Volume 2, Issue 2 (September 2015)

Volume 2 Issue 2

International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies ISSN 2356-5926

Editor-in-Chief : Dr. Hassen ZRIBA

July-September 2015 Volume 2 Issue 2

Volume 2 Issue 2 September 2015

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND CULTURAL STUDIES ISSN 2356-5926

Editorial Board Editor-in-Chief Dr. Hassen Zriba *Emeritus Professor Ralph Grillo University of Sussex, UK

Managing Editor Najoua Chalbi

*Professor Muhammad Asif Riphah International University, Pakistan *Professor Sadok Bouhlila Northern Borders University, Saudi Arabia *Professor Pacha Malyadri Osmania University, Andhra Pradesh, India *Professor Shormishtha Panja University of Delhi, India

*Dr. Syed Zamanat Abbas Salman Bin Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia *Dr. Santosh Kumar Behera Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University, India *Dr. P. Prayer Elmo Raj Pachaiyappa's College, India *Omid Akhavan Imam Ali University, Iran *Loredana Terec-Vlad Ștefan cel Mare University, Romania

*Professor Jason L. Powell University of Chester, UK

*Shama Adams Curtin University, Australia

*Professor Ali H. Raddaoui University of Wyoming, USA

*Mansour Amini The Gulf College, Oman

*Dr. Mohamed El-Kamel Bakari University of King Abdulaziz, Saudi Arabia *Dr. Solange Barros Federal University of Mato Grosso, Brazil

*Dr. Arbind Kumar Choudhary Rangachahi College, Majuli ,Assam, India *Dr. Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi University of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi, India

*Mohd AB Malek Bin MD Shah Universiti Teknologi Mara, Malaysia *Mark B. Ulla Father Saturnino Urios University, Philipinnes * Anouar Bennani University of Sfax, Tunisia *Shuv Raj Rana Bhat Central Department of English Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal *Erika Ashley Couto University of Concordia, Canada *Md. Amir Hossain IBAIS University, Bangladesh

*Dr. Baliram Namdev Gaikwad University of Mumbai, India

* Elvan Mutlu University of Kent, UK

*Dr. Abdullah Gharbavi Payame Noor University, Iran

*Syed S. Uddin-Ahmed St. John's University, USA

*Dr. Salah Belhassen University of Gafsa, Tunisia *Dr. Nodhar Hammami Ben Fradj University of Kairouan, Tunisia

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*Dr. Al Sayed Mohamed Aly Ismail Bin Abdualziz University, Saudi Arabia

* Mansour Amini The Gulf College, Oman

*Dr. Nidhi Kesari University of Delhi, India

* Nick J. Sciullo Georgia State University, USA

*Dr. Raghvendra Kumar LNCT Group of College Jabalpur, India *Dr. Salima Lejri University of Tunis, Tunisia

* Nizar Zouidi University of Mannouba, Tunisia *Logan Cochrane University of British Columbia, Canada

*Dr. Chuka Fred Ononye Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Nigeria *Dr. Mohammed Salah Bouomrani University of Gafsa, Tunisia

*Shataw Naseri University of Shahid Beheshti in Iran *Manoj Kr. Mukherjee Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, West Bengal, India

*Dr. Mahdi Zarai University of Gafsa, Tunisia

*Javed Akhter University of Balochistan Quetta Balochistan, Pakistan

*Dr. Anwar Tlili King's College, London, UK

*Haron Bouras Mohamed Cherif Messadia University, Souk-Ahras Algeria

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Table of Contents Editorial………………………………………………………………………………………...….7 1) "The Search for Identity in Online Chat" Nawal F. Abbas, University of Baghdad, Iraq Rana H. Al-Bahrani, University of Baghdad, Iraq…………………………………...…………8-15 2) "Uses of Humour in an English Language Class" Shumaila Abdullah, University of Baluchistan, Quetta, Pakistan Javed Akhter, University of Balochistan Quetta, Pakistan…………………………………….16-21 3) "Médée d’Euripide et d’Anouilh" Ari Mohammed Abdulrahman, University of Sulaimani, Iraq………………………..……..22-32 4) "Yoruba Traditional Education Philosophy in the Evolution of a ‘Total Man’" Ademakinwa Adebisi, University of Lagos, Nigeria…………………………………………..33-45 5) "Le Problème Sociolinguistique Dans La Traduction Française Des Romans De Fagunwa" Gbadegesin Olusegun Adegboye, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria………………...46-55 6) "The Choice of Diction as Empowerment for Marital Freedom: A Study of Selected Divorce Registers in a Nigerian Newspaper" Harrison Adeniyi, Lagos State University, Nigeria O. Rachael Bello, Lagos State University, Nigeria……………………………………………..56-69 7) "History, the Historian and Historical Society of Nigeria @ 60: The Journey so far and the road ahead" Emmanuel Osewe Akubor, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria………………….70-86 8) "Que sait la littérature?" Nancy Ali, CRLC – Paris IV Sorbonne, France……………………………………………….87-103 9) "L’idée de Dieu chez Ahmadou Kourouma et Calyxthe Beyala: une étude comparée" Ndongo Kamdem Alphonse, University of Uyo, Nigeria…………………………………...104-118 10) "Philanthropy Language Construction" Iqbal Nurul Azhar, University of Trunojoyo, Madura, Indonesia…………………………..119-129 11) "De la violence à la névrose: Parcours de la Tunisie révolutionnaire ou l’état de lieu d’un peuple désillusionné" Dorra Barhoumi, Université de Kairouan, Tunisie………………………………………….130-143

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12) "A Psychoanalytical Hermeneutics of John Keats’s Verse Epistle To John Hamilton Reynolds through Julia Kristeva’s Theory of ‘Semiotic’ vs. ‘Symbolic’ Orders" Farhat Ben Amor, University of Kairouan, Tunisia………………………………...………144-163 13) "La communauté arabo-musulmane aux Etats-Unis : entre rêve et réalité" Lanouar Ben Hafsa, Université de Tunis, Tunisie…………………………………………..164-178 14) "Pre-Colonial Security System in Akungba-Akoko, South-West Nigeria" Famoye Abiodun Daniels, Adekunle Ajasin University, Nigeria…………………………...179-191 15) "The Dynamics of Palm Kernels Marketing in Igala Area, Nigeria 1920-1956" Victor Chijioke Nwosumba, Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria Abah Danladi, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria…………………………………..192-205 16) "A study of the Portuguese-Benin Trade Relations: Ughoton as a Benin Port (1485 -1506)" Michael Ediagbonya, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria…………………………...206-221 17) "Decentering Globalization" Abdelaziz El Amrani, ASCA, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands……………………..222-232 18) "On the Issue of Ultimate Attainment in L2 Acquisition: Theoretical and Empirical Views" Hosni Mostafa El-Dali, United Arab Emirates University, United Arab Emirates…………233-256 19) "Twins: Similarities, differences and individuality" Maria Garro, University of Palermo, Italy Alessandra Salerno, University of Palermo, Italy Federica Cirami, University of Palermo, Italy……………..………………………………..257-269 20) "Masculinity and Male Domination in D.H Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s lover" Abdelfattah Ali Ghazel, Al Majmaah University, Saudi Arabia…..270-280 21) "The Challenge of Resuscitating Interest in History in Contemporary Nigeria Schools: New Approaches to the Rescue" Emorc .C. Emordi, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria Felix Ejukonemu Oghi, Samuel Adegboyega University, Ogwa, Edo State, Nigeria………281-291 22) "Vocabulary Learning Strategies of English as Foreign Language (EFL) Learners: a Literature Review" Prashneel Ravisan Goundar, Fiji National University, Fiji………………………..………292-301 23) "No “No Trespassing!” The cultural logic of property rights and their moot pleasures of denial" Mark Webster Hall, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea…………………302-317 24) "The Development of Students’ Learning Achievements and Learning Behaviors through Participatory Learning Method" Phatsaraphorn Khansakhorn, Thepsatri Rajabhat University, Takhli Campus, Thailand Rangsiphat Yongyuttwichai, Thepsatri Rajabhat University, Takhli Campus, Thailand….318-325 http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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25) "Rhizomatic Mother Goddesses in North Africa:The Great Mother’s Resurrection in Sophie El Goulli’s Hashtart: À la Naissance de Carthage" Insaf Khémiri, University of Sousse, Tunisia……………………………………………….326-339 26) "Blurring Polyphonic Voices in Katherine Mansfield’s Short Story “The Singing Lesson” Nadia Konstantini, University of Jendouba, Tunisia………………………………………..340-349 27) "Language and culture" Abdelfattah Mazari, Mohammed Premier University, Oujda, Morocco Naoual Derraz, Mohammed Premier University, Oujda, Morocco………………………....350-359 28) "Isolation in The Catcher in the Rye and A Woman on the Turret : A Comparative Study" Ranji Shorsh Rauf Muhamad, University of Sulaimani, Iraq…………………………...…360-367 29) "Style and Lexical Choices in Teacher-Student Classroom Interaction" Chuka Fred Ononye, Alvan Ikoku University, Owerri, Nigeria……………………………368-381 30) "The Quandary of Eurocentric Truth and Prospect of Cultural Sensitivity: Echoes from Richard Rorty" Modestus Nnamdi Onyeaghalaji, University of Lagos, Nigeria………………………...….382-392 31) "Masterpieces of Nouri Bouzid: Between Conditioned Advent and Censorship's Extinction" Feten Ridene Raissi, ESACG, Carthage University, Tunisia………………………..………393-409 32) "From Heresy in Religion to Heresy in Culture: The Symbolic Power of the 15th Century Spanish Inquisition: The Case of the Arab Muslims (Moriscos)" Latifa Safoui, Ibn Zohr University, Agadir, Morocco……………………………...………..410-428 33) "L’Effet de Distanciation dans Le Père Goriot de Balzac" Asso Ahmed Salih, University of Sulaimani, Iraq…………………………………….……..429-439 34) "Cohesion in the Descriptive Writing of EFL Undergraduates" Wafa Ismail Saud, King Khalid University, Abha, Saudi Arabia…………………………...440-450 35) "The Backlash of 9/11 on Muslims in Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist" Isam Shihada, Al Aqsa University, Gaza Strip, Palestine………………………………...…451-466 36) "An Ethno-Statistical Analysis of Direct and Indirect Acts in Catchy HIV/AIDS Campaign Messages in Benin Metropolis" Patience Obiageri Solomon-Etefia, University of Benin, Nigeria Gerald Okechukwu Nweya, University of Ibadan, Nigeria………………………………...467-490 37) "Drawing the Human Face of a Homeland: A Reading of Khaled Hosseini’s Novels; The Kite Runner, A thousand Splendid Suns, and And the Mountains Echoed" Rim Souissi, University of Sousse, Tunisia………………………………………………….491-498

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38) "Where There Is No Second Language: The Problems Faced By International Tourists during the Calabar Christmas Festival" Gloria Mayen Umukoro, University of Calabar, Nigeria…………………………………...499-519 39) "Connectivity between Diplomacy, Foreign Policy and Global Politics" Stella Wasike, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya Susan. N. Kimokoti, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya Violet Wekesa, Eldoret University, Kenya…………………………………………………..520-526 40) "Feminine versus Masculine: The Dichotomies of Movement in Spanish Flamenco" Marta Wieczorek, Zayed University, United Arab Emirates………………………………..527-535 41) "Imperial Rivalry in South West Arabia before the First World War" Abdol Rauh Yaccob, Sultan Sharif Ali Islamic University, UNISSA,Darussalam, Brunei...536-546 42) "Slavery and Orientalism in Balzac’s La Fille aux yeux d’or" Meng Yuqiu, Capital Normal University, China………………………………………….....547-556 43) "The History of Martiniquan Rum" Hélène Zamor, University of The West Indies, Barbados…………………………………...557-568

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Editorial Dear Colleagues and Readers I am so glad to present the sixth issue of the International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS). With this issue, the IJHCS enters its second year with more diligence and confidence. This sixth issue includes different research articles on various topics in humanities, linguistics and cultural studies both in English and French languages. This reflects the multidisciplinary, multilingual and interdisciplinary scope of the IJHCS. This new issue includes works of the research scholars from different countries such Barbados, Brunei, China, Fiji, France, Indonesia, Iraq, Italy, Kenya, Morocco, Netherlands, Nigeria, Pakistan, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Thailand, Tunisia, and United Arab Emirates.

As usual, I sincerely thank our respected authors for selecting the IJHCS, our reviewers for reviewing the selected articles for this issue and the Administrative Board for its contribution to helping the IJHCS achieve this success. With Best Regards, Dr. Hassen Zriba Editor-in-Chief The International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS)

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The Search for Identity in Online Chat

Nawal F. Abbas University of Baghdad, Iraq Rana H. Al-Bahrani University of Baghdad, Iraq Abstract Internet communication is one of the most important applications of the 21st century. College students are among those who make use of this activity for both academic and personal interest. Students usually vary in their use, appreciation and response to this widely used activity. Accordingly, the present research paper aims at answering the following questions: to what extent college students use the instant-messaging system in initiating and developing personal and social communication? and to what extent the revealed identities are real or fake? If real, how many aspects of identity are real or fake? What is the purpose behind using fake identities? Are there any similarities and differences between gender-based identities? To what extent messages reflect the user's identity and gender? And what are the different ways of identity manifestations? To achieve the above aims, a questionnaire has been conducted on the students of Baghdad University to closely examine the relationship between online interaction and gender identities. The results showed that the highest percentage of students, 94%, agrees that chat is of great help in establishing and maintaining distant and local relationships. While the lowest percentage, 1.1%, goes with the proposition that chat is the most important application of the internet. Keywords: Identity, hidden identity, gendered-based identities, self-disclosure, disguised chat

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Introduction Internet communication is a socially-based activity that involves no personal presence of participants who are logged on simultaneously, but separated geographically (Doring, 2006). Such a means of communication is found to have many merits, among which are to assert their own identities and to explore new means of self-representation. The stepping stone of using such a means embeds questions about the user's identity, such as name, gender, age, location, interest and may also indicate motives for the communication. In this vein, the psychologist and internet researcher Turkle (2005) notes that many users employ chat to "try on" identity positions that might not feel permissible in their offline lives. Just as chat allows banter and creative communications conventions (LOL for "Laughing Out Loud") to flourish, it also seems to promote antisocial behavior, such as flaming and trolling. Gender vs. Identity Gender is the foundation of personality. It indicates how a person chooses to express himself, i.e., which identity does he actually represent? Moreover, Lott (cited in Stewart, 2003: 4) defines gender as "an attribute used by individuals for self-identification within their culture". Identity, on the other hand, is often characterized in terms of one's interpersonal characteristics, such as self-definition or personality traits, the roles and relationships one takes on in various interactions, and one's personal values or moral beliefs (Calvert as cited in Huffaker& Sandra, 2005). In other words, everyone in this world has a different identity because they all make their own over the course of their life. Identity also involves a sense of continuity of self-images over time (Grotevant, 1998; cited in Huffaker& Sandra, 2005), a continuity that may be disrupted when puberty creates radical alterations in one's physical appearance. Identity, as a term has been viewed differently by different socialists. Traditionally an individual's identity was looked upon as singular and stable—perhaps permanent—and over which one had little control. If a person is a carpenter by occupation, that is how everyone views him, and how he views himself. However, over time, this view progressively changes. The current view of identity, on the other hand, holds that individuals have multiple identities, which are constantly changing and being negotiated depending on the time and context of the situation. That is to say, an individual has numerous facets of the self (e.g., man/woman, spouse, parents, and boss), all of which together form the individual's multiple identities. These multiple facets or ways of looking at oneself in relation to the world are socially constructed (Cohen, 2008).That is, the more changes in the social roles, the greater changes in the communicative behavior (Stewart, 2003: 5). According to Pavlenko and Blackledge (2004), identity can be of three different categories: imposed identities, assumed identities, and negotiable identities. Imposed identities can be described as "those that cannot be negotiated in a particular time and place". Assumed identities, on the other hand, refer to those who are comfortable with and willing to try a character that is valued and legitimatized by the dominant group within a given society. The third http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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category of identity is negotiable identities. Negotiable identities "pertain to all identity options that can be, and are, contested or resisted by particular individuals and groups"(Cohen, 2008). In this respect, Stewart (2003: 7) maintains that identity is a collection of socially-based features that can be revealed through social interactions; that is communication plays a key role in the development of our gender identity and of our perception of other' identities. Gender has been around throughout history; however, within recent years, gender has separated itself from the traditional view of sex, i.e., male or female, and has become centered on one’s masculinity or femininity, gender has become a way for one to describe, he or she, in a way in which they are different from everyone else. Gender has turned into a sense of identity, a way for one to feel different and fulfilled among all of those around them. On the whole, gender identity is closely interlinked with social science as it is based on an identity of an individual in the society. Sexuality is the “the condition of being characterized and distinguished by sex” (Free dictionary, 2009). Identity and other Related Terminologies Speaking about identity may lead to come across other related and confusing words. In this vein, Ivanic (cited in Joseph, 2004: 9-10) makes a survey of the different terms that may be used when dealing with identity-related topics and from different angles or connotations. Such a list embeds the following: 1. Self emotionally and effectively refers to "who I feel myself to be"; 2. Person refers to the identity "I project to others in my socially defined roles"; 3. Ethos is a general term for a person's identity as conceived and constructed in the context of world view and social practices. It indicates the personal characteristics which a reader might attribute to a writer on the basis of evidence in the text. That is, self inner qualities; 4. Persona means a mask. It is an objective self that one creates in order to position himself within the context of those around us; 5. Subject, subject position, positioning : in accordance with these terms, self is a product of the discourse and social field in which it is located 6. Subjectivity, subjectivities, positioning, possibilities for self-hood: these terms carry the connotation that identity is socially constructed, that people are not free to take on any identity they choose, and that add a sense of multiplicity, hybridity and fluidity; and 7. Identity, identification: these terms refer to a process rather than a fixed condition. Creating a profile Some young people create profiles as their friends have; they desire to join in their peer group and to share a common experience with their friends. Joining like-minded peers appeals to their collective self-esteem, which eventually, gives them the unexpected pleasure in expressing themselves on SNS profiles. Often, young people provide specific information (e.g., name, birthday, relationship status) on SNS, although such disclosure is often considered as personalized. Profile generation is an explicit act of writing oneself into being a digital http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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environment and participants must determined how they want to present themselves to those who may view their self-representation or those they wish might. Questioning the Authentication of Profile Information The first place of wondering about the authentication of profile information launches from the process of choosing an ID for your e-mail, instant messenger contact details, and personal websites, blogs, and face books. In this respect and as far as chat rooms are concerned, Döring (2006) maintains that before entering a chat room, one has to select a chat name or nickname, and an avatar if needed. The advantage of choosing a name or nickname is to communicate such information as gender, age, weight, size, location, interest and to some extent the motives for communication. But, to what extent the revealed information is true and real. Online chatters usually change their proposed sex, physical appearance, and age for different reasons. One of these reasons is psychologically oriented in that young chatters want to appear old; another is socially oriented in that chatters do not like to be focused on; instead they merely wish to develop long-term and more serious contacts. The second question that lays itself in this vein is how many aspects of personality are intended to be hidden? The third is how much time is allocated for online chatting? The more time allocated for chatting, the sooner fake personalities are discovered, especially if developed into voice chat. Consequently, and despite the fact that chatting plays a role in enhancing and extending the social network of a person, there is still a percentage of risk that the revealed identities are assumed and the closeness is an illusionary one. As far as the previous studies are concerned, Turkle (1995:184) adds that by divorcing ourselves from our bodies, from time and from space, the computer opens a realm in which the multiplicity of identity that is taken to realize a contemporary life… we can be multiple identities simultaneously, with no one of these selves necessarily more valid than any other. These valid identities can have varied degrees of relation to the embodied 'self'. Bargh and McKenna (2004) propose that "constructing a new identity which is successful within a new peer group can allow for role changes that create real changes in selfconcept". Self-disclosure The opposite process of disguise identity is self-disclosure. Pearce and Sharp (cited in Stewart et al, 1996, 104) state that self-disclosure occurs when:"people voluntarily communicate information about themselves that other people are unlikely to know or discover from other sources". Brunell (2007) adds that disclosure is considered a key aspect of developing closeness and intimacy with others, including friends, romantic partners, and family members. It embeds revealing personal, intimate information about oneself to others; it helps two individuals to get to know one another. Self-disclosure varies by the level of intimacy. For example, information can range from being relatively superficial, such as disclosing where you are from and what your favorite flavor of ice cream is, to being more private, such as revealing that your parents are going through a divorce or that you once cheated on your boyfriend or girlfriend. Self-disclosure http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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also varies in the number of ways in which topics are disclosed. When individuals disclose private information, their disclosure is high in depth. When individuals disclose a wide range of topics about themselves, their disclosure is high in breadth. Gender and Disclosure Differences Disclosure, as far as gender is concerned, indicates that women are seen to be more expressive than men. When a woman is not expressive, others perceive her as maladjusted. Likewise, men are expected to be inexpressive, and when a man is expressive, he is perceived as unstable. And, in fact, women tend to disclose more than men do in general. However, although women disclose more to their female friends and to their romantic partners than men do, they do not disclose more to their male friends any more than men do. Furthermore, women tend to elicit self-disclosure from others, even from those who do not usually disclose very much about themselves. One reason for this is that women tend to be responsive listeners, which in return promotes further disclosure by the speaker (Brunell, 2007). In the light of the above, Tannen (cited in Stewart et al, 1996: 104) adds that females emphasize throughout the process of disclosure expressive aspects, such as sharing feelings and emotions, for they regard them as important aspect as far as friendship is concerned. Males, on the other hand, emphasize instrumental aspects, such as working together. Howell (cited in Stewart, 1996: 104-105) maintains that "several communicative behaviors demonstrate that that women tend to be facilitators of disclosure and that men are the controllers of disclosure". Coates (1986) further states that talk among female friends is generally characterized by noncritical listening and mutual support. Women are likely to sense when their women friends are in trouble and so be able to provide a sympathetic listening ear that conveys understanding and concern. But, when a man senses that a close male friend is depressed, his first impulse is to ignore the depression and change the subject of their conversation, or they may respond to another person's self-disclosure as if it were a request for advice, instead of responding to their own selfdisclosure. Haas and Sherman (cited in Perry et al. 1992) mention that disclosure among female friends typically focuses on topics that involve personal and family matters. Such topics are closely related to self and tend to be characterized as more emotion-based in nature than men's talk. Moreover, women often are more willing to share intimate details of their personal lives with other women than men share with other men. Women are more likely to confide worries to a friend than men are; they often discuss self-enhancement that results from self-disclosure while men do not; or they might talk more about people while men talk more about things. Women are more likely to respect each other's speaking turn and attempt to equalize participation in the same sex-groups. Conversely, individual men may dominate an all-male group while the others just listen. Some people are better able to self-disclose than others are. This is because selfdisclosure can be threatening. Self-disclosure can leave one vulnerable to rejection, manipulation, and betrayal. Some individuals are so concerned about these dangers of selfhttp://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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disclosure that they have trouble opening up and revealing intimate details about themselves, even in the appropriate contexts. They worry about the impression they are making on others and readily perceive rejection in others' intentions. Consequently, these individuals frequently feel lonely and isolated from others and tend to have fewer closures, satisfying relationships with others (Brunell, 2007). Merits of Disguised Chatting

