s identity, and one day after practice he decides to tail the boy into the outskirts of the city. upon entering an empty lot, various men quickly encircle his car and command him to step outside. they violently pin the coach up against the side of vehicle while he attempts to explain his affiliation with são Paulo F.c. angered by his response, one of the men quickly reveals the group’s hatred against their rival clan. “o que é são Paulo? tudo o mundo aqui é corinthiano. são Paulino aqui toma bala.” giorgetti uses close-up shots to emphasize the men’s dominating power over the “intruder.” in addition, the fans instruct the ex-são Paulo star to stop coaching the boy, claiming that he belongs to the neighborhood. the group’s threatening behavior serves as a territorial defense, while also establishing their masculinity. as the group of friends continues to drink their beers, Juiz (rogério cardoso), a one-time soccer referee, recounts his experience with the equally passionate torcedores of the Gaviões da Fiel. giorgetti’s presentation of the tale captures the staunch obsession that these followers hold for corinthians. three of these fans, shown throughout the narrative to wear the official black attire of the torcida, revolve their lives around the health of caco, the club’s leading scorer who has recently injured his knee. convinced that they form a vital role within the organization, the three men continuously attend practices and pester team doctors about their wounded idol. agreeing with what dunning proposes in his study, these emotionally involved enthusiasts represent the most likely to exhibit disorderly conduct during competitions. similar to the individuals from otávio’s story, these torcedores also fulfill traditional masculine roles. after corinthians drops several positions in the classification table due to the absence of caco, the men continue to fulfill their “duties” to the team. upon entering the apartment building of their injured hero, the fans confront a mother and her young child who wears a Palmeiras jersey, the club’s other cross-town rival. cornered in the lobby elevator, the boy barely works up the courage to walk past his intimidating adversaries. the supporters then enter caco’s apartment and make an effort

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to persuade the star to visit a voodoo doctor who can possibly heal his knee. While discussing these plans, the player’s wife enters the room with their baby and opposes the idea. the men quickly dismiss the woman’s disapproval and proclaim that the matter does not concern her, an act that clearly underlines the men’s supposed superiority as decision-makers. although connell proposes that male athletes in sporting competitions emphasize masculine dominance, so too do these devout fans in boleiros. upholding traditional roles as violent aggressors and defenders of their beloved corinthians, these men reinforce notions of patriarchy in brazil. to the same extent that boleiros presents the fanatic team loyalty of the Gaviões da Fiel in the streets of são Paulo, the opening scenes of salles and thomas’s film unveil the group’s fervent conduct within the stadium walls. by incorporating shots of authentic game footage, players, and spectators, as indicated by the credits, the directors recreate the genuine atmosphere of a rivalry game between são Paulo F.c. and corinthians in the morumbi stadium. salles and thomas also give special thanks to the Gaviões da Fiel, a recognition that specifically draws attention to the torcida’s role as a protagonist during the competition. the incorporation of media coverage and commentators also demonstrates the national impact of the team and its followers within brazilian society. several of these fans sing chants that express their loving devotion to the club. in one closeup, a torcedor shouts out, “corinthians minha vida, corinthians minha história, corinthians meu amor.” aside from the group’s name, the film also suggests the hooligan’s “faithful” dedication to the club by employing an effective use of montage. initially the lens focuses in on the faces of various enthusiasts who pray for their team during a free kick, but then the frame cuts away to a church where worshippers perform the very same action. this passionate allegiance leads to the torcida’s aggressive masculine behavior displayed in linha de passe. although the game takes place in the home stadium of corinthians’ opponent, the members of the Gaviões da Fiel employ various tactics that challenge the dominion of their rivals. in one instance, the camera captures the various hands that hold up what looks to be an enormous white and black cloth. the point-of-view shot allows the audience to participate in what they soon discover to be the unveiling of the giant flag of the club’s largest Torcida organizada. the directors also show the crowd’s synchronized movements, and in one shot the enthusiasts clap and raise their hands in unison. the lens also documents another adversarial challenge when several fans violently jump up and down. in concurrence with the ideas of silva and máximo Pimenta, this collective fan activity serves to confront and demasculinize the são Paulo followers in their own stadium. the

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film alludes to the success of the hooligans’ strategy after the corinthians goalie successfully stops a rogério ceni free kick. While the torcedores celebrate their player’s success, the camera pans the silenced são Paulo cheering section and a reaction shot exhibits one fan’s severe disappointment. it must be pointed out that not all of these supporters are men. cleuza (sandra corveloni), one of the film’s principal characters, feverishly participates in chants and crowd movements alongside other corinthians fans. similar to her male counterparts, she also takes on the traditional masculine role of aggression. after the referee calls a foul against a corinthians player, she viciously curses the ref. rather than live in a world without sexual roles, sebreli indicates that many female soccer fans attempt to equate themselves with men by imitating some of the most negative masculine traits such as foul language and rude behavior (259). not excluding her presence in long established homosocial settings such as the soccer stadium, later in the film, cleuza also enters an official corinthians bar. Just as the group of men from boleiros drink beer and share past soccer stories, salles and thomas’s female protagonist gets drunk, uses obscenities and recounts past team glories with the bartender. however, as sarah mcdonald points out in her study over the film, she does represent a constant parental figure in the lives of her four sons. clueza, unlike the boys’ absent fathers, provides moral influence and economic support (157). although she upholds supreme masculine ideology through her participation with the torcida, the mother challenges the view of patriarchy by representing the key provider for her family. both boleiros and linha de passe present the immense dedication that corinthians fans share for their team. as stated before, the clubs’s most fanatical torcedores are often uneducated and belong to the lowest social stratum (antunes de lima). this represents one factor shared by both male and female enthusiasts in the two films. since its beginnings in the working class neighborhood of bom retiro and even today, the club serves as a symbol of the subaltern classes (Florenzano 150). Just as each triumph on the field historically gave the founding working class torcedores a symbolic victory over their employers, the same results today function as a voice for millions of devoted followers (antunes de lima). however, passionately involved male figures still remain as the culprits for the most violent of acts, such as the aforementioned deaths of san José and Palmeiras’s supporters in 2013. in this way, the torcidas organizadas’s masculine conduct, principally shown by the Gaviões da Fiel and revised by the previously analyzed films, reaffirms sports’ role in establishing patriarchy in brazil. arizona state university

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