1. 2. 3.

Chatting with respect to disguised identity is not void of advantages. In light of this statement, Persad (2010) mentions the following merits of internet: Helping adolescent establish their sense of identity; Chatters find a chance to try different identities (or pseudo-profiles) to see which one suits or lets them feel more comfortable; Anonymity, and its lessening associated risks, may allow people to be more honest and take greater risks, in their self-disclosures than they would offline (See McKenna and Bargh, 2000).

Data Analysis A thirty item questionnaire has been conducted and applied on 36 college students from Baghdad University. The items of the questionnaire are to be answered with yes or no except in certain situations where answers are to be further justified or elaborated to show the impact of the items on the students, or even to entail the reason behind the given answer. The percentage has been calculated for each item to trace the students' reaction to it, i.e., to see how many students side with or against each item. Percentages have been calculated and the highest percentage of the students' reactions, which constitutes about 94% (34 students), goes to both items that agree that online chat is considered a means for developing long-distance and local friendships. This means that place or location is of little value in comparison with gender and identity, except in cases when individuals have already met face-to-face when geographically close. So seeking friendships is what most students point at. The second highest percentage, about 83% (30 students), goes with the propositions that anonymity and multiplicity of identities are dangerous and anonymity may allow people to be more honest and to take great risk in their self-disclosure when they would offline. The lowest percentage, which constitutes about 1.1% (two students), goes with the proposition that the chat is the most important application of the internet. The second low percentage, 2.7% (five students), emphasizes the obsession of the idea of multiplicity of identities.

1. 2.

Generally speaking, most students agree with the following: Reduction of physical appearance creates a kind of invisibility or anonymity. Anonymity opens potential for the multiplicity of identities.

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3. Anonymity creates a high degree of privacy and a lower sense of social risk. 4. Anonymity may allow people to be more honest and take great risks in their selfdisclosure. 5. People online are brought together by shared interest and by a joint focus on one another's conversational style without attending to one another's appearance. 6. Online chat serves as a means for people with existing ties to support and maintain meaningful relationships. 7. Users use the chat to 'try on' identity positions that might not feel permissible in real life. 8. Instant messages are used to reinforce relationships with those who are geographically close to them and whom they have met face to face. 9. The socio-emotional communication is said to be more likely personal than antisocial. 10. These identities might have varied degrees of relation to the embodied self. 11. Anonymity (or hidden identity) is dangerous. 12. The rational ideals in online relationships are the same as those emphasized in offline relationships including trust, honesty and commitment. 13. Girls are slightly more than boys in using instant messages. 14. Multiplicity or anonymity leads people to treat life online as an isolated social entity. 15. As far gender/identity relation is concerned, most students agree that identity does not necessarily reflect gender, and sometimes gender can be reached at during self- disclosure, if there is any need, when chat occurs with total strangers. Conclusions Internet communication is one of the most important applications in which people are interested. College students are among those who make use of it for both academic and personal interest. Yet, students usually vary in their use, appreciation and response to this widely used activity. Throughout answering some question, the researchers of the present paper have arrived into a number of conclusions, the most important of which are the following: Identities are of two types real and fake; fake in the sense of being hidden wholly or partially. Fake identity is initiated due to social and psychological factors. Illusive or fake identity can be widespread or more common in online interaction. Fake identity is followed by a process of self-disclosure. Gender-based identities show that women are more likely than men in being expressive and responsive to online chat. Gendered-based identities seem riskier when it comes to selfdisclosure.

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References -Bargh, J.& McKenna, K.(2004).The Internet and Social Life. In Annual Review of Psychology, 55: 573-590. -Baym, N. (2006). Interpersonal Life Online.The Handbook of New Media.SAGE Publications. 20 Apr. 2010. http://www.sageereference.com/hdbk_newmedia/Article_n3.html -Brunell, A. B. (2007). Self-Disclosure.Encyclopedia of Social Psychology.SAGE Publications. 20 Apr. 2010. . -Cohen, J. (2008). Language and Identity.Encyclopedia of Bilingual Education.SAGE Publications. 8 May. 2010. . -Döring, N. (2006). Chat Rooms, Social and Linguistic Processes.In Encyclopedia of Children, Adolescents, and the Media. SAGE Publications. 20 Apr. 2010. . -Huffaker, D. & Calvert, S. (2005). Gender, Identity and Language Use in Teenage Blogs. In Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication.10, 2. -Joseph, J. E. (2004). Language and identity. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. -Pavlenko, A. & Blackledge, A.(2004). Negotiation of identities in multilingual contexts. London: Cromwell Press Ltd. -Perry, L., Turner, L. & Sterk, H. (1992).Constructing and reconstructing gender: The Links among communication, language and gender. New York: University of New York Press. -Persad, S. S. (2006). Internet Use, Social. Encyclopedia of Children, Adolescents, and the Media.SAGE Publications. 20 Apr. 2010. -Stewart, L.P., Pamela, J. C., Alan D. S., & Sheryle A. F. (1996).Communication and gender(3rded.). Scottsdale: Gorsuch & Scarisbrick, Publishers. -Stewart, L. P., Pamela, J. C., Alan D. S.,& Sheryle A. F.(2003). Communication and gender (4thed.). Boston: Pearson Education, Inc. -Turkle, S. (1995). Life on the screen: Identity in the age of internet. New York: Simon. -Turkle, S. (2005). The second self: Computers and the human spirit. Cambridge: The MIT Press. http://www.123helpme.com/search.asp?text=Gender+Identity http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Uses of Humour in an English Language Class Shumaila Abdullah University of Baluchistan, Quetta, Pakistan Javed Akhter University of Balochistan Quetta Pakistan

Abstract Humour is peculiar to human beings and an essential characteristic of human life. When it is applied in English teaching, it enhances students’ learning ability. If the teachers start adding element of humour in their teaching method it could definitely improve students’ English learning ability. Therefore, humour is considered an important element to reduce the anxiety factor and boredom in an English language class. However, its uses make English language class more effective and interesting. It creates a learning environment in such a way in a language class that helps the students to perform even better. Mostly the teachers follow the same old traditional method of English teaching and avoid cracking jokes in the class in order to maintain discipline and class control. That is why students do not take much interest in their classes. However, the negative kind of humour such as to make fun of the students, to hit their families, sarcasm, hit ethnicity and insult should be avoided as it badly damages the students’ personality as well as it ruins the sacred environment and discipline of the class. The negative impact of humour makes the student offensive and can bring negative results in the classroom. Keywords: Pedagogical Humour, Students’ Learning, Mimicry, Mockery

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Introduction Humour is considered an essential characteristic of humans’ life. No one can deny its importance in human life. It is the only source of reducing tension, boredom and anxiety in an English language class. No doubt, learning English language is by no means an easy task in a multilingual society. However, Pakistan is a multilingual country in which learning and teaching English language is neither the first nor the second language but a foreign language. Therefore, a large number of students take admission in language centres to learn English language as their basic requirement to receive knowledge of science and technology, not only in educational institutions but for other societal needs too. English is passport of success and upward social mobility. For this reason, centres of English language are considered the biggest source of learning English language. Learning of English language requires a positive and friendly classroom atmosphere. However, this research is an effort to highlight the importance of humour, which is an essential teaching tool in a language class to learn English language more efficiently. Nevertheless, teaching is a serious profession and learning English language is not so easy job. We are all aware of the fact that the students of English language are more willing to participate in classrooms that allow them to feel relaxed. P, Krishmanson states that the need to create a “welcoming” classroom for language learning, so that the learning environment does not feel threatening or intimidating (Krishmanson, P.2000, pp. 1-5). A teacher must be creative to develop a positive learning environment in such a way that a student not only learns but also enjoys, not hesitates but also learns and not feels stressed but relaxed. A teacher must have sense of humour and use humour in a proper way to teach the students, cultivating good taste, aesthetic credo and sense of humour in his students. This is possible only when the teacher knows how to entertain his/her students to use humour in classroom because humour not only reduces the boredom and anxiety level of the students of English language but constructs students learning ability in a way that the students perform even far better. Nevertheless, the mood of classroom imprints positive effects on English language learning experience because humour can promote understanding and attract the attention of the students until end to make learning process more affective and interesting one. It is the duty of a teacher to create a relaxed, pleasant and positive attitude in their teaching so that the students take much interest, learn more and more and have a lot of fun. G. Walter claimed that the students who laugh have less disturbing outbursts in class. Therefore, when humour is applied to teaching it enhances the students’ learning ability (Walter, G., 1990, pp. 43-44). Moreover, humour plays an important role in second language or foreign language learning as English and is an integral part of second language teaching and learning classroom environment. It is a very skilful way of motivating those students who are demotivated, showing no interest in English language classes due to various factors like lack of confidence, anxiety factor, language ego, shyness, hesitation and nervousness. Those teachers, who do not like to use humour, share and exchange jokes with their students, are not very much popular among the students. While on the other hand, those teachers who produce a friendly environment in such a way that they crack jokes, use humour and funny incidents and share such things with their http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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students are the most popular among the students. The students take more interest in this kind of language classes in which their language learning capability automatically enhances and for this reason, they learn English as a second language or foreign language within no time because humour helps them to keep the things in their minds and memorise the elements of English language for a long time. Casper stated that learning induced by humour strengthens the learning memory (Casper, R., 1999). Thus, humour is an important spice of teaching English in Pakistan. It can imprint positively influences on the minds of the English language learners to learn a second language, and avoiding humour may deprive the learners of gaining access to second language learning. Moreover, it produces an environment of tediousness and boredom in an English language classroom in which students do not enjoy learning. On the contrary, the touch of humour is extremely beneficial for second language learning classroom environment. Medgeys, P. (2002) suggests that funny games, stories jokes, puzzles, pictures, sketches, and dialogues can be fruitfully used for all levels of second language learning. So, the instructor must know how the make a language classroom environment more affective and interesting. No learning is more beneficial than learning in an ideal environment, where the learning is always at the highest level and anxiety level at the lowest and this is possible only when the facilitator provide such an environment to his students in a way where they are free to share their thoughts without being afraid. However, teacher should not spoil the sacred environment of the classroom because exchanging much jokes and focusing less on learning is extremely dangerous for the students. Therefore, negative and vulgar kind of humour should always be avoided by the teacher. Negative and vulgar kind of humour includes making fun of the students, to attack their families, ethnicity, insulting and humiliating the students. A teacher must know his/her prestige and the importance of holy, noble and prophetic profession of teaching. The present study shows that negative or vulgar humour ruins the students’ personality as well as the classroom environment so that it should always be avoided. Moreover, vulgar humour and dirty jokes should not be allowed in classroom. Although the jokes and funny incidents are a part of English language classroom. As R. Bonjour states that private humour which takes students’ out of topic should be avoided. Literature Review Humour is an instructional tool a teacher could use in the class to increase the effectiveness. In the various studies on humour in language, teaching and learning researchers have highlighted the useful potential of humour that how it enhances the students’ learning ability and the way it brings a number of positive changes in students’ attitudes. Garner writes, “Students indicate that humour can increase their interests in learning and research has demonstrated that students who have teachers with strong orientation to humour tend to learn more” (Garner, 2006, p.177). “Humour is a catalyst for classroom “magic”, when all the educational elements converge and teacher and student are positive and excited about learning” (Kher, 1999, p.1). http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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In another study, Loomans writes about humour, “there are two distinct sides of the of the humour coin: the comic and the tragic, humour can act as a social lubricant or social retardant in the educational setting. It can educate or denigrate, heal or harm, embrace or deface, it’s a powerful communication tool, no matter which side is chosen”. (Loomans, 1993, p. 14). According to Prosser, humour builds unity, relieve stress and enhance creativity. Humour helps the instructor enjoy teaching and empowers the learner to participate in the project (Prosser, 1997, p. 2). (Buckman cited in Psathas, 1973, p. 37) saying that "by asking people questions we discover what they are experiencing, how they interpret their experiences and how they themselves structure the social world in which they live" (Buckman, 2010, p. 64). The present study focuses on the importance of uses of jokes in an English language class to make the teaching/learning process more interesting and enjoyable one. Impact of Humour and jokes on Students’ performance in an English Language Class The purpose of using jokes is to enhance students’ learning ability, performance and proficiency in an English language classroom. A good and motivated teacher can only attract the attention of his/her students by sharing jokes with them and teacher who deliberately commits mistakes and the laughs at himself he is definitely providing his students a chance that they may not be shy and hesitant. However, jokes produce a stimulating and relaxing environment in the class for English language learners. When the students are enjoyably engaged in the class they learn in a better way and if a class can laugh together with one another, they are likely to learn better together. One of the most important advantages of jokes and humour is to help students feel more comfortable in their target language learning. A teacher can produce a loveable, friendly and frankly, atmosphere only through jokes and use of humour in the classroom in which students feel more free, comfortable and relaxed. Furthermore, uses of humour and jokes bring many positive changes in the behaviour of the students. When a teacher creates such a relaxed, friendly and frankly atmosphere in the class, the students become more motivated to do well in the class. The performance, proficiency and fluency of the students become more effective. However, use of humour and jokes can be beneficial in order to gain the students’ liking and win their attention. Such teachers are always popular among the students who provide them a convenient and easygoing environment. Gorham & Christopher claims that, if the teachers use humour in the classroom they are often doing so to reduce tension, to facilitate self-disclosure, to relieve embarrassment, to save face, to disarm others, to alleviate boredom, to gain favour through self-enhancement, to convey good will or to accomplish some other prosaically goal (Gorham, J., & Christophel D. 1990, pp. 354-36). Nevertheless, jokes and humour are incentive for students to learn and it enhances their language learning ability, eagerness and aptitude. Jokes and humour do not only help to memorize the stuff easily but for a long time too as things associated with funny incidents imprints on the minds of the students permanently. This is the reason that students’ do not forget such teachers in their lives no matter how old they get. Many students think that teachers are strangers or outwardly beings, for the very same reason they do not open up in presence of such teachers. Therefore, it badly affects the language learning process somewhere in the mind as learning an English language a tough task in a multilingual country like Pakistan. However, a http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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teacher who uses jokes, humour and puns in his lesson regarding what is he teaching can definitely help the students to learn it proficiently. Ziv investigated the effects on students’ learning of teaching and reported that students appreciate and enjoy learning with a teacher who uses humour (Ziv, A. 1988, pp. 5-15.). Everyone loves jokes and humour because they are invaluable source of entertainment and excellent vehicle for presenting, learning and teaching English as a second language. Use of humour could definitely be a gateway to understand and observe culture of English language. It could easily be observed that when a teacher enters in the language class and says the word “joke” only, students becomes attentive and that is how a teacher catches the attention of the students in a tricky way. Moreover, jokes could be used in a class to motivate the students so that they start taking interest in reading and writing activities. Baron states that, the use of humour can vent anger and frustration that might otherwise be destructive (Baron, R. A. 1978, pp. 189−197). Humour has the power to change the dull atmosphere of a classroom all of a sudden into lively and energetic environment it keeps awake the students in a dull and boring classroom. Apart from all the social advantages and benefits there are a number of psychological and social benefits for the students too when a teacher frequently cracks jokes in the classroom. It helps to reduce frustration, boredom, tediousness and all the fears in the mind of a student having regarding English language. Many linguists agree that “Ego” is a hurdle in second language learning and mostly students do not feel comfortable in English language classes due to this factor. When a teacher produces such positive environment in an English language class, the students will surely not think much about their ego, definitely speak much, and think a little. Moreover, it will help them to learn English as a second language. In fact, humour is a doubleedged sword, if it helps to construct, it can ruin or destroy a student’s personality too. Therefore, positive kind of humour should be used and negative kind of humour such as mimicry and mockery should be avoided so that the sacred environment of the classroom may not spoil. A negative kind of humour includes dirty jokes, sarcasm, mimicry and mockery to hit students’ ethnicity, to pass negative and vulgar comments, to make fun of the students can badly affect the students’ learning ability, enthusiasm and aptitude as well as his character. Inappropriate humour can clearly be destructive to instructor-student relationship and thereby a threat to professionalism and instructor credibility, prestige and popularity. Conclusion This research paper aims to highlight a full fledge picture of using humour in an English language class, concentrating the question how the students’ learning ability and aptitude can be enhanced by using the humour properly in the classroom. Uses of humour in an English language class is an instructional tool a teacher can use in the classroom to increase its effectiveness and enhance eagerness of the students of English language. There are many benefits and advantages associated with the use of humour in the classroom. When a teacher use humour in class, it can result in a number of benefits and advantages for both teachers and students of English language. However, negative, vulgar or harmful kind of humour such as sarcasm, mimicry and mockery should strictly be avoided as it leaves negative impressions and effects of the teacher on his/her students as well as it can bring negative results in the classroom. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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References -Bonjour, R. (2011). The Essence of Good Teaching-Humour. Language in India, 11. -Baron, R. A. (1978). Aggression-inhibiting influence of sexual humor. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36(2), 189−197. -Casper, R. (1999) Laughter and humour in the classroom: Effects on test performance. University of Nebraska – Lincoln. -Gorham, J., & Christophel, D. M. (1990). The relationship of teachers’ use of humour in classroom to immediacy and student learning. Laughing Matters: Humor in the language classroom. Communication Education, 39, 354-36. -Krishmanson, P. (2000). Affect in the Second Language Classroom: How to create an emotional climate. Reflexions, 19 (2), 1-5. -Medgyes, P. (2002). Laughing Matters: Humor in the language classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. -Walter, G. (1990). Laugh, teacher, laugh! The Educational Digest, 55 (9), 43-44. -Ziv, A. (1988). Teaching and Learning with Humour: Experiment and Replication. Journal of Experimental Education, 57(1), 5-15.

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Médée d’Euripide et d’Anouilh

Ari Mohammed Abdulrahman University of Sulaimani, Iraq

Abstract The title of this research is ' Euripides and Anouilh’s Medea '. This research is a comparative study comparing the protagonist Medea in two literary works. The aim of the current research is to study the mythical character Medea in two different literary works; one by the Greek playwright Euripides and the other by the French author Jean Anouilh This research will pose a number of key questions and it will address the main topics discussed by the two authors. It will begin by examining the texts analyzing why Jean Anouilh chose mythology to show the reality of his society of the time. The research will explore how social and political conditions witnessed by the authors in their countries formed their political and philosophical thoughts and undoubtedly influenced their writing. Medea is a drama of No and resistance. Euripides and Jean Anouilh have used this classic myth to address and focus on the various social and political issues that prevailed in society in their time. Anouilh’s Medea was written two years after Antigone and the same themes recur in Medea. Keywords: Medea, Happiness, Exile, Abnormality, Revenge, the other

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Résumé Le titre de cette recherche est ‘Médée d’Euripide et d’Anouilh ’ qui est une étude comparative comparant le protagoniste Médée dans deux œuvres littéraires. L'objectif de la recherche actuelle est d'étudier le caractère mythique de Médée dans deux œuvres littéraires différents; un par le dramaturge grec Euripide et l'autre par l'auteur français Jean Anouilh Cette recherche va poser un certain nombre de questions clés de la recherche et elle va traiter des thèmes principaux abordés par les deux auteurs. Il commencera par examiner les textes examinant pourquoi Jean Anouilh a choisi la mythologie pour montrer la réalité de sa société de l'époque. La recherche sera d'explorer la façon dont les conditions sociales et politiques constatées par les deux auteurs dans leurs pays et ailleurs ont formé leur pensée politique et philosophique et sans doute ont influencé la forme de leur écriture. Médée est un drame de Non et de résistance. Euripide et Jean Anouilh ont recouru à ce mythe classique pour traiter et mettre l'accent sur des diverses questions sociales et politiques qui prévalaient dans la société à leur temps. Médée d'Anouilh a été rédigée deux ans après Antigone et les mêmes thèmes reviennent dans Médée. Mots Clés : Médée, Euripide, Jean Anouilh, Bonheur, Exil, Anormalité, Vengeance, l’autre

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Introduction Médée d'Euripide, ce personnage se comportant de façon unique parmi sa race des femmes, a été un sujet de controverse et pourrait rassembler l'objet d'un grand nombre d'écrivains à travers le monde et à différentes périodes de temps. Sa personnalité exceptionnelle et distinctive, son comportement et ses actes ont créé un sentiment de terreur mélangé parfois avec respect envers elle. Auteurs des pays du monde ont eu recours à l'image que ce personnage reflète afin qu'ils le transplantent à leurs événements sociaux et politiques contemporaines. Parmi un certain nombre d'auteurs, qui recréaient ce caractère dans leurs propres moyens, malgré les changements évidents dans le cadre, l'intrigue, les thèmes et même des personnages, le personnage principal d'Anouilh est la personnification de Médée transplanté à la vie française contemporaine. C'est seulement en 1944 qu’Anouilh a commencé à s’intéresser au mythe. Ceci est lié selon McIntyre (1981, p. 42) à la violence dans ces mythes qui est d'accord avec les conditions de la deuxième guerre mondiale. Pronko (1964, p. 107) attribue ce recours au mythe grec par Jean Anouilh au fait que les intrigues de ces mythes servent d'outils révélant la relation existant entre l'objectif de l'être humain et le destin. Anouilh a commencé son nouvel intérêt pour le mythe grec avec son drame exceptionnel ‘Antigone’ qui a eu un grand succès et a gagné beaucoup d'éloges et qui avait pour thème la révolte contre le bonheur imparfait ; un thème qui revient dans son drame "Médée" qui a été écrit en 1948, c'est-à-dire deux ans après Antigone. I- La guerre et l'exil Euripide était un témoin ardent de la Grèce du Vème siècle au cours de laquelle ce pays a témoignée de grands changements. Il a traité diverses questions qui dominaient l'époque comme le mariage, le patriarcat, le sexe, l'exil, et la violence au sein d'une famille ...... etc. Euripide a écrit Médée en 431 AEC à l'époque de la guerre du Péloponnèse contre Sparte et son auto-exil. Ces deux éléments de l'exil et de la haine de la guerre sont des thèmes majeurs dans ce drame (Mcleich, 2003). Quand la France passa sous la domination allemande, Jean Anouilh n'a pas quitté la France, mais il est resté là et a continué à écrire mais il n'a pas rejoint la résistance et ses œuvres ont été considérées comme sombres ou pessimistes en raison des thèmes dominants de l'humanité médiocre. Il y a une allusion à la guerre et la résistance contre l'occupation allemande lorsque Médée se renseigne sur le retour de Jason ‘‘Il ne rentrera pas ? Il est blessé, mort?...emprisonné’’ ? (Anouilh, pp. 16-17) Il y a deux réunions importantes dans le drame et les deux sont avec Médée. La première réunion a lieu entre Créon et Médée. Cela peut être considéré comme une confrontation entre deux royaumes; Créon est un roi dans son territoire et Médée était une princesse. Cette réunion fait allusion à la deuxième guerre mondiale, lorsque la France était sous le contrôle de l'Allemagne. Créon est le maître de cette région et tente par tous les moyens d'expulser Médée. Cette tragédie a été rédigée deux ans après la guerre et à tout lecteur français cela aurait triste souvenir de leurs conditions de vie pendant la guerre sous l'occupation allemande. L'attitude de Jason est un collaborateur ou un traître (La solitude Contre Le Sens du monde, p.1) http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Il existe un certain nombre de points communs qui relient Médée d’Euripide à Médée d'Anouilh, comme l'exil, l'altérité, l’anormalité et le passé .... etc. L'exil est une question fondamentale dans les deux pièces en question. Les deux protagonistes féminins de Jean Anouilh et d’Euripide sont hantés par le fantôme de l'exil. Médée vit à Corinthe en exil avec son mari Jason et ses deux fils, mais elle a choisi cet état de l'exil à cause de l'amour obsessionnel pour Jason. Tout comme Médée d'Anouilh, Médée a vécu à Corinthe pendant de nombreuses années, mais encore les gens la considéraient comme une étrangère et une barbare. Médée d'Anouilh ainsi, en dépit de son long séjour, est toujours considérée comme une voyageuse et une étrangère. L'exil pour Médée est l’état d’être privée de ses amis et c'est pourquoi elle voulait se venger de Jason parce qu'il n'était plus un ami, mais un ennemi et comme preuve de cette affirmation est l'arrivée d'Égée qu'elle prie de lui offrir un abri à Athènes et devenir son nouvel ami ‘‘Prends pitié de mon infortune; ne me laisse pas seule’’ (Artaud, p. 171). Quand Médée regrette trahir sa famille et vivre en exil, il est tout après être trahie par son Jason et être sans amis. Alors que Médée d'Anouilh est seul et n'a aucun ami. La seule chose qu'elle ne peut pas supporter est de vivre en exil de son Jason et les enfants. Médée de Jean Anouilh renvoie à l'idée des amis dans son discours à la nourrice ‘‘méprisée, Chassée, battue, sans paie, sans maison, mais pas seule’’ (Anouilh, p. 14). Anouilh laisse Médée sans aucun ami. Dans la Médée d'Euripide, il ya le chœur, Egée et l'aide divine, mais Anouilh prive sa Médée de toutes ces sources d'aide la laissant seule face à son destin. Cela a été fait peut-être exprès par Anouilh afin de montrer la dépendance et la force de Médée puisque cette drame a été écrite en 1946 à une date qui pourrait se référer à la condition des femmes à cette époque en France car c'était seulement en 1944 que les femmes pouvaient atteindre le droit de vote qui avait été restreint aux hommes avant cette date les femmes n'étaient pas autorisées à voter en raison de l'opinion que les femmes dépendent financièrement des hommes et par conséquence cela entrave leurs choix. Euripide en écrivant Médée a voulu tenir compte des questions ou des problèmes qui prévalaient dans la société grecque de l'époque. Conformément à la loi adoptée en 451 avant JC, le droit à la citoyenneté a été limité aux personnes dont les deux parents étaient Athéniens; une loi qui a eu un impact terrible sur des femmes venant de l'extérieur d’ Athènes et y vivant peut-être avec le mari d'Athènes. Médée souffrait de cette loi injuste, un fait qui pourrait justifier des actes criminels de Médée. Pour résumer, Médée vit en exil. Elle est loin de son pays natal, même à Corniche elle vit en exil de la ville, et même elle vit en exil en elle-même car elle a banni la véritable Médée pour le bien de Jason; elle étouffait sa vraie personnalité d'une femme violente et cruelle pour satisfaire Jason. Médée est désespérée à cause de sa position en tant que femme, une étrangère et un paria, et une barbare dans la terre d'Athènes. Accepter l'exil à la fois par Médée d’Euripide et d'Anouilh pourrait mettre un terme à toute la violence terrible et ses résultats et les malades, mais les deux personnages refusaient l'exil. II- L’actualisation et les changements de la Médée par Jean Anouilh Euripide apporte certaines modifications à l'histoire du mythe de Médée qui tue son frère et trahit son père pour aider Jason. Euripide fait de Médée un paria apporté de Colichis et une http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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meurtrière de ses deux enfants. Anouilh comme Euripide change peu de choses dans sa Médée en faisant Médée tuer à la fin du drame et en supprimant l'aide divine qui a permis l'évasion de Médée d'Euripide à la fin. Anouilh, tout en retravailler ce drame grec, tentait de l’actualiser en changeant l’intrigue. Par exemple, Médée meurt à la fin du drame à la différence de Médée d'Euripide qui obtient une aide surnaturelle par les dieux. Médée d’Anouilh est une sorte de gitane vivant dans une caravane en dehors de la ville, et la nourrice est comme une femme du pays avec un enthousiasme ardent de vivre. Dans la Médée d'Anouilh, il n'y a pas de chœur tandis que dans Médée d’Euripide, il ya le chœur de femmes soutenant Médée. Cela pourrait être lié au style d'Anouilh de actualiser le drame ou ce qui souligne la solitude de Médée et la laissant seule face à son destin comme une femme sans l'intervention d'une aide extérieure si divine ou humaine. D'autres changements apportés par Anouilh affectent les personnalités des personnages. Par exemple, le personnage principal, Médée, n'est pas fort et violent par rapport à la Médée d'Euripide et contrairement à la Médée d'Euripide, qui ne suscite pas de pitié à cause de ses crimes, Médée d'Anouilh mérite toute pitié. Les caractères ordinaires dans Médée d'Anouilh ne sont pas marginalisés contrairement à ceux chez Euripide. Par exemple, la garde et la nourrice ont leurs propres comptes et ils ont les derniers mots sur la vie et même Jason d’Anouilh n'est pas un caractère lâche au contraire de Jason d’Euripide. Certains critiques affirment que la tentative d'Anouilh à actualiser les mythes a gagné trop de critiques parce qu'il a rendu les motifs de ses protagonistes insignifiants et le contenu du mythe a perdu sa valeur générale (McIntyre, p. 45). III - Oui et non au bonheur Jean Anouilh pourrait faire sa place parmi les meilleurs dramaturges français et pourrait construire une bonne réputation en France en particulier tout au long de l'occupation allemande que ses œuvres littéraires ont attrapé l'attention de l'auditoire. Anouilh a crée deux catégories différentes de l'humanité. La première catégorie comprend ceux qui cherchent principalement le bonheur et l'acceptation de la banalité de la vie sans avoir aucune ambition. Ce genre de personnes habite le monde et mène leur vie avec le travail trivial qu'ils ont à faire et une fois qu'ils meurent, ils sont oubliés. Le thème des tragédies d’Anouilh est le refus de bonheur conditionnel qui est accepté par les gens ordinaires, mais rejeté par les héros ou quelques-uns. La première page de Médée d'Anouilh commence avec la notion de bonheur rejeté et détesté ‘‘Le bonheur. Il Rode’’ (Anouilh, p. 9). Les héros d’Anouilh ne peuvent pas s'adapter avec le bonheur futile accepté par les autres et par conséquent, ils se révoltent contre ce bonheur et ceux qui disent Non à ce bonheur deviennent des ennemis de ceux qui affirment leur Oui au même bonheur. L'autre catégorie est constituée de ceux qui refusent d'accepter la banalité de la vie et disent Non à la concession et au petit bonheur. Alors que la plupart des êtres humains acceptent le bonheur, peu d'entre eux rejettent ce bonheur trivial et disent Non de toutes leurs forces. Selon http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Anouilh, il est le deuxième type de l’humanité qui peut fournir le monde avec l'élite en particulier les héros tragiques. Lebel (1956, p. 147) affirme que ‘‘Médée incarne l'univers familier de Jean Anouilh. Univers mièvre et forcené ........ Tout le monde s'y rebelle contre le Bonheur’’. Parfois, le héros ou l'héroïne ne choisit pas ce mode de vie, mais ils sont obligés de prendre cette direction en raison de leur personnalité et leur nature. Ils ne peuvent pas fuir la catastrophe éventuelle qu'ils apportent sur eux-mêmes et les autres. Ces deux groupes étant totalement différents de l'humanité ne peuvent pas coexister parce qu'ils sont de deux planètes différentes et il n'y a rien de commun entre eux. Alors que la vie n'est pas parfaite certains humains cèdent et acceptent cette faille et disent Oui au bonheur insuffisant comme Jason, Créon et la nourrice mais Médée est à la recherche de la perfection et d'absolu. Par exemple, le seul obstacle devant Jason pour accepter la vie et le bonheur est Médée ‘‘Je veux accepter maintenant ........... Je veux être humble ........ Être Un homme’’ (Anouilh, pp. 69-70) et il admet que pour atteindre le bonheur se son prix doit être payé ‘‘j'attends l'humilité et l'oubli .......... le Bonheur, le pauvre bonheur’’ (p. 74). Il y a quelques caractéristiques dans les écritures d’Anouilh qui l'unissent à l'existentialisme comme le refus de la vie ordinaire par ses héros. Le Non qui est le rejet de ‘‘chaos d'un monde absurde et posé’’. La différence entre l'existentialisme d'Anouilh et celle des pionniers de l'école comme Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir et Camus est que les héros d 'Anouilh meurent ou se suicident en raison de leur révolte contrairement aux héros de ces auteurs (Poujol, 1952, p. 341). Pour résumer, Médée d'Anouilh montre la lutte entre le Oui et le Non, le Oui à la vie ordinaire ou médiocre; une vie qui offre la tranquillité d'esprit, le bonheur, mais pas d’héroïsme et le Non à toutes les règles et médiocrité de la vie et au bonheur, mais ce Non fournit l'héroïsme. IV-Anormalité, passé et présent Un autre thème traité dans les deux drames est l’anormalité de Médée d’Euripide et d'Anouilh. Le dilemme de Médée est son anormalité; elle n'est pas comme les autres femmes; une vérité qui se manifeste dans ses paroles au chœur ‘‘Qu'on ne me croie ni faible, ni lâche, ni même insensible; je suis tournée à tour terribles versez mes ennemis, et affectueuse verser mes amis’’ (Artaud, p. 174). L’anormalité de Médée des deux auteurs est donc liée à l'état de l'altérité. Médée est considérée comme une étrangère par la communauté. Médée, en dépit d’être descendante d'une famille royale et Hélios le dieu-soleil, a accepté le rôle défini sur une femme typique; un rôle d'une épouse et une mère, c'est-à-dire une tâche domestique, mais elle a été toujours considérée comme une étrangère et une barbare par les Corinthiens qui montraient réticences envers tout étranger à leur société. Médée, malgré son pouvoir unique de caractéristiques masculines et exploits courageux, n'est pas respectée comme elle le mérite, mais elle est considérée comme une sorcière qui provoque la peur au sein de la communauté simplement en raison de son altérité; une altérité résultant en raison de son pouvoir unique et rare parmi sa race de femmes. Médée a accepté, au nom de Jason, de sacrifier sa réputation d'une femme unique, néanmoins la communauté la prend pour une étrangère et l'autre qui n'est pas autorisée à profiter d'avoir le droit d'une femme typique, même son mari Jason veut épouser une autre femme de sa propre communauté en raison de l'altérité de Médée ‘‘d'aujourd’hui je deviens sage; j'étais http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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insensée, alors que d'une terre barbare je t'amenai dans la Grèce’’ (p.192). Ainsi Médée a échoué dans sa tentative de cacher son altérité et comme sa vengeance son altérité était stagnante ou dormante parce qu'ils étaient dans un long coma de l'amour, mais quand elle s'est réveillée de ce coma Médée a récupéré de cet état de l'insomnie. Le pouvoir de Médée de convaincre est l'une des clés de son victoire sur les ennemis. Elle connaît la capacité d'agir en fonction des différentes exigences et aux besoins qui lui sont attribués, un pouvoir qui était évident dans son aide à Jason dans son pays natal et à convaincre les filles de Pélias de couper leur père et lui faire bouillir dans une casserole. Ce pouvoir a été en train de mourir en elle, mais la trahison de Jason a nourri ce pouvoir et l’a aidé à se mettre debout sur ses pieds à nouveau, comme Pelling (2000: 203) souligne ‘‘Médée est intelligente, en particulier avec des mots; et, avec la passion sexuelle suscitée, cette intelligence peut être mortelle’’. Ce pouvoir se dévoile dans la première scène avec le chœur de femmes comme elle peut les persuader de ne pas interférer avec sa vengeance de Jason en les trompant à avoir de la compassion pour son cas d'une femme trahie ‘‘S’il s’offre à mon esprit quelque moyen, quelque artifice pour punir mon époux’’ et le chœur répond disant ‘‘Médée, je saurai me taire; car c’est avec justice que tut e vengeras de ton époux’’ (Artaud, p.153). Dans une autre scène, le roi Créon lui ordonne de partir et admet sa puissance et l'intelligence exprimée par sa crainte d’elle ‘‘je te crains; a quoi bon de vains détours…… tu es artificieuse, verse dans dangereuses pratiques’’ (pp. 153-154), mais elle pourrait lui faire céder à sa volonté de rester un jour de plus. Elle connaît les points faibles de tout le monde ou les choses chères et les utilise à son succès. Elle exploite la position de chœur comme des femmes à son cas et l’amour de Créon pour sa fille et elle déclare la faute commise par Créon en le décrivant comme un fou. Même dans sa vengeance de Jason, elle veut lui faire du mal le plus profond en le privant de ce qui lui est le plus précieux , à savoir ses fils, comme elle décrit ce fait en disant ‘‘Oui; c’est le moyen de déchirer le Cœur de mon époux’’ ( p. 175). Égée est une autre victime de la tromperie de Médée comme elle pouvait le gagner à son soutien par l'inciter à donner son abri à Athènes et qui a également exploité son amour d’avoir des enfants. À la fin de la pièce, un autre triomphe de son intelligence se manifeste en ayant la faveur de l'aide du dieu de soleil à son cas lorsqu'on lui a offert évasion dans le char. Médée d'Anouilh ne jouit pas de la même magie puissante de convaincre que Médée d'Euripide avait. La rencontre entre elle et Créon n'est pas aussi convaincante que celle entre Médée et Créon d'Euripide comme la femme forte et puissante est absente. Il n’y a pas de chœur dans Médée d'Anouilh, mais c’est la nourrice sur qui Médée ne peut pas exercer son pouvoir ‘‘Nourrice, si je crie tu mettras ton poing sur ma bouche….. tu ne me laisseras pas souffrir seule’’ (Anouilh, p.16). Médée d'Anouilh n'est pas violente au contraire de Médée d'Euripide. Cette absence de violence rendait Médée d’Anouilh faible pour s'opposer aux autres et par conséquent son pouvoir de convaincre n'était pas très efficace. La violence de ce caractère est atténuée, par exemple, les cris violent dans Médée d'Euripide n'apparaissent que dans une situation après avoir pris connaissance de la trahison de son mari dans Médée d'Anouilh ‘‘la musique est plus http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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forte au loin, Médée crie plus fort qu’elle’’ (p. 26) et les mots ‘‘document et plus document’’ apparaissent beaucoup de fois décrivant la manière de Médée de parler et de se comporter (Voir Anouilh, pp.52, 68, 69, 74, 76, 41). Le désir de Médée de vengeance a réveillé l’animalité dans sa personnalité, la nourrice demande au tuteur des enfants de les éloigner d'elle, en disant ‘‘j’ai vu son œil farouche se fixer sur eux’’ (Artaud, p. 146) et elle a décrit sa rage au chœur de femmes dans une autre scène en disant ‘‘semblable a une lionne qui vient de mettre bas’’ (Artaud, p.149). À la fin de la pièce Jason, après avoir vu ses fils assassinés par les mains de leur mère, rapporte l'acte abominable de tuer les enfants à la jalousie sexuelle et la décrit comme un tigre ‘‘lionne plutôt que femme, au naturel plus farouche que la Tyrrhénienne Scylla’’ (P. 192). Pour montrer l’anormalité de Médée, Euripide emploie certains noms d'animaux sauvages pour décrire Médée à travers les différents personnages de son drame tandis qu’Anouilh utilise des mots montrant l'affection et l'amour de Médée et même ses ennemis ne la décrit pas par des mots de sauvagerie. La nourrice utilise des noms d'animaux comme ‘‘Ma chatte et ma louve’’ pour montrer son amour à Médée (Voir Anouilh, pp. 12, 22, et 27). Le thème du passé et du présent est un autre jalon important dans les deux pièces. Médée représente le passé odieux pour Jason. Elle sacrifie toutes les choses précieuses pour lui qui, en retour, l'abandonne à cause d'un nouveau lit et le bonheur. Le présent de Jason est celui de l'innocence, de la stabilité, du bonheur et de Oui à la vie. Il veut se débarrasser d'elle pour respirer le vrai bonheur et vivre comme un être humain normal. Médée profitait à Jason quand elle l'a sauvé des différents dangers dans ses aventures sauvages et elle a donné naissance à deux garçons, mais maintenant que Jason n'est plus un héro à la recherche de grandes choses et veut la paix et la stabilité dans sa vie, il n’a plus besoin d'elle parce qu'elle est une menace à sa nouvelle vie et même les enfants. Pour conclure, Médée n’a pas le droit d'avoir une famille en raison de son statut d'une étrangère et une voyageuse. Son altérité est une menace pour la paix de leur communauté homogène. Jason, le personnage masculin, dans les deux pièces de théâtre, veut s'échapper du passé et son souvenir cruel et violent par l'adoption d'une vie normale, mais cette vie paisible ne peut pas être obtenue en présence de Médée à cause de son passé terriblement violent et même la vue des communautés formée d'elle comme une barbare, une vue mélangée avec la peur en raison de son altérité. Le poids du passé et le monde actuel avec ses défauts empêchent les protagonistes d’Anouilh d'atteindre les objectifs chers à leurs cœurs. V - La vengeance La vengeance est un des thèmes centraux de Médée d’Euripide et d'Anouilh. Leur protagoniste Médée recourt à la vengeance après avoir été abandonnée par Jason pour une autre femme ou un autre lit. Une vengeance qui a conduit à la destruction de deux familles (la sienne et celle de Créon). L’amour passionné, exceptionnel et sauvage de Médée pour Jason l’a poussé à commettre http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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beaucoup de péchés et de crimes tels que le meurtre de son frère et la trahison de sa propre famille et tribu. Un amour qui l’a fait accueillir le patriarcat et accepter sa position d'une femme typique, mais dans cette même personne se cachait toujours la véritable Médée qui a émergé après avoir été trahie. Médée d'Anouilh serait accepter la vie, mais une vie avec Jason ‘‘Carcasse! Moi aussi, hier, J'aurais voulu vivre’’ (Anouilh, p. 29). Ainsi, son amour dépassant toutes limites pour Jason a donné naissance à nouveau à la nature cruelle de Médée de vengeance. La vengeance de Médée, comme son amour inconditionnel, doit être complète. Elle ne tue pas Jason, si elle pouvait le tuer, mais elle veut qu'il vive et subisse les conséquences de sa trahison en tuant ses fils, détruisant son rêve de futur stabilisé en le privant de l'union avec la famille royale et, éventuellement, prévoyant sa mort. McDonalds souligne que ‘‘un homme grec voulait la gloire, la fortune et des enfants’’ (2003: 101). Afin de parvenir à une vengeance sans faille et complète après être trahie, Médée a dû fuir la punition pour éviter d'être humiliée et offensée par ceux sur qui sa vengeance a causé des destructions et cela a été fourni par Egée et Hélios le dieu-soleil. Elle ne fuit pas après avoir commis les meurtres mais elle attend pour connaître les circonstances entourant le meurtre de ses victimes et c'est évident lorsque le messager vient du palais de Créon annonçant la mort de la jeune mariée et son père, elle n'abandonne pas le lieu, mais prend plaisir à connaître les détails de leur mort ‘‘tu doubleras ma joie, s'ils ont souffert une mort cruelle’’ (Artaud, p. 185). Un fait qui est évident dans la scène finale quand elle est haute dans le char, fourni par Hélios, en attendant l'arrivée de Jason pour le voir insulté, humilié et dévasté. Selon Anouilh, ‘‘l'amour est la source de la cruauté, la fatalité et il provoque le malheur et la misère’’ (Poujol, p. 344). Il a été l'amour qui fait Médée commettre tous les actes de violence et de mort. Le thème de la vengeance dans Médée d'Anouilh n'occupe pas le centre de l'intrigue parce que le thème le plus aimé d'Anouilh est la révolte contre le bonheur imparfait. Par exemple, la scène de tuer des enfants n'est pas violente que celle de Médée d'Euripide. Dans Médée d'Anouilh nous n'entendons pas les cris des enfants. La scène de Médée de tuer ses propres fils où des cris terribles se font entendre ‘‘Au nom des dieux, venez a notre secours…. entendez-vous, entendez-vous les cris des enfants?’’ (Artaud, p.196). La dernière rencontre entre Médée et Jason n'est pas aussi cruelle et violente que celle d'Euripide et sa vengeance, contrairement à la Médée d'Euripide, n'est pas complète car à la fin du drame Médée périt dans l'incendie et Jason continue à la regarder jusqu'à ce qu'elle se transforme en cendres et elle ne pouvait pas faire ses ennemis souffrir la perte et l'amertume de la défaite. Médée des deux auteurs est devant quelques options après avoir perdu ce qui était le plus précieux. Elle pouvait garder son calme et accepter le petit bonheur ou elle devait se venger, souffrir ou fait les autres souffrir. Dès qu’elle n'aime pas la soumission et la concession, Elle choisit la vengeance qui est un trait distinctif de sa nature d'une femme forte et sans pitié. Elle veut avoir une vengeance parfaite sur ses ennemis. Son meurtre de la princesse et ses enfants contribuent tous est sa vengeance.

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Conclusion Médée d'Euripide a été rédigée en 431 avant JC et en raison de traiter des questions universelles telles que le sexe, l'exil, la position des femmes, le patriarcat, le soi et l'autre, etc. ..., un dramaturge comme Jean Anouilh pourrait la transplanter à la scène théâtrale française, mais avec quelques modifications manifestes aux thèmes principaux. Contrairement à la Médée d'Euripide, qui l'emporte sur ses ennemis en échappant être insultée, humiliée et même punie pour ses actes extrêmement violents et cruels d’assassiner, Médée de Jean Anouilh est complètement défaite en perdant ce qui est précieux à son cœur, à savoir ses fils. Dans Médée d'Anouilh, l'auteur a éliminé l'élément de l'intervention divine qui pourrait être expliquée par l'influence de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et les catastrophes qui ont suivi et la propagation de la philosophie de l'existentialisme. Dans Médée d'Euripide, l'utilisation de la puissance et de l'intervention divine pourrait expliquer la société de l'époque et les pièces écrites par Euripide ont toutes été effectuées au cours de la fête de Dionysos qui était une fête religieuse. Médée est devenue une criminelle à cause de son amour pour Jason. Elle était pure avant son arrivée à Colichis mais son amour lui a contaminé et lui a fait commettre le pire des crimes tels que le meurtre de son frère en le coupant en morceaux et la trahison de son père et sa patrie. Jason était aussi la raison de son meurtre de leurs deux enfants quand il a refusé son amour et a cherché l'amour et lit ailleurs. Le seul motif qui la poussait est de se venger. Le thème de la vengeance qui occupe le centre de Médée d'Euripide est vaguement abordé dans Médée d’Anouilh. L’anormalité et l'altérité de ces deux personnages féminins dans le monde des femmes sont leur dilemme; ces deux femmes n'aiment pas se conformer aux règles ou limiter leur liberté et par conséquent, elles sont considérées comme les autres. L'habileté de Médée serait un bonheur si elle était un homme ‘‘ma réputation ... a été ma malédiction et la ruine’’ (Euripide: 26), mais à cause d'être une femme ou l’autre son intellectualité est une source de tristesse pour elle. Ces deux femmes sont à la fois victimes des normes et des valeurs dans leur existence des hommes, mais, alors que Médée réussit à sa vengeance, Médée d'Anouilh échoue et recourt au suicide. Médée d'Anouilh est un drame de Non et de résistance en particulier pendant l'occupation allemande de la France, mais Médée n'est pas l'égal d’Antigone parce que Médée était une femme violente et une criminelle contrairement à Antigone qui a été victime et pure. Médée d'Anouilh est cruelle qui en se suicidant se détruit. Sa vengeance ne peut pas être considérée parfaite comme la Médée d'Euripide, car Jason à la fin de la pièce ne se soucie pas de sa mort et continue à la regardant tourner en cendres. Médée d’Euripide est éternelle car elle ne meurt pas mais en ce qui concerne Médée d'Anouilh le temps est éternel parce que le drame se termine avec lui. Médée d’Anouilh culmine par le retour de la stabilité et de l'ordre représentés par les gens ordinaires qui acceptent de dire Oui à la vie.

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Références -Anouilh, Jean. (1976). Médée. Barcelone, Espagne : La Table Ronde -Artaud, M. (1842). Tragédies d’Euripide : Traduites du Grec. Paris : Charpentier. Libraire Editeur -Lebel Maurice .De la Médée d'Euripide aux Médées d'Anouilh et de Jeffers Reviewed work(s): Source: Phoenix, Vol. 10, No. 4 (winter, 1956), pp. 139-150Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1086016 .Accessed: 08/08/2012 08:50Your -Macdonalds, Marianne (2003). The living art of Greek tragedy. USA: Indiana University Press. -McLeish Kenneth; Raphael Frederic. Medea by Euripides; Review by: Elin Diamond Theatre Journal, Vol. 55, No. 1, Ancient Theatre (Mar., 2003), pp. 135-136Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25069184 .Accessed: 08/08/2012 08:09 -Mclntyre, H.G. (1981). The theatre of Jean Anouilh. Great Britain: George G. Harrap and Co. Ltd. -Pelling, Christopher (2000). Literary texts and the Greek historian. London: Routledge. -Tendresse et cruauté dans le théâtre de Jean Anouilh Author(s): Jacques Poujol Reviewed work(s): Source: The French Review, Vol. 25, No. 5 (Apr., 1952), pp. 337-347Published by: American Association of Teachers of French Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/381850 .Accessed: 06/11/2012 06:47Your -Pronko Leonard Cabell .The World of Jean Anouilh by Review by: Holly HowarthMLN, Vol. 79, No. 1, Italian Issue (Jan., 1964), pp. 106-107Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3042733 .Accessed: 06/11/2012 06:55Your -La solitude contre le sens du monde. Jean Anouilh, Médée, Éditions de la Table ronde, 1947 (rééd. 1997, coll. La Petite Vermillon).

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Yoruba Traditional Education Philosophy in the Evolution of a ‘Total Man’

Ademakinwa Adebisi University of Lagos, Nigeria

Abstract Nigeria as a country is blessed with a large number of literate people: scientists, engineers and so on, yet the manpower needed to harness its enormous resources should be the natural outcome of its education system. The paper reassesses the notion which hinges African economic development on the achievements of its formal education system. The paper, due to this raises some questions among which are: is development best measured with the yardstick of high percentage of literate youths? Can we read economic achievements into the quantity of engineers, scientists and etc. that a nation is able to produce? What ethics predominates in the conglomeration of African elite to influence African development? Materials are drawn from the rich stock of traditional Yoruba proverbs while two novels by Chinua Achebe’s: No Longer at Ease and T. A. Awoniyi’s Aiye kooto analyse the ingredients necessary for the creation of a ‘total man’. They also provide veritable socio-political backgrounds for an adequate comparison of the various concept of education churned up in the process. It was established in this paper that traditional Yoruba concept of economic development is at variance with the modern concepts since traditionally, Yoruba society placed high premium on human development as opposed to those we term ‘naira and kobo’ inherent in the modern concept of economic development. The paper symbolises the failure of the current education system by its products exemplified by the ill-trained and corrupt elite at the helms of affairs in the country. The paper reiterates how Nigerians can maintain a symbiotic African traditional education system and the modern formal one as one of the ways capable of guaranteeing the formation of a ‘total man’. The paper sees the ‘total man’ as the alternative to currently evolved individuals that are ill-trained ethically and mentally to fast-track the development of African continent on the social, political and economic fronts. The importance of this paper rests on its interdisciplinary assessment and use of African cultural perspective, literature and myths to analyse the role of culture in African development. Keywords: Total man, economic development, omoluwabi, education, training

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‘Omo ti a ko ko’ in Contrast to ‘Omoluabi’ Formless as it might seem, the content and objective of traditional African education system are designed to help the individual to understand his world, fit him into the society and inspire his sense of duties to himself and the society at large. In spite of the fact that there are no formal structure created within which individual can read and write, traditional African societies believed that education hold the fabrics of the society together and they see it as the culture that is systematically, but consciously passed from one generation to the other in order to improve the level attained by previous generations. The seriousness which Yoruba people, if one may zero down to one society in Nigeria and Africa in general, attach to education is seen in the philosophy expressed in “omo ti a ko ko” ( the child that was not taught/trained). To the Yoruba people, this is a negative action or inaction and the result of this portends negative result, not only for the child, but for the society itself in general. Thus, the Yoruba people believe that “omo ti a ko ko ni yoo gbe’le ti a ko ta” (the child that we failed to ‘build up’. Yoruba word ‘ko’ or to train or to teach has the same connotation with ‘to build’ as in building a house) The onomatopoeic symbol is also important as it underline the fact that if we keep on building houses instead of training the child, the child will in future sell off the houses as a profligate. The beauty of this philosophical statement not only lies in its epigrammatic strength, but on its strong emphasis on the issue of education. The root of Yoruba education is in the word ‘kό’, that is to teach or to learn. This is the reason why formal school system is referred to as ‘ileeko’ (the house of teaching or the house of learning). The word ‘ko ko’ (did not teach) connotes negative action or inaction and this reverses ‘ti a ko ta’ (sell off what we built), positive action of mansion that is sold. However, to sell off the mansions is not the main issue, the problem being emphasized is that an untrained child is an irresponsible child or a prodigal, thus, only a prodigal can sell off his/her parents’ mansions. Selling off the mansions is also symbolic of the negative tendencies of an untrained child because an untrained child is an epitome of corruption, laziness, brigandage and all that is negative in an individual which could ultimately affect the entire society. It is in this wise that African societies of which Yoruba is one took education very seriously as only a well-educated child can become, in the word of Timothy Awoniyi (1975:364) an ‘omoluwabi’. ‘Omoluwabi’ in contrast to ‘omo ti a ko ko’ is well-educated and thus is a ‘total man’ and to be educated in the word of Awoniyi means the individual has been educated to respect old age, to be loyal to one’s parents and local traditions, to be honest in all public and private dealings, to be devoted to duty and be ready to assist the needy and the infirm, to be an epitome of sympathy, sociability, courage and itching desire for work and many other desirable qualities.

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The Basis of Education in African Traditional Societies In the view of African colonial masters, African societies have no concept of education and this is due to the fact that there were no visible formal structures set up as schools to train individuals. Africans’ education concept saw education of individuals as paramount starting from the womb and terminating at a man’s death. From what one could garner from Afolabi Olabimtan’s Kekere Ekun (1967) and Awoniyi’s Aye kooto (1973), once a woman becomes pregnant, the society believes it has a responsibility to encourage the woman to give birth to a total individual. The naming ceremony is both spiritual and educative, the name is symbolic and the child is expected to honour and protect the sanctity of that name and ultimately that of the society at large. The ‘oriki’ (praise chant) is one of the safeguards put in place by the society to spur the child to emulate his ancestors who were ‘omoluwabis’ (individual of unquestionable characters) . The mother constantly recites the oriki (the panegyric praise-names of the child’s progenitors) to remind him of his noble ancestry and to motivate him to further surpass the ideal of his ancestors. On health education, the child is taught early, the necessity of obeying the societal codes on hygiene. Bed-wetting, for instance, is curbed through simple teaching and other preventive measures. On linguistic education, the child is assisted through precepts, examples and reinforcement to imbibe difficult phonemes. Tongue-twisters, such as: ‘opolopo olopolo ko mo pe opolo lopolo lopolopo’ (many intelligent people do not know that frogs have a lot of intelligence), are part of linguistics education meant to induce the child to be precise and clear in his speech from youth. The linguistic education is complemented by the development of the child’s intelligence, thus, he is taught the knowledge of numbering through what Awoniyi calls “play-way analogies” such as “eni bi eni, eji bi eji, eta n ta gba”. The child is also taught how to observe his environment to know the names of plants, trees, birds and animals as well as the description of the appropriate seasons. The Yoruba people place high premium on character-building to prevent their children from being referred to as ‘abiiko’ (a child that is born but not trained/ or properly brought up). However, a child that is trained, but refuses to take to the training is referred to as ‘akoogba’ (the one taught but refuses to heed the training) and to traditional Yoruba parents, this is more tolerable than the former simply because the parents have been vindicated as they have fulfilled their own part of educating the child and the child is the one that shied away from fulfilling his own part of the responsibility. The Curriculum in African Traditional Education Truly, there were no formal structures or infrastructures where a child could go to learn all that is stated above as is the case with Western formal school system. The Yoruba people, however, devised many methods to implement the curriculum designed to mould the child to http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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become an ‘omoluwabi’. In place of formal structures, the whole life is the school and the teachers are primarily the father, the mother, members of the immediate household and members of the society in general. The child is encouraged to live what is taught. He is further encouraged to exhibit courage and endurance. The children are taught by examples. Parts of the curriculum include moonlight tales, proverbs, folktales, myths and songs. All this have great functions in the education of children in African traditional society. As Herskovits (1948:143) affirms, myth, for instance, Explains the universe and…provide a base for ritual and belief. Tales are often regarded as an unwritten recording of tribal history. They act not only as a valuable educational device, but are equally valuable in maintaining a sense of group unity and group worth. Proverbs which with riddles have essentially old world distributions, garnish conversation with pointed allusion, help clarify an obscure reference to one deficient in worldliness, and moral…Riddles divert by serving as a test of wits; they give prestige to the one who can ‘pull’ with sureness and ease.

Truthfulness is a must teach in Yoruba education, but this is not merely taught, but practiced, both in private and public life. Stories underlining the results of lying are told during moonlight tales sessions in the evening and proverbs are drummed into the children’s ears to buttress the importance of truthfulness. Hard work is equally emphasized. The child is made to realize early that “atelewo eni kii tan ni je” (it is only your hand that will not deceive you), and “ise kii pani, aise re gan an labuku” (hard work does not kill. It is its opposite that does). The child is taught the value of dressing. He is taught the essence of belonging to a social group, thus, in some African societies; the child belongs to age grade group. Here, the child learns how to appreciate the society’s culture, music, dance, traditional songs and so on. The essential aim of traditional education is to impart knowledge and culture, develop skills and abilities necessary for the individual to operate effectively in the society. Through education the individual learns to pursue his own objectives as a means to further societal interests. The Tragedies Inherent in Western Education System The very first tragedy of Western School System is to set up a gap between the pupils and the African society that would benefit from it, thus, the purposes that education should achieved become obfuscated. The second tragedy is similar to the first one as the young African children brought through Western school system were taught to hate African educational values. Underlining both tragedies is the fact that the school was presented to African children as a separate institution that has no connection to the society. He was thus made to believe that to be educated was to be Europeanised. Those who did not attend the formal school system were regarded as illiterate, ignorant, primitive, pagans or heathens. This second tragedy is emphasized when the educated individual decked in suit and shoes from Paris and London arrived back in his village and discovered that he was totally alien to his society, especially when the result of education of traditional society that should contribute to the formation of ‘omoluwabi’ is seen to be deficient in him. The society then becomes disillusioned with him.

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The final tragedy of Western school system is the emphasis that it shifted from concern with character and conduct of the individual to the acquisition of certificates and wealth. Education is now merely seen as the means to social and economic advancement. No school is concerned with the production of omoluwabi as they rather produce marks, awards, grades and positions. This is what Ivan D. Illich (1971:1) condemns when he writes that many students are schooled: To confuse process and substance…to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence and fluency with ability to say something new…medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work.

To complicate matters, theoretical knowledge without the foundation in the culture of the people has been the nexus of African economic imbalance. Abrogating the culture which develops an omoluwabi underlines the fundamental tragedy of modern day African political and economic development. The economic woes of the continent are traceable to the production of ‘omo ti a ko ko’ the ill-trained or uneducated individuals who are, therefore, not qualified to be regarded as ‘omoluwabis’. Many African political elite are thus drawn from this pool and the result of the acts and behaviours of these individuals constantly have had resounding implications on African economic development. The question could be how has this been achieved? ‘Omo ti a ko ko’ and African nations’ Developmental Crises As stated earlier, the ruling elite in African countries are at best regarded as omo ti a ko ko simply because the ethical aptitudes, the acquisition of those moral qualities felt to be an integral part of manhood, and the acquisition of knowledge and techniques needed in order to be able to play a positive role in life are totally lacking in them. Many of them have laudable qualities but are deficient in some necessary ones. Only very few possess the qualities that an individual, educated in African traditional education system could aspire to. In other words, very few can be regarded as ‘omoluwabis’ or ‘total men’. The repercussion of this on political and economic development of African countries has been largely negative simply because as Sekou Toure in Cowan Gray (1965:125) asserts “man’s social behaviour and economic activities are directly conditioned by the quality of his intellectual, moral, political and physical education”. Most African countries have been saddled, from independence, with irresponsible Western educated elites that are lacking in qualities that can effect positive development in their respective countries. In this wise, we shall look at the actions and inactions of the elites that portray them as omo ti a ko ko and the result of this on their communities. The unscrupulous nature of African political elite becomes clearer with the way they have deified the cult of nepotism. Nepotism ensured that qualified few are denied appropriate

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positions in socio-economic engagement. Most of the times, therefore, square pegs are fit in into round holes. The problem of the main hero in Aye kooto is unconnected with this: Some Palm Oil consortium advertised that they needed a Clerk! So what! What is strange in this? Many of such advertisement had been published in newspapers. At least, he had written up to sixty application letters on such. But many of such letters got no response. Some of the advertisers would actually reply, but they would post the letter on the very day of the interview. That was a trick. Because they would have conducted interview for those they had in mind before one got the letter. And it would be too late. This was how life went on in the town of Opeyemi. That was how they practice truth and honesty. Sometimes, of course, some of them would invite Opeyemi to the interview. Before Opeyemi would go to such, he would ensure he was dressed very appropriately. He would answer all the questions put to him intelligently. But that would be the last of what was heard of it. At the end of the day, he would hear that some people who were not even invited to the interview got the job. (50) (Translation mine).

The moral bankruptcy of the elite is equally vivified with the prevalence of corruption in the African countries. In Achebe’s No Longer at Ease, the predominance of corruption from the leaders down to the grassroots is greatly emphasized in the encounter of the main character, Obi Okonkwo and the policemen on the road to his home town. After the policemen checked the driver’s document and found everything in order, the driver knew he would still need to give bribe: Meanwhile the driver’s mate was approaching the other policeman. But just as he was about to hand something over to him, Obi looked in their direction. The policeman was not prepared to take a risk; for all he knew Obi might be a C.I.D man. So he drove the driver’s mate away with great moral indignation ‘What you want here? Go way!’ The driver drove a little distance and stopped ‘ Why you look the man for face when we want give um two shillings? ‘he asked Obi. ‘Because he has no right to take two shillings from you,’ Obi answered. Na him make I no de want carry you book people,’ he complained. ‘Too too know na him de worry una. Why you put your nose for matter way no concern you? No that policeman go charge me like ten shillings’.

True to the driver’s words, when the driver’s mate returned from the policemen, it was confirmed that ten shillings was taken from him. What irritated Obi was the response of fellow passengers who saw nothing wrong in the policemen’s behaviour and actually heaped all the blame on him. Obi’s contemplation is still relevant on the Nigerian society of today. In fact, it underlines the enormous problem of corruption in Nigeria, especially in its match to economic development. ‘What an Augean stable he muttered to himself. Where does one begin? With the masses? Educate the masses? He shook his head. ‘Not a chance there. It would take centuries. A handful of men at the top. Or even one man with vision-an enlightened

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dictator. People are scared of the word nowadays. But what kind of democracy can exist side by side with so much corruption and ignorance? Perhaps a half-way house-a sort of compromise’. When Obi’s reasoning reached this point he reminded himself that England had been as corrupt not so very long ago (40).

The evil of corruption on African economic development can only be adequately dealt with in volumes of books, suffice it to say, however, that corruption affects all facets of African development. What all this points to is the fact that colonialism and its education system failed to provide adequate platform for African development especially in the area of human resources on whom the mantle of leadership fell to after the exit of the colonial masters. Many of the new elite were ill-equipped to jump-start or deal with the urgency of development required for the newly independent nations. These elite found it expedient to look for solution to governance from outside. Equally problematic were, according to J.F. Ade-Ajayi (1995: 42) the “external advisers and experts” and their “…lack of experience in stimulating development in the new African economies.” When they were genuinely interested in developing African economics, they feel their way and they try “to learn from their past mistakes,” but “they were not willing to acknowledge their limitation…” The failure of training is evident by the application of wrong methods to stimulate African development by the elite. Thus, it is not very rare for the elite to apply prevailing western development strategies to African economies without taking cognizance of the social, political and cultural backgrounds that could affect their workability in African environment. These include: five-year planning, import substitution for industries, export drive, population control, foreign exchange control, structural adjustment programme, devaluation of currency as inducement for foreign investment, poverty eradication, privatization, MAMSER, deregulation of up stream and down stream oil sector in order to stimulate market forces, NEEDS, NEPADS, LPA and so on. The sad aspect of all these policies is that they have neither been beneficial to the masses nor brought African economies out of the woods, if anything at all; they have rather served to shift African economic position from the 3rd to the 4th in the mainstream of the world economy. Sometimes the elite also borrow from the Western nations unworkable economic ideas. They erroneously believe that a nation’s development is often determined in the light of its economic standing or on the growth of its GNP or GDP, investment rates, higher savings or rate of its shares in international trade and so on. This is what one could term the ‘naira and kobo’ or ‘dollar and cents’ econometrics as it symbolises the concept often used by economists to determine economic development of nations. As desirable as economic growth is, this growth cannot all by itself spread the good life to the majority of the population because increased output of goods and services over the decades had failed to affect the greater part of African population. In fact, in the words of Asante http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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(1995:5), GDP is one of the most pervasive “development illusion” and “these illusions and confusions, more than any factors, are primarily responsible for the slow progress that has been made so far in the developing countries”. The concept of Omo ti a ko ko explains better the whole scenario of African economic development and puts it in proper perspective. The foundational structure, according to this paradigm is ‘training’ having in its wide orbit the issue of self development, self enhancement and self esteem which as underlined in the selected novels, are lacking in the psyche of African elite that is saddled with the responsibility of developing African nations after independence. The Yoruba philosophy on education subscribes to the holistic view of development emphasizing that economic development can never be achieved without African peoples’ self-development. This underlines the stance of Walter Rodney [1972:12] that: …development cannot be seen purely as an economic affair, but rather as an overall social process which is dependent upon the outcome of man’s efforts to deal with his natural environment.

Development is thus a cultural process involving education, production, consumption and well-being. It coincides with the theory of scholar like Adedeji who stressed that economic and material growth should not be viewed as sufficient measurement of development. In the words of Asante (1995:6), Adedeji believes that the ultimate purpose of development “must be the development of people”. The Sanctity of Omoluabi Concept in Traditional Education In order to find solution to Africa’s development problems we would need to look at the two main novels; Achebe’s No longer at Ease and Awoniyi’s Aye kooto. No Longer at Ease tells the story of a young man, Obi Okonkwo, who is able to get Western education up to a first degree and he even gets this degree in England. He comes back to Nigeria only to discover that he cannot meet up with the expectations of his people because, due to his position in the civil service, they expect him to behave like other elites who live extravagant life and imbibe new behavior while imitating white men who are about to leave the various posts in Nigerian establishments prior to Independence. In order to meet up with the people’s expectation, he succumbs to the pressure of taking bribe which has become endemic in the society and, in fact, has become the oil that greases the smooth running of the bureaucratic machinery. At a point, however, he is caught in a set-up while taking bribe and is eventually jailed. The second novel is similar. The character in this Yoruba novel is Opeyemi. Quite unlike Obi Okonkwo, he is trained by his parent to be honest, to always stick to the truth, live a frugal live and avoid everything that will tarnish the image of his village and that of himself. After his education, he goes to live with his elder brother in Lagos, but he finds it difficult to get employment despite his impeccable certificates and good character attestations. He discovers to his chagrin that to secure employment; he has to give bribe which he is not ready to do. He is in http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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this condition for many years and his problems become aggravated when his brother’s wife, Titi, who gets her certificates through fraudulent means and is employed, begins to torment him. She eventually makes life so miserable for him to the point he tries to commit suicide. He is prevented from doing so when a policeman arrests him. He eventually goes back to his village where he takes over his father’s cocoa farm and due to his honesty and level of education he is able to apply modernity to his agricultural method and he soon becomes very rich. The main focus of the two stories is the issue of training. A point is made that Nigerian economy has remained in limbo due to lack of training of those handling it. The heroes of the two novels are two opposite examples. Obi Okonkwo does not receive the kind of deep moral training given by Opeyemi’s parent, thus, apart from the education which has become ephemeral in Nigeria of today, honesty, integrity, home training and high moral standard which are very important ingredients in traditional education are deficient in the character build-up of many Nigerian youths. The novel Aye kooto devotes many chapters to the systematic home training and moral lessons given to Opeyemi right from the time he is three years old up to the time he leaves his village of Ireakari to live with his brother, Arowosola, in Lagos. The moral training given Obi, despite the fact that his father is a catechist is not as endemic, thus, it does not stand the test of time as it could not withstand the barrage of temptation against his principle of honesty at the critical juncture of his life. In Aye Kooto (2003:23), the narration goes: When Opeyemi becomes three years old, his mothers began to teach him how to respect both old and young. ‘Ope, prostrate for ‘Dale’s father. Opeyemi’s mother thus instructed his son. By this, Opeyemi learnt how to greet the elders, either men or women. Agbeke’s moral upbringing almost became excessive because it got to the etiquette on eating. Whenever Opeyemi and his mothers or another elderly person were eating, Opeyemi must not touch meat first. Also, he must not cut portion of food at another side of the plate. (Translation mine)

One day, Opeyemi’s mother did not give him a breathing space while they were eating and the father became exasperated, but Opeyemi’s mother’s response is instructive of the philosophy behind the emphasis we have placed on home and moral education as a prerequisite for Nigerian economic development. She says: “…a slap here and a slap there bring the sound out of bata drum. This is not what you should say and you were even blaming me! I cannot consciously allow Opeyemi to be cutting bolus of food in forms of boulders that even his mouth would not be able to contain, and also allow him to hurry to cut another while one bolus is still in his mouth. That is greed. And gradually he becomes used to it…If in the future he is unable to find heavy meal to eat what would he do? That is when he will become amenable to corruption…If today is good and sweet, can anybody guarantee tomorrow? (Translation mine)

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In their argument, Opeyemi’s mother speaks like a prophetess in her comments on the future of youths who will definitely leave the roof of their parents in future to fend for themselves as Opeyemi eventually does. In the case of Opeyemi, he is saved from succumbing to the moral malaise of the society he finds himself because of the earlier training and the relationship between Opeyemi and his parents. The mother further states: …You seem to forget that the world is changing… I do not wish evil for our son. But we should be able to train him from now onwards to be frugal and moderate in everything he does. If the world changes in the future, to the extent that it is the hare that begins to chase the hunting dog, who will be there with him except what we have taught him? Some rich people’s children only experience small problem and they melt away with it, is it not because they did not allow them to experience some suffering while growing up? (24-25). (Translation mine)

This is just the exact opposite of the relationship that exists between Obi and his parent. In Achebe’s novel (1977:122): “Obi felt strangely happy and excited. He had not been through anything like this before. He was used to speaking to his mother like an equal, even from his childhood, but his father had always been different. He was not exactly remote from his family, but there was something about him that made one think of the patriarchs, those giants hewn from granite. Obi’s strange happiness sprang not only from the little ground he had won in the argument, but from the direct human contact he had made with his father for the first time in his twenty-six years.”

What becomes clear in the examination of the two main characters is that Opeyemi’s relationship with his parent has been very cordial but underlined with firm parental discipline in the field of moral. The same cannot be said of Obi Okonkwo. One sees that right from childhood, Opeyemi combines Western education with traditional system of education and he is thus sufficiently armed against all the vagaries of the modern society that is highly effete, corrupt and lacking in moral. Although the two characters are worthy of emulation, that of Opeyemi is a shining example of an enhanced human personality who in the word of Adedeji is “not alienated” from his society and culture but rather develops his self-confidence in himself and identifies his interest with those of his society and thereby develops his ability and willingness for selfreliance. It therefore comes as no surprise that he eventually finds his focus in life when he comes back to the village to build a business empire founded on honesty and transparency contributing in no small measure to the economic development of his village. He is the developed human resources that can contribute to resuscitate and ginger the desired economic growth in the country and most important of all sustain this growth. The character of Obi is comparable to those of Nigerian past leaders and present day politicians who were trained in western education and are lacking in moral upbringing. It comes as little surprise then that the lack of training of this crop of people is responsible for the way they have frittered away Nigeria wealth and natural resources willfully and unconsciously. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Recommendation The only solution for Africa economic development is to find a way to replicate the character of Opeyemi in Nigerian youths and possibly in the new breed of politicians in African political terrain. This is obviously an uphill task as the youths of today are already filled with the ‘get -rich –quick’ spirit which they copy from the past and present looters in positions of power in their respective countries. Many parents in Nigeria society of today do not have time to afford their children moral education as they are busy chasing shadow in the mega cities leaving their children to be trained by peer groups. It is due to this that the get-rich-quick syndrome has taken new dimension: pool betting, cultism, lottery racket, 419, trade in hard drug, internal and international prostitution, ‘Yahoo-yahoo’ (internet fraud) and so on which are about the only cannon of moral standard known to Nigerian youths of today. Due to all this, what wonderful economic theories, or what solutions can anybody proffer to African economic development? And how high can the GNP or GDP rise to be of benefit to the entire African masses under the management of these leaders of tomorrow? Consideration has never been given to manpower requirement of industries in the curricula of institutions of learning; thus, graduates churned out year after year are generally regarded as unemployable. On a concrete basis, Industrial and agricultural development in Nigeria has been stultified by Nigerian elite. Constant electric power generation that is essential to industrial development has been mishandled by the elites. An overhaul of Nigerian education policy therefore becomes imperative. It is not as if one is recommending a roll back into primitivism, but educational philosophy of the traditional African communities, especially the one that underlined the sanctity of omoluabi should be incorporated into the modern education system’s curriculum from nursery/ primary school to the universities. Eradication of illiteracy should be one of the areas that experts could focus their searchlight on. It is unfortunate that many decades after Independence in many African countries, a remarkable percentage of the population in these countries are still illiterate. With governance concentrated in the hand of the few literate but ‘untrained’ few (the omo ti a ko ko), and the majority of the people still unable to read or write, African economic growth will continue to be a mirage. Many scenarios depicted in Aluko’s One Man, One Matchet (1964:42-43), set before Independence is still relevant today as it is played out in one varied form or the other even in the modern Nigeria set-up. On many instances, literate few like Benjamin-Benjamin finds a way to mislead the illiterate majority. Premium should be placed on honesty by setting up individuals and past leaders who are known as epitome of morality and who have served the nation in honesty as role models. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Nigerian government is especially known to extenuate moral decadence and corruption by giving national honours to crooks, bandits and dishonest figures. Economists should also endeavour to shift their focus from ‘naira and kobo’, cedis and pesewa, dollar and cent, pound and shilling inherent in GNP or GDP, budget deficits and all macro-economic plumbline used in Western economics to accommodate that which is very imperative for the development of African economy, that is, genuine self transformation of human personae, the rejuvenation of the traditional ethical culture, attitudes to work, savings and investment habits, concepts on skills, moral and general social system, in short, the creation of total men. The Yoruba philosophy becomes a verity because even after experts have propounded theories and the magic wand to stimulate the economy to record high percentage of GNP, or GDP, or even record 20 percent growth annually; and even when the country has managed to accumulate trillions of dollars in reserve and is able to construct infrastructures; the likes of the World Trade Centres all over the country; if the human resources to manage all this still possess the psychological orientation of the present elites, the Yoruba educational philosophy will remain valid because all the efforts will be exercises in futility. The elite will definitely behave like the biblical prodigal son as all the resources will be stolen and stashed away in foreign banks while they undersell the infrastructures the same way the present day elite has done and is still doing under the bogus privatization programmes. Social scientists, economists and education experts should endeavour to critically examine the social background vital for the fruition of their old and new concepts and also find a way of fusing Western and Yoruba education concept on a symbiotic manner. In their researches, they should constantly have it at the back of their mind that the social atmosphere prevalent in many African countries today makes the attainment of any economic utopia, if attainable at all, in the hands of ‘untrained’ and unscrupulous ‘akotiletas’ (nonentities born to sell off their inheritance), a valueless victory. Many of such untrained elite are at the helms of affairs in most African countries today and if there is no radical shift in the traditional concept of ‘naira and kobo’, they will continue to be at the helm of affairs even in the next millennium and African countries will maintain their present position in the lowest nadir of world economy.

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References -Achebe, C. (1960) No Longer at Ease. London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd. -Adedeji, A. (1982) “Development and Economic Growth in Africa to the Year 2000: Alternative Projections and Policies” in Alternative Future for Africa, Shaw, Timothey M.,(ed), Colorado: Westview Press. -Ade-Ajayi, J.F. (1995) “Africa’s Development Crisis in Historical Context” in Issue in Africa Development, Essays in Honour of Adebayo Adedeji at 65 (eds.) Bade Onimode and Richard Synge. Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nig.) Plc. -Aluko, T.M. (1964) One Man, One Matchet. London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd. -Asante, S.K.B. (1995) “Adebayo Adedeji’s Ideas and Approaches to African Development” in Issue in Africa Development, Essays in Honour of Adebayo Adedeji at 65 (eds.) Bade Onimode and Richard Synge. Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nig.) Plc. -Awoniyi, T.A. (1973) Aye kooto. Ibadan: Onibonoje Press. -Awoniyi, T.A. “Omoluwabi: The Fundamental Basis of Yoruba Traditional Education” ed.Wande Abimbola Yoruba Oral Tradition: Poetry in Music, Dance and Drama. Ile-Ife: Department of African Languages and Literatures, 1975. -Gray, L. Cowan et al. [eds.] Education and Nation-Building in Africa, New York, 1965, -Herskovits, M.J. Man and His Works, New York, 1948, quoted by Awoniyi, ibid. -Illich. D. Ivan. Deschooling Society, London: Calder and Boyars, 1971. -Rodney, W. (1972) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Dares Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House. -Shaw, T. (1995) “African Development in a Changing World Order” in Issue Development,Essays in Honour of Adebayo Adedeji at 65 (eds.) Bade Onimode and Richard Synge Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books. -The Mirror, Dec. 12, 2007. Mirror Newspaper Publications, p.36 -Vanguard, Lagos: Nov. 15, 2007. Vanguard Media Ltd. pp. 44-45

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Le Problème Sociolinguistique Dans La Traduction Française Des Romans De Fagunwa

Gbadegesin Olusegun Adegboye Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria

Résumé La situation sociale détermine souvent le choix des termes et la tournure de la voix au cours d’une conversation entre un locuteur et son interlocuteur. Puisque les comportements des personnes impliquées dans la conversation et les rapports d’agir entre eux varient d’une société à l’autre, nous disons que ce phénomène est un fait socio-culturel. La culture yorouba vouvoie pour l’effet du respect. Les Français font le même geste mais pour l’effet de la courtoisie. Les Yorouba toutoient normalement pour démontrer un statut distanciel entre le plus agé et le moins agé, entre le patron et le serviteur, entre le père ou la mère et l’enfant, etc. Pour les Francais, le toutoiement se fait non uniquement pour démontrer un statut distanciel mais aussi pour souligner un rapprochement intime entre eux. Ces différences constituent un souci pour le traducteur littéraire et voilà la préoccupation de cette communication. Mots clés: sociolinguistique, la tonalité, le problème culturel

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Introduction La langue véhicule la culture. Elle met en démonstration les moeurs acceptables dans toutes les strates de la société. La question qui se pose alors est “la langue française, peut-elle traduire la culture yorouba?” Les contraintes qui s’ensuent au cours de la réexpression des termes illustrés des faits sociolinguistiques dans les romans de Fagunwa montrent que les deux langues ne peuvent pas s’alterner parfaitement ni au niveau culturel ni sur le plan linguistique en raison de différence dans les contours sociolinguistiques de la société. Selon Sanchez (2003:25) “As it is known, any language is born from the need to communicate….that it cannot be cut off from its society”. C’est-à-dire, la langue est originaire du besoin de communication…. elle est inséparable de la société”. Comment la société s’influe sur le choix des termes en discours est encore souligné par Peter Trudgill (1974:14). Il identifie deux aspects de l’acte du discours d’une langue en occurrence: “ the function of language in establishing social relationships; and second the role played by language in conveying information about the speaker”. Par conséquent, nous partageons l’idée de Ronald Wardnaugh (1998:10-11) que: (i) la structure sociale peut influencer ou déterminer la structure linguistique comme nous verrons plutard dans cette communication. (ii) la structure linguistique et son fonctionnement peut influencer ou déterminer la structure sociale d’une manière que le comportement d’un interlocuteur donné soit orienté vers ce qui est admis dans cette culture. (iii) l’étude d’une langue donnée amène à l’étude de sa société. (iv) la langue prise dans un contexte social peut causer un casse-tête pour le traducteur étant donné qu’il doit travailler des régistres de la langue au sein du contexte social. En fait, les variétés linguistiques qu’utilise un individu ainsi que les choix des mots pour communiquer, et la façon dont ces mots est exprimée révéle sa situation sociale, régionale, ethnique, etc qui varient d’une société à l’autre. Cette variation constitue un grand défi que nous étudions dans cette communication. Les Changements de Tonalité Perceptible et Les Défis Sociolinguistiques Dans la Traduction des Romans de Fagunwa: Il s’agit de la tournure de voix, suite à la présentation orale de l’écrivain représentée par les personnages choisis dont les rôles sont en tandem avec la situation du récit et selon le style de l’auteur. Ce point sociolinguistique constitue un défi relatif au fait socio-culturel. Nous adoptons le système binaire selon notre raisonnement pour en faire sortir la perception traductrice de deux langues en question (yorouba/français) au sein des contraintes socio-culturelles pour traduire le langage de Fagunwa. Dans les deux oeuvres – Ogboju Ode Ninu Igbo Irunmole (Le Preux Chasseur dans la forêt infestée de démons) et Ireke-Onibudo (La fortune sourit aux audacieux, Fagunwa se pose comme rédacteur du récit. Il réalise cette tournure par l’emploi de la première personne du singulier. Akara-Ogun ou Ireke-Onibudo est le raconteur de l’histoire aussi en première personne du singulier. Nous reconnaissons les changements de tonalité surtout dans les termes de présentation du raconteur sous la forme suivante. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Du ton méchant au ton gentil: Le méchant est toujours adversaire du gentil. Très souvent, le méchant parle avec férocité alors que le gentil se comporte paisiblement. L’original présente le discours égalant au comportement de son personnage avec les termes culturels de la langue; la traduction fait le même geste mais avec une certaine lacune: Exemple 1: Iwo ko mo pe emi ki ise ara aiye ni ndan? Oni ni mo ti isalu orun de! Tori tire ni mo tile se wa pelu, mo wa lati pa o ni: ibikibi ti o wu ti o si le sa de loni, afi bi mo pa o dandan (Ogboju Ode… p.3) Traduction: Tu ne sais pas que moi, je ne suis pas un être humain! C’est aujourd’hui même que je suis arrivé des cieux! Je suis venu à cause de toi; je suis venu juste pour te faucher la vie. Quoi que tu fasses, tu n’échapperas point à la mort aujourd’hui, car je tiens à te tuer (Le preux chasseur… p.5) On se demande si le ton méchant de l’original est justement reproduit dans la version. Le traducteur prend “…kii se ara aiye” pour “…ne suis pas être humain”. Donc, pour lui “ara aiye” est “être humain” et celui qui n’est pas de la terre n’est pas être humain mais ce n’’est pas tout ce qui vit sur la terre qui est être humain. La force de la peur que crée “ìwo kò mò pé èmi kì íse ará aiyé” est au sens de la voix d’un génie térrible et non tout simplement d’une créature tombant par terre. Encore dans la phrase: “mo ti ìsálú òrun dé”, “Isalu orun” dans ce sens n’évoque pas l’espace visible au-dessus de nos têtes non qu’elle parle de séjour des bienheureux après la mort. Cet agresseur vient du Dieu de jugement sans injurier sa miséricorde. Evidemment le mot “ciel” n’est pas suffissant pour la traduction d’”isalu orun”. La phrase déclarative de la mission du gnome: “mo wá láti pa ó ni” n’attend pas un ton différent. La restitution du traducteur: “je suis venu juste pour te faucher la vie” est un écart du ton de l’original. La phrase affirmative du devoir sinistre de cet homme étrange: “Afi bi mo pa o dandan” montre que le génie ne blague pas avec sa victime. Ceci ne se fait pas dans un état affectif mais dans un état menacant, l’épée à la main. Fagunwa est très apte à changer le ton selon son personnage. Le ton méchant que présente le gnome devient gentil chez sa victime. Considérons la réponse du père d’Akara-ogun devant la mort. Exemple 2: Loto bi mo ti ri o yi mo mo pe ara orun ni iwo nse, ida ti osi wa lowo re pelu, ida ati ta ijamba fun mi ni, sugbon sibe emi be o, mo si fi Olorun Alaye fi o bu, ma sai so ohun ti mo se fun mi (Ogboju Ode…p.3-4) La Traduction: A vrai dire, ton apparance me renseigne que tu es des cieux et je vois aussi que l’épée que tu tiens c’est pour me blesser; mais quand même, je te prie au nom de Dieu apprend moi pourquoi je mérite ce malheur imminent (Le preux chasseur… p.5) http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Dans cette citation, on imagine la victime demander la clémence. Nous reconnaissons les expressions du ton gentil telles que: “…emi be o”; “mo si fi Olorun Alaye fi o bu (be o)”, “ma sai so ohun ti mo se fun mi”. La première expression “emi be o” n’a aucun apport à la version car pour le traducteur l’on peut apervevoir le sens dans la deuxième phrase: “Mo si fi Olorun Alaye fi o bu” – pour devenir “je te prie au nom de Dieu: La partie non traduite est un porteur du ton gentil qui n’est pas au même niveau que la deuxième phrase. Elle est au nom de l’homme alors que la deuxième phrase est au nom de Dieu. Cette idée ne se voit pas dans le ton de la version. Cependant la locution “fi ó bú” est mal employée dans l’original mais reformulée dans la version pour établir qu’elle ne veut pas dire “maudite” mais “demander pardon”. “Apprends-moi pourquoi je mérite ce malheur imminent,” la traduction de “Má sàì so ohun tí mo se fún mi” est du ton gentil; mais l’absence de la touche affective de “má sàì” réduit la force de cette gentillesse dans la version sur le plan du sens, l’on remarque que l’expression est sous-traduite. La phrase de l’original: “ma sai so ohun ti mo se fun mi” trahit un ton plaideur que la version atteint difficilement. A vrai dire, ‘faucher la vie du quelqu’un’ est un malheur mais ce n’est pas la seule cause du malheur dans la vie pratique. La victime veut tout simplement savoir pourquoi il mérite la mort. Le ton injurieux face à la traduction L’injure fait partie de la vie culturelle. La culture youruba ne nie pas cette notion. En fait, tout injure lancé en yorouba doit être qualifié ou comparé à une chose pour avoir les fins impressionnantes. Fagunwa préserve le ton injurieux de cette culture et maitrise bien son emploi dans la situation culturelle appropriée. Nous pouvons aborder l’exemple suivant. Il s’agit de la conversation entre le chef de la forêt et Akaraogun. Exemple 3: Alakori oku orun, bo ji ko ni iwe, bo yagbe ko nu inu idi, gbogbo ara re n da orun pani, ehin re gbogbo npon koko… Iwo yi tun nbu mi laiye yi! Iwo bi ara dudu fafa, iwo bi oku opolo yi….(Ogboju Ode…p.8) Traduction: Bougre, personnification de puateur; il ne se lave guère, il n’est pas habitué à faire attention à sa toilette; il est partout et toujours porteur de saleté puante; regardez, ses dents jaunissent déjà…. Toi aussi tu te plains de moi. Toi qui es aussi noir que du charbon et dont l’apparence physique ressemble au cadavre d’une chétive grénouille. (Le Preux chasseur…p.13) Le segment qui suit chacune des expressions injurieuses explique pourquoi la victime mérite être injuriée de telle manière. Elle est ‘Oku orun’ c’est-à-dire ‘Personnification de puanteur’ parcequ’elle ne fait pas attention à sa toilette. Le corps devient aussi noir que le cadavre d’une grénouille en raison de saleté. Considérons sous forme de double restitution, certaines expressions injurieuses dans l’original et leurs versions dans la traduction: http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Alakori/Bougre; oku orun/personification de puanteur, bo ji ko ni iwe/il ne se lave guère; ehin re gbogbo npon koko/ses dents jaunissent déjà; iwo abi ara dudu fafa/Toi qui es aussi noir que du charbon; iwo bi oku opolo yi/Toi dont l’apparence physique ressemble au cadavre d’une chétive grénouille. “Alákorí” parle de l’homme dépourvu de bon sens; un homme qui ne suit pas la culture de bonne conduite. “Bougre” dans un terme familier veut dire “gaillard” ou “margoulin” au sens large. Nous disons que la version imite l’original dans la mesure où être “bougre” souligne une conduite anti-culturelle. Mais le sens du terme (alákorí) touche aussi à la personnalité de l’homme. Au sens général de la locution, “òkú òórùn” est une expression dédaigneuse qui ne veut pas dire en principe “se couvrir de chose puante dans la culture injurieuse de yorouba. Cependant, étudier des éléments injurieux autour de cette expression; la version: “personification de puanteur” ne peut pas se prendre pour sous-traduction mais l’idée directe de l’original qui n’est pas nécessairement dans l’esprit de la culture de l’original.. Nous reconnaissons le changement du point de vu entre la culture de l’original et la version. Par exemple, dans le troisième segment “Bójí kò ní íwè” parle de ‘ne pas se baigner le matin avant de sortir’. Pour l’original, le matin est normalement le temps spécifique pour prendre son bain alors que pour la version, prendre son bain est une activité que l’on peut s’exercer n’importe quand. La traduction de la phrase comme “il ne se lave guère” n’est pas dans le raisonnement culturel de l’original mais peut-être, dans le jugement du traducteur que si l’on ne se lave pas chaque fois qu’il se leve, il se lave rarement. Dans le raisonnement culturel de la version, l’action de se baigner ne se limite pas au matin. En fait, on se douche au moins deux fois par jour dans la culture de la version. Là où l’original emploie le terme qualificatif pour décrire l’état d’une chose, la version ne trouve pas le terme assez suffissant pour le traduire comme nous l’avons dans la quatrième classification. “Koko” dans “ehin re gbogbo npon koko” décrit l’état de saleté de dents du chasseur comme remarqué par le troll. Les dents qui doivent être normalement blanches deviennent gravement jaunes comme celles de l’homme qui mange de noix de cola, fume une pipe de tabac et après tout il ne se brosse pas les dents. L’adverbe “déjà” employé pour remplacer ce mot (le mot ‘koko’) est très loin de la réalité du sens du mot et du culturel de l’original. La réponse injurieuse d’Akaraogun au troll traduit bien la culture de comparer les éléments de l’injure à une chose. La version capte bien ce style malgré le fait que la tournure est implicite dans l’original. “Iwo abi ara dudu fafa” attend des termes comparés que la version compense et restitue comme “Toi qui es aussi noir que le charbon”. Le charbon remplace “fafa” en fonction et au dégagement du niveau de sens. On remarque que “fafa” qualifie “dudu” mais sa traduction littérale sans une reformulation s’abaisserait le mouvement du récit. Puisque la version ne trouve pas un mot analogue pour le terme ‘fafa’, le recours à la comparaison pour la phrase simple est une option bien choisise. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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“Iwo bí òkú òpòló yi” compare le personnage à un cadavre d’une grénouille. L’image d’une grénouille morte dans l’original présente au lecteur une physionomie laide du personnage. Pour la version, il faut une déscription concrète de la physionomie du personnage pour ressortir le sens caché dans l’original. Il nous parait que l’original est abstrait alors que la version “Toi dont l’apparence physique ressemble au cadavre d’une chétive grénouille” est concret et explicatif. Néanmoins “l’apparence physique” ressemblant “au cadavre d’une chétive grénouille” perd la force implicite du culturel de l’original dans la traduction. Nous passons à un autre trait de ton yorouba et sa traduction en français. Le français face à l’incantation yorouba: L’incantation est une formule magique chantée pour obtenir des efffets surnaturels. L’incantation est une récitation magique accompagnant une chimie ou un grisgris. Elle est parfois précédée du sacrifice comme nous l’avons dans Ogboju Ode Ninu Igbo Irunmole. Après avoir tué un pigeon pour sacrifice, Imodoye récite l’incantation dans les termes suivants: Yiye ni iye eiyele, dide ni ide adaba lorun yiye ni ki o ye Kako loni dandan (Ogboju Ode ….63) Traduction: La vue du pigeon sucite le respect et l’adoration ; la colombe est toujours assurée d’une vie paisible, de même, le sort de kako le conduirait nécessairement à la gloire aujourd’hui (Le Preux chasseur. P.103 L’incantation apartient à la poésie orale. C’est le patrimoine culturel du yorouba. La version de l’extrait ci-dessus nous tente à croire que l’incantation yorouba ne peut pas se traduire par le français. Evidemment, la traduction ne fait que donner la description affective du pigeon et de la colombe. L’on ne remarque guère l’expression incantatoire dans la version. La contrainte qui se pose dans la traduction de l’incantation yorouba au français est du fait que le français ne connait pas le monde de l’incantation dans les termes et les moyens du yorouba malgré le fait que le monde de magie se partage par toutes les cultures du monde. La version face à la politesse: A travers le personnage de son oeuvre, Fagunwa sait changer du ton d’un vaillant à celui de l’homme saisi de peur. Par exemple: Tani enyin wonyi? Nibo ni e tiwa? Nibo ni e sin lo?... e se giri, ki onibante san ibannte…ngo haan yin lemo loni (Ogboju Ode…p.61) Traduction: Qui êtes-vous?...préparez-vous pour une bataille acharnée. Celui qui veut porter le caleçon, qu’il le fasse vite… vous serez menacés ici tout à l’heure… (Le preux chasseur… p.100) Chaque mot du langage porte une signification. La signification culturelle est sémantique. “Wonyi” dans “Tani enyin wonyi?” porte un sens dérisoire à l’auditeur adressé. Il signifie http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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également que l’émetteur du message se comporte beaucoup plus fort et supérieur à ses auditeurs. La traduction “Qui êtes-vous?” pour cette question ne prend pas compte de cette analyse psychoculturelle. De la même façon, les questions “Nibo ni e tiwa? Nibo ni e si nlo? ne servent rien d’essentiel à la traduction, donc l’omission. Ces questions portent des marques de supériorité et du ton du vaillant. Leur omission dans la version est une perte. “Ngó hàn yín léèmò lónìí” dépasse “menacer” L’autruche-agresseur est prêt de fortement troubler les voyageurs d’OkeLangbodo. Dans l’explication culturelle d’ ‘eemo’, eemo est capable de faucher la vie de quelqu’un ou de l’infliger d’un mauvais sort. Par conséquent “menacer” n’a pas la même vue culturelle et significative qu “eemo” selon notre étude du message. A travers le héros du roman, nous remarquons le changement du ton de l’auteur dans une circonstance pertubée. C’est une demande pour la clemence. “Jowo fi mi sile nko ni pa agborin re mo” (Ogboju Ode… p.23) Traduction: Laisse-moi en paix, je ne tuerai plus tes cerf (Le Preux Chasseur p.36) Ici, nous remarquons par l’emploi de l’impératif du verbe “laisser” le remplacement d’une demande passionnée pour la libération. Le personnage craint la captivité et la punition qui lui viennent en raison de son tir du cerf appartenant au troll méchant dans le trou de la colline. La version, “laisse-moi en paix” pour “jòwó fi mí sílè” résonne plutôt comme “ordre” qu’une prière. La traduction démontre que la victime a une force dominante sur son agresseur alors que l’original établit l’incapacité de la victime à se debarrasser de la personnalité qui l’a piégé et par conséquent implore la clémence de celui-ci. Le problème qui s’ensuit dans la traduction de cette phrase est du fait que la culture yorouba favorise la politesse alors que la culture française prône la courtoisie. Néanmoins, l’indice de la politesse: “sil vous plait” ou “s’il te plait” pris avec le verbe “liberer” ou “laisser” restituera mieux l’esprit de l’original dans la traduction. L’expression de distance sociale: La conversation entre Ireke Onibudo et Arogidigba est exemplaire de la relation distancielle entre le serviteur et le roi dans la traduction yorouba. Le ton du serviteur est de soumission et d’obéissance. Celui du roi est d’autorité et de pouvoir. Voici cette différence dans des exemples suivants. Le serviteur: Kabiyesi …mo si fe ki e mo pe bi ekute ko ti lagbara niwaju ologbo be na ni nko lagbara niwaju yin, bi agbonrin ko si ti le se nkankan niwaju kinniun ni nko le se nkan (Ireke Onibudo p.66) Le roi: …ise ti o nilati se fun mi ni eyi, ki ile ola to suu o ni lati mo ile kan ti o ni yara mejila ti o si ga ni ese bata mejila si iwaju ile mi yi, bi oko ba e see ngo pao… (Ireke Onibudo p.66)

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Traduction: Le serviteur: Votre majesté, …devant vous, mon impuissance ressemble bien à celle d’un rat devant le chat, elle ressemble bien aussi a celle du cerf devant le lion (La fortune sourit…p.57) Le roi: Voici ce que je te propose comme tâche, d’ici vingt quatre heures et justement avant demain soir, tu dois me cconstruire, devant mon palais, une maison à douze chambres dont la hauteur sera de douze mètres; si tu n’arrives pas à le réaliser, je te devorerai…(La fortune sourit …p.57) Par les deux exemples, nous avons distingué le ton du serviteur de celui du roi à travers des termes choisi. La traduction fait le même geste en reproduisant le sens pour son lecteur. Cependant, certains éléments de l’original se voient peu importants dans la version. Alors que ces éléments font partie de la valeur et du niveau de dignité de la personne en question dans l’original. Par exemple, l’élocution, “mo si fe ki e mo pe…” est une expression qui dans la tradition yorouba, incite l’interlocuteur à prêter attention au discours du locuteur. Cette pression culturelle de présenter avec politesse et soumission sa défense devant une grande personnalité comme roi manque dans la traduction. La répétition d’une phrase ou d’un mot a pour but de mettre l’accent sur une idée afin de convaincre l’auditeur. La répétition de la formule négative, “bi ekute ko ti lagbara “et “bi agbonrin ko si ti le se nkankan” tend à avoir d’influence sur la demande de clémence au roi que la présentation affirmative de la version. Nous savons que la souris est une proie pour le chat ainsi que le cerf pour le lion. La comparaison de la victime à la souris et au cerf devant leurs captifs établissent l’impuissance du serviteur (Ìrèké) devant le roi (Arògìdìgbà). Cette notion est bien captée dans la traduction grâce à la comparaison directe. Nous remarquons le ton autoritaire du roi dans le deuxième exemple. Il donne l’ordre à obéir, dans ce cas, par la victime. Ce n’est pas une proposition comme cela est présenté par la version. C’est une obligation que doit effectuer la victime s’il veut se sauver la mort entre les mains du roi. En fait, dans le contexte culturel yorouba, le roi est dieu du deuxième rang. Son discours est toujours incontestable. La contrainte que l’on observe de la version est du fait que la culture moderne de la langue réceptrice n’est pas si absolue. L’évaluation de la bonne manipulation de la tonalité surtout dans un texte littéraire est basée sur la bonne articulaton de l’oralité. Le message est mieux apprécié et compris quand le lecteur arrive à lire comme penser l’auteur. Le ton, grâce aussi à l’intonation, du narrateur est différent de celui de l’auditeur, celui du mari n’est pas aussi doux que celui de la femme. De même, le ton de l’inférieur est normalement de soumission alors que la voix dominante s’explique dans le ton du supérieur. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Comme nous l’avons remarqué, les difficultés témoignées au cours de traduire la tonalité de l’original au français sont originaires du problème de transcodage culturel. Le fait que les deux langues ne partagent pas la même psycologie du raisonnement culturel fournissent pourquoi Olaoye Abioye adopte l’approche dynamique qui sans doute n’est pas dépourvu des défis analysés.

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Références - Fagunwa, D.O. (1949): Ìrèké-Oníbùdó, Ibadan, Nelson Publishers. -Fagunwa, D.O. (1950): Ògbójú Ode Nínú Igbó Irúnmolè Ibadan, Nelson Publishers Ltd. -Fagunwa, D.O. (1989): Le preux chasseur dans la forêt infestée de démons (traduit par Olaoye Abioye), Lagos, Nelson Publishers Ltd. -Fagunwa, D.O. (1992) La fortune sourit aux audacieux (traduit par Olaoye Abioye), Lagos, Nelson Publishers Ltd. -Nida, E et Taber, C.R (1971): La Traduction: Theorie et Methode. New York, United Bible Societies. -Trudgil, Peter (1974): Sociolinguistics- An Introduction, Harnmondsworth. Penguin Books. -Sancez, M.T (2003): “Translation and Sociolinguistics: Can Language Translate Society? dans International Journal of Translation, U.K -Wardhaugh, Ronald (1998): An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers Ltd.

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The Choice of Diction as Empowerment for Marital Freedom: A Study of Selected Divorce Registers in a Nigerian Newspaper

Harrison Adeniyi Lagos State University, Nigeria O. Rachael Bello Lagos State University, Nigeria Abstract For some time now, the female gender has strived to make an impression in the supposedly male dominated world. Consequently, several methods ranging from symposia, workshops, conferences, publications to appeal have been adopted to find a position for the female in the globe. In all of this, both the verbal and non-verbal means of communication are adopted. In Nigeria today, the woman has succeeded in finding her voice both in marriage and even outside marriage. Thus, contrary to what used to exist especially in the Northern part of the country and especially among members of the Islamic religion, talking about marriage and the rights of the woman, the women by their choice of diction now can determine their lot in wedlock and their choice to be let loose of the marital bondage. In this paper, we explore how the Nigerian female, through her choice of words, not only make her intentions known but also succeed at persuading her listeners to understand her plight. In doing this, we examine the divorce discourse of The Punch Newspaper between 1st January 2012 to 29 September, 2015. Adopting Engberg’s (2010) second role of language for specific purposes, we unravel how the Nigerian females in the divorce dilemma combine discourse features, established through cultural knowledge and social background to fight her course. As suggested by Engberg, (2010) therefore, it was discovered from the analyzed data that the basic assumption lying behind the subject’s choice of diction is marked by the characteristics of the participants in the communication business and the purposes pursed by the female participants. Apart from their use of metaphors, simile, analogy rhetoric, concession strategy etc., the female participants in this register also appeal to emotions. Such is the case with one of the informant’s claim: “Please, I still need him; he is the father of my child; don’t separate us”. Also discovered in the data is the diction of common knowledge as well as the diction of abstraction as found in: “I am always available for his sexual satisfaction, but he does not respond”. Keywords: Marital Freedom, Saturday Punch Newspaper, Diction, Empowerment, Divorce Registers

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Introduction The concept of language change in society may be conceived beyond being a natural to a needed phenomenon among language users today. This is especially so when we consider the post-structuralists’ view that man’s linguistic identity is fluid. The Nigerian woman, in a bid to be relevant and socially vindicated, adopts language to make a point in the divorce register. In this paper, we explore how the Nigerian woman creates for herself a voice to be acknowledged by men on one hand and the entire society on the other. Our understanding of this linguistic creativity goes beyond the popular and possibly over-flogged issue of women’s liberation to being what we have referred to as ‘marital disentanglement via diction’. Such choice of words ensures not only emotional freedom but also helps to eradicate social disintegration which usually accompanies divorce in this part of the world. We are not ignorant of the fact that several bodies not excluding individuals consider the liberation of women as confrontational, unhealthy, anti-social and even ungodly. However, if we consider Po-Vi-Liu’s (2013) submission that language in many situations dictates the power we have in relation to our other colleagues and partners and to other people in society, then we will understand that our informants’ careful though purposeful choice of words and expressions in this discourse is a needed tool to either retain their positions in marriage (in situations it is the men who want the divorce) or to avoid societal stigma which usually goes with divorce (in instances where the woman herself demands the breakup). In this paper, we see empowerment as an act of making someone stronger and more confident, especially in controlling their life and claiming their right. Background to the Study Marriage in Nigeria is neither as ‘transparent’ nor as ‘rigid’ as what obtains in the Ethiopia community. In Ethiopia, for instance, women cannot marry before they are eighteen. Similarly, the men cannot marry until they are twenty-two. There are no such rigid rules in Nigeria. The Nigerian female could marry as early as her family or even men around recognize she has the feminine features. Thus, some females get married at ridiculous ages such as age twelve or even below. These are ages where she cannot be said to understand the language of general communication let alone understand the marital language. Similarly, some men could also get themselves entangled before the ‘age of reasoning’. The implication usually is that apart from the economic and emotional immaturity of such young married ones, we also recognize linguistic impoverishment that may afterwards result in their inability to keep the marriage alive or keep alive outside the marriage (by withstanding societal criticisms that accompany divorce). Furthermore, while sanity could be relatively maintained in Ethiopia considering the grave punishment that follows misconduct by either of the parties, the Nigerian woman is usually at the mercy of both the husband and society as far as enjoying marriage vows is concerned. Following this, she tends to linger on irrespective of odds, afraid of being labeled. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Theoretical Framework In this paper, using Engberg’s (2010) view of language for specific purposes, we expound how the informants (Nigerian women in divorce discourse) employ language contextually for the purpose of registering not only their intentions but also their human rights. Engberg (2010) views language for specific purposes as aspects of actual communication in specialized discursive domains. He recognizes two poles of the field. The second pole on which this research is anchored is closely connected to the concept of specialized meaning. In his words: The center of this pole is the concept meant by the German term fachsprache, i.e. domain or subject specific language. This concept lays more weight upon the specialized meanings constituting a domain and upon the relations between these meanings and the linguistic choices conventionally made by the agents of the domain… this view is more discourse oriented in its approach (p. 144).

Our choice of this model is because it has its roots in sociology and dialectology. Consider how Engberg (2010: 144-145) puts it: This study leads to an early interest in global model of communication in specialized settings combining text internal and text external factors in the descriptions and focusing upon global explanations including and combining discoursal features, relevant knowledge, and social backgrounds rather than just finding specialized elements of the discourse.

We like Engberg see language use in this domain as being specialized. The understanding of the texts and the possible interpretations arrived at by the different participants are hinged on their sociological perception. To Engberg, “…the degree of specialization of a text and, connected to that, the relation between senders and receivers in a communicative situation concerning their respective levels of expertise is traditionally seen as a crucial factor when setting up models for specialized communication”. (P. 14). The informants examined in this study adopt various styles to register their intentions. Literature Review Marriage takes place in Nigeria under three legal systems namely: common law (civil or statutory law), customary law and Islamic law. The issue of polygamy is gradually becoming less pronounced in the country although the men could still keep mistresses outside wedlock. It is worthy of note that most marriages under the customary and Islamic law are polygamous. Most Christian denominations still prohibit divorce, hanging on the biblical injunction found in I Timothy 3:2, 12 and Mark 10:2-9. For marriages that hold under the common law, the Matrimonial Cause Act says that a divorce may be granted to the petition if the marriage has broken down irretrievably. A given marriage is said to have broken down irretrievably under certain conditions – such as non-consummation of marriage, adultery, a party deserting the marriage etc. Many http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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reasons ranging from adultery, impotence of the husband, ill-treatment and cruelty to the woman’s barrenness may lead to the conditions that bring about divorce. Surprisingly, however, women could be divorced if they have no male children. It must be mentioned here that the rates of divorce have increased in the country in recent times. In this paper, we examine how women through their choice of diction in the divorce travail either retain their positions in the family (by fighting against divorce) or maintain a stigma-free status in society. Methodology Data which relate to marriage and divorce were collected from The Punch newspaper between 1st January 2012 through 29th of September, 2015. The Punch, also the publisher of Saturday Punch, is the most popular Nigerian dailies. In fact, it is believed to be second most read newspaper. It is a national paper which presents Nigeria’s events of interest. It publishes more than 125,000 copies daily distributed to parts of the country. It also has an online version of the newspaper which can be read anywhere in the world. The paper dedicates a section to divorce issues in Nigeria in its Saturday editions. Such discourses are representative of all speech communities and religions in Nigeria. Data Analysis To analyze the data, we draw a link between the informants’ choice of words and sociocultural underpinning of the Nigerian people. In doing this, we first present the sample after which we examine how the discourse signals relevant knowledge and suggests possible logical direction to which the listeners should take. Sample A Also, he has made advances to all my friends including my siblings. He sleeps around with anything in skirt no matter the age, even those old enough to be his mother. Saturday Punch, Feb. 9, 2012 That was the ordeal of a 44 year old woman who had been married for 25 years but would want the marriage dissolved. It is common knowledge to expect that a woman who had endured for that long in marriage should hang on till death. However, the informant, through her choice of diction, appealed to reasoning, here, presenting the danger that lies in staying a day longer with a man who ‘who could sleep with anything in skirt”. The implication, therefore is that much more than committing adultery, the said husband could rape as well as sexually molest a female, irrespective of her age as long as she is in skirts. No sane society would want such a man around. The reference created of the man is more of a criminal than a husband. The overall generated message of this discourse therefore goes beyond listeners’ knowledge of the meanings of the words. Its understanding could be related to Sullivan’s (2010) concept of causal theories of reference and meaning. To him, the causal-historical theory is an externalist approach to reference, in that reference depends largely on factors external to the speaker’s head-factors, http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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pertaining to the speakers’ linguistic community and to the environment in which the expression in question evolved (p. 42). It is little wonder therefore that, the mother of four, having empowered herself through her choice of diction could tell the court that it might sound awkward to dissolve her 25 year old marriage but that she knew what she was doing. Sample B My baby is two months old and I have not seen him for some time; he does not come home; even when the baby was sick, he did not show up. Instead, he calls me to abuse me that I should keep going about with a stupid court letter. His family does not care about me and the child either. His mother says she does not want me in the family because my mother sells herb Saturday Punch, Dec. 15, 2012. The use of speech in a distinctive way such as we have in sample B above creates a special effect. The list of activities or highlighted characteristics of the object of discourse in sample B is an example of innuendo. Innuendo is conceived as ‘saying something without saying it’, often implying something negative, through allusion or insinuation. The wife, in Nigeria, most often than not is not expected to challenge her spouse let alone accuse him especially in public. In fact, in some communities, the woman has no right to partake in or contribute to any family discussion, especially when a third party is involved. Anything contrary is seen as insubordination. This informant, however, overcame this challenge through metaphorical sense. No responsible man, for instance, would abandon a two-month-old baby when he/she is well let alone abandon him/her when he/she is not well. Thus, although the aggrieved wife is prevented from calling her husband names due to social norms, she made her listeners understand the message by her use of innuendo. What is more, she increased her attempt of empowering herself by stating that the family detests her because to them, her mother sells herb. Herbs in Nigeria serve a number of functions. They are used as prevention or cure for ailments. They could also be needed for some supernatural effects. It is usually believed that the herb seller has some supernatural power and could inflict sickness or doom on an enemy or rival as the case may be. Following this background knowledge, the informant implies a number of things although these have not been clearly said by her. It is no news that the Nigerian community places much importance on procreation. As a matter of fact, one of the major reasons members of the community go into marriage is to have children. It is not surprising therefore that supplications such as: “May your children surround your table”; “We will come to rejoice with you in nine months’ time” are heard on wedding days. If, however, prayers are unanswered, the woman usually is blamed for being unproductive. Consequently, in a bid to retain her position in the home on the one hand, and her social dignity http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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in society on the other, she takes responsibility for the couple’s inability to beget children. It is thus expected of her to cooperate with her partner, in-laws, and the society all the way, whatever it will cost her. She thus carries the burden which may actually not be hers. Today, however, women react differently. They would either not accept total responsibility for ‘barrenness’ or choose to live their lives whether or not the babies do come. The informant in Sample C below, for instance, did the unimaginable of a Nigerian woman looking for the fruit of the womb. Consider her: Sample C She urged the court to dissolve the marriage, adding: “I cannot continue to endure in an unproductive marriage and with a man that has no respect for his wife. Saturday Punch of 28th of September 2014. How dare her. A number of sociolinguistic implicatures could be derived from the data. Contrary to what society expects, she publicly posits that her husband and not her should be seen as being responsible for an unproductive marriage. Following this claim, she would not mind a divorce. Furthermore, the pragmatic meaning derivable from the clause, “I cannot endure with a man that has no respect for his wife” is that of the woman conceiving of herself first as a human being before being a woman. What is more, another pragmatic implicature is seen in the man being presented as the indirect agent of non-productivity. How do we, for instance explain the informant’s submission that though the marriage had not produced any child yet she was fed up with her husband’s harshness. Nigerian women, today, do not see marriage as an end in itself. Before now, the Nigerian woman would rather die of frustration than have a broken home. To fail in marriage was almost like a taboo. But there is a sense of liberation enjoyed relatively today. In the words of one Mrs. Bamitale Damilola Adeniyi (interviewed by P.M. News of Nov. 11, 2011), when asked what a woman should do when the man insists on divorce: If a man wants a divorce, the woman should give it to him if she still cherishes her life. That means the man is already operating on high level. A woman cannot force herself on a man; it will be like a dog living in a lions’ den. Sample D This informant, who herself filed for a divorce on the grounds that her pastor husband (a General Overseer) is fetish and adulterous adopts two major discourse strategies to register her intention – that of being liberated from a marital bondage. The first major method adopted by her

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is analogy rhetoric whereby she argues through parallel cases. Consider the cases as presented below. Case 1 The informant told the court that her husband took a church member to a hotel in Enugu. Three lexical choices of the informant help register some message. Their choice may not be unintentional. The first lexical choice is ‘church-member’. In analogy rhetoric, the listener is expected to deduce the unsaid from the said. The idea of a pastor having carnal knowledge of his church member could be likened to God’s accusation of the shepherd ill-treating the sheep during the period of the Prophet Jeremiah. What is more, the said Pastor is presented as nurturing a hotel rather than his church or home. The gravity of the offence is revealed in the fact that a pastor of a church at Sango (a city around Lagos) traveled to as far as Enugu (a city in the Eastern part of the country) to commit adultery. Case 2 The lid blew off my husband’s escapades when he mistakenly brought home the traveling bag of the concubine he took to the undisclosed hotel in Enugu. There have been many struggles by different groups to liberate women all over the world. While the different efforts have supposedly liberated women from the domination of their male counterparts, government laws and education marginalization, they have surprisingly not been able to liberate the woman from the domination of social expectations. From our analyses, however, it is certain that women in the marriage divorce discourse adopt tactical rather than confrontational strategy to state the obvious. In case 2 above, for instance, the informant presents the man as not being as smart as society believes of the male gender after all. How will anyone explain why he would bring a wrong bag from a supposedly journey as long as presented? Case 3 The embattled wife claimed that her step-son urged her to hire assassins to kill her husband (and of course the step-son’s father) but she refused the advice. Although case 3 is incongruous to cases 1 and 2 above, it is relevant in reflecting the informant’s innocence and affirming the genuineness of her claims. Case 4 She pleaded with the court to dissolve her marriage on the grounds that it lacked love, stressing that her husband whom she said possessed a PhD charmed her. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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The weapon of argument employed by the plaintiff in this case lies in making her audience draw the link between somebody holding a PhD and his being involved in charm. The two ordinarily should not be on a par. The argument, therefore, is that we do not expect a PhD holder to be associated with magical powers whose authenticity cannot be proven especially when such a PhD holder is also a pastor. Case 5 “I did not know my husband had nine children with his other wife before I married him. I was already four months pregnant before I discovered he had nine children. There was nothing I could do ` at that point,” she said. Case 5 is a follow up on the previous cases. The informant aimed at empowering herself through her choice of lexis enough to be fred from the stigma which ordinarily accompanies a woman or anybody at that who rubbishes a “man of God’. To ensure this, apart from adopting the analogy rhetoric, the informant also employed the concession strategy. Concession is an argumentative strategy whereby a speaker having presented some cases leaves the hearer to judge by himself. The judge in court could not do otherwise than submit that the defendant (the Pastor, General Overseer) had acted contrary to what is expected of clerics like him – living above board by showing good examples. (Cases 1-5 were taken from Saturday Punch of August 31, 2013) Sample E She said, “My husband is a shameless man. He slept with my best friend. My husband is a womanizer. I caught him making love to my best friend in her house. I refuse to employ any house help again as he has turned them into sex machine. I stopped making love to him and I stopped washing his clothes when I always discovered sperm in his boxers”. Saturday Punch of August 24, 2013. This is the blunt and raw declaration of a defendant whose husband had asked that their 12 year old marriage be dissolved on the grounds of alleged threat to life and lack of respect for the plaintiff. As a form of defense, the defendant adopts taboo language. What does it matters anyway, the embattled married Nigerian woman may ask. In Kottak’s (2001:269) view, “culture is an attribute not of individuals per se but of individuals as members of group”. Thus, culture is transmitted in society. The members of a community are therefore guided by some norms. These norms are necessary to regulate members’ behaviour to ensure peaceful co-existence among them. It is a taboo, for instance, in Nigeria to employ vulgar language especially in public. We notice a disregard for such norms in Sample E above. This may not be unintentional. The informant’s choice of diction may not be http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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unconnected with her aim to register her disregard for a custom that sees the woman as an instrument, a slave to be driven around in matrimony. Sample F In informant F’s words: “What my husband said is true, I always beat him but I do not know what usually comes over me whenever I did that. Some unknown spirits push me to do it. I still love my husband and I want the matter to be settled amicably. I do not want to leave him and I promise that I will never beat him again”. Saturday Punch of August 24, 2013.q The specimen above will ordinarily send a shiver down the spine of a Nigerian male adult. This time not necessarily that of fear but rather of indignation. The social import of a working Nigerian home lies in the man’s ability to provide for the members of his family, dictate the lifestyle of the inmates and possibly physically assault his wife. These features typically characterize homes which are totally anchored on the African’s beliefs concerning the marriage institution and how it should be run. Certain practices are taboo in the society. For instance, in the Igala community, it is an abomination for a man to hold a broom to sweep let alone do this where women are present. What’s more, it is an inhibition, a ban that the wife should beat her husband. Society in its entirety frowns at this. The informant, in order to escape the social stigma that accompanies her action and inaction appeals to emotion. In her words, she is being controlled by some unseen spirits and still loves her husband. What a dilemma. Sample G (i) “Ibrahim is a hot tempered person, he gets angry at the slightest provocation,” she said, adding that even when I am pregnant he beats me. Saturday Punch 28th September, 2015.

Sample G (ii) “I bought a motorcycle (okada) for my husband to use for commercial purposes but he stays at home and does not work. He later sold the motorcycle without my consent and I do not know what he used the money for,” the estranged wife said. Saturday Punch 28th September, 2015. There is truly no doubt that the state of the mind of the speaker or writer places some constraints on the quantity or quality of words he/she uses in discourse. The fact however remains that even at this, the norms that guide participants of a given community in discourse still stand out. The import of language use in this domain (where the estranged wife defends the http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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superiority of her proposition irrespective of what society dictates) is noticeable. She prevailed against the socio-cultural variables that ordinarily affect the production of discourse. The informant’s choice of the present tense form of the word beats against the past tense form of beat is significant to the overall meaning and messages derived. The assumption is that the husband even outside court has the tendency to beat her in pregnancy. To complement this is her systematic presentation of herself as a being capable of providing for the family, having the right to decisions taken in the family and a major partner in the business running of the family. These propositions cannot be obviously stated except they are woven round a discourse for the audience to digest just as she had done in the text. By her use of language, she has established the proposition that whoever controls the language controls the culture. Language as used by this informant is intended to perform a communicative act. This intention is better understood by considering Osoba and Sobola’s (2014:208) view that: Every utterance made by a speaker is meant to perform an action that is changing the reality of the situation in context. It is the performative function or illocutionary act of the speech acts. The outcome of a communicative act is the action carried out as a result of the utterance, which is illocutionary result.

Sample H: She said, “My husband’s smoking habit is uncontrollable. It is so worrisome that he smokes cigarrete even in our Bedroom not minding my presence. She went further to say that: He derives pleasure in wining and dining with friends not minding me and the children Saturday Punch, September 14, 2015. Contrary to the informant’s husband’s expectation that his wife should endure matrimonial abuse all the way (in his words, “my wife knew I smoke cigarrete before she agreed to marry me”; so I cannot understand why she is now complaining about my smoking habit), the informant brought in reasoning beyond the generally expected proposition of the Nigerian marriage domain. The basic observation in sample H above lies behind the the way discourse had been written as characterizing the ideology of the informant in this communication process and the purposes pursued by her. The recent law in various parts of the country that forbade smoking in public and in the presence of children could have helped somewhat in empowering the informant. The idea, therefore is that as much as language and culture are interwoven with the latter being the carrier of the former, members of a society actually make-up the elements found in the culture. Thus, if language changes, we expect norms and practices of the culture in question to equally change. Marriage is about living and not existing irrespective of cultural norms that dictate behavior and reasoning. This informs sample I below:

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Sample I: “My Lord, I want an end to this marriage because I see no reason in enduring with a man that value cigarrete smoking more than his wife.” Continuing, she said, “my husband will even at times, smoke in our bedroom and sitting room, polluting the whole environment and making it uncomfortable for living,” she said. Saturday Punch, Jan 18, 2015. It is observable how the wife tied their inability to have children to her husband’s excessive smoking habit although she did not categorically express this in words. Consider the newspaper report. “According to her, their marriage was contracted in 2011 and had yet to produce any child”, Successful communication is guided by a number of factors among which is tactfulness. By her conscientious choice of words, this informant adopts favourable linguistic discernment thus presenting her argument to be strong enough to convince her ‘Lord’, the court president, without saying things that would upset societal laid down norms and values. The study of language for specific purposes (LSP) goes beyond being an applied linguistics to being the application of appropriate means of interaction. Language intelligence or better still communicative intelligence which transcends one having abstract linguistic knowledge to his/her understanding circumstantial principles needed to register his/her intention without offending the other party is demonstrated by the informants. This informs sample J below: Sample J: “Everyday he beats me silly and he says he is a Christian, she said” Saturday Punch February 9th, 2012. The two lexical items that catch the addressees’ attention in the text J are silly and Christian. Much is expected of the addressee to deduce of the character and personality of the actor (i.e husband in question as well as his act. Silly is used in this discourse does not presuppose simple, unsophisticated or ordinary. Rather, it could connote which are pitiable, deserving compassion, helpless on one hand and semiconscious on the other hand. The ambiguity created by the speaker may not be unintentional. As a matter of fact, the word silly may be erroneously taken as a slang item. Generally, we see the discourse as a departure from the normal models of communication. The discourse is actually selective. This selectivity we tie round Titscher et al’s (2000) three stage selection process which consist of the components of information, utterance and understanding. The information process relates to the selection from a (known or unknown) repertoire of possible themes just as the word silly suggests from these various options, the addressee is expected to decipher what is indicated. The third selection of understanding brings about a change of state in the reliever. The court president, for instance, is left to read as many meanings as possible to the item. Similarly, by her use of the item Christian, the informant creates several images in the minds of her audience, the court president inclusive. A Christian is enjoined to make peace and be at peace with all men. What do we make of a supposed Christian who beats his wife silly everyday? http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Our informants’ choice of words may not be divorced from the pragmatic impulse informants want to propel. Firth 1957, maintains that normal linguistic behavior is meaning effort directed towards the maintenance of appropriate patterns of life. Our informants sometimes use particular lexical items to reveal the negative roles played by their actors. The implication is that the overall contextual meaning of such chosen words says a lot about the person being talked about, the way he perceives himself, his roles in society (i.e.in the marriage domain) and his relationship with one other members in the marriage domain. Consider sample K. Sample K: “My husband is a pathological liar, it was after ten years that I know that the woman he called his cousin and her children are his wife and children”, she said. Saturday Punch, July 13th 2013. The relations that exist between the items pathological and lie transcend that of collocation to semantics. If colocation suggests the harmony that items keep I discourse such that the mention of one almost immediately suggest the other(s) in the family, then we could hold that pathology and liar belong to different families. We may, however, be wrong after all if we consider the insanity that lies in the misrepresentation of identity displayed by the man of discourse in text K. The informant sees him (her husband) as being not only a liar but also somebody who has deviated from a healthy, or normal condition. Much is implied here. Language does much more than to express a speaker’s view or opinion. To Oyetade (2015), it also helps in fostering an enabling environment for human development. What the informant unknowingly has done in this discourse is to unearth the taken-for-granted behaviours in marriage which could in the end bring about values that may jeopardize the family at one end of the scale and the entire society at the other end of the scale. Conclusion The findings of the work show that the Nigerian woman attempts to empower herself through her choice of diction, bearing it in mind that society itself through its customs and practices bury her in challenges which usually accompany marriage and demands in the country. We see this as a healthy development. The idea is to set the Nigerian woman free of what Egbo (2010) presents as gendered language practices which can affect the overall life chances of girls and women. Egbo goes on to say: “In many parts of the world, access to certain kinds of language and discourse is often associated with increases in life chances which are a friction of two elements – options and ligatures”. (p. 450). We hold that though the Nigerian woman already has formed bonds by virtue of her immersion in the Nigerian culture (ligatures) she has options to reject negative societal dictates through her choice of diction. It is clear from the foregoing that the success of the struggle for women’s liberation may not be race, class, or even group motivated but rather through individual diction. The women examined in this study and by extension every woman in this category want to be loved and respected for who they are as http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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people, and not as some purchased materials. What the informants do indirectly is build upon the victories of the women’s liberation movement of the sixties through their choice of diction.

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References -Abdulhaimid, R. (2013) “Towards bridging the gender gap in Girl child education in Northern Nigeria: Islamic Perspective” In LASU: Journal of Humanities, Vol 8. Ibadan. Free Enterprise Publishers, 87-97. -Egbo, B. (2010). “Gender in Language Education” In M. Berns (ed) Concise Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics Ney York. Elsevier Ltd, 450- 453. -Enberg, J. (2010) “Language for Specific Purposes” In M. Berns (ed) Concise Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics Ney York. Elsevier Ltd, 144-148. -Firth et al. J.R. (1957) Studies in Linguistic Analysis. Special volume of the Philological Society. Oxford: Blackwell. -Kottak, C. P. (2001). Anthropology: the Exploration of Human Diversity. Boston: McGraw Hill. -Osoba, S and Sobola, E. (2014) “Introduction to Discourse Analysis” in E.A. Adedun and Y. Sekyi-Baido English Studies in FORM Readings in Language and Literature. Winneba: Faculty of Languages, University of Education. 199-219. -Oyetade, S.O. (2015) Language in National Development: An Exploration into Sociolinguistics as a Field of Inquiry (Being an Inaugural Lecture of the University of Ibadan), Ibadan University Press. -Po-Yi-Liu (2013) “Women Empowerment”. www.empowerwomen.org/circles/open. (Retracted 13th of July, 2014). -Sullivan, A. (2010) “Causal Theories of Reference and Meaning” In A. Berber and R. Stainton (eds) Concise Encyclopedia of Philosophy of Language and Linguistics Oxford.:Elservier Ltd, 41-44. -Tischer, S.et al (2000) Methods in Text and Discourse Analysis. London: SAGE Publications

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History, the Historian and Historical Society of Nigeria @ 60: The Journey so far and the road ahead

Emmanuel Osewe Akubor Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

Abstract Available evidence has shown that History is recognized all over the world as a source of enlightenment and development. This is because as a collective memory of a people, history attempts to bring to the fore the salient and significant part of events that occurred in the past, which could be utilized in building a people’s prosperous future. It is therefore not surprising that every human society, no matter the level of enlightenment and advancement, has placed optimum priority to the bequeathing of a "useable past" from generation to generation. This was the most probable reason behind the establishment of the Historical Society of Nigeria by a group of Historians some sixty years back and the insistency on the teaching of history in schools. However, this paper argues that years after the attainment of Independence, the story seems to be changing (negatively). Data obtained from primary and secondary sources were deployed to carry out the study with an analytical and narrative historical method. Findings indicate that the acclaimed role of history as the vanguard of the Nigerian society has been crippled by some forces, actors and factors, while the historian have been rendered almost irrelevant in the society. This, the paper intends to interrogate. The paper thus concludes that if the much needed is not done by both the individual historians and the Historical Society of Nigeria, the road ahead may be bumpy and rough for history. Keywords: Nigeria, History, Development, Nation

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Introduction History is as old as the human society, and this is appreciated even more when seen in the light of the fact that all human beings are products of History. It is in line with this that it has been described as both the human past as well as the sum total of human experience (E.H.Carr, 1961, Y.B Usman, 1977, Y. Mangvwat, 1990, 1992) . The importance of history in any society is reflected in the fact that, every society no matter how primitive has a special place for it. It is therefore not surprising that History is recognized all over the world as a source of enlightenment and development. In this way as a collective memory of a people, it attempts to bring to the fore the salient and significant part of events that occurred in the past, which could be utilized in building their prosperous future (this is because it is not static). This have been summarized thus The human past (history), by its very nature embodies a process, it embodies cumulative human experience that is both variegated and dynamic in nature. The human experience (history) as past and current reality consists in its fundamental essence, of a process (including forms, patterns and structure) of relationships between man and nature. This idea implies and involves movement (exchange). The man-man and man and nature relationship takes places in the framework and context of time (A, Mahadi, 2008).

A critical analysis of the above view shows that every human society is part of history and that an understanding of the dynamics of the human society can only be attained when situated in history. History and the Historian: A Conceptual Clarification The relationship between History and the Historian has been described as one that is inseparable and which is beyond the mere comprehension of man. This is because the historian is on a daily basis trying to understand a process which he is part of (i.e; he is part of the process he is studying (Carr, 1961). This is so complex that removing one from the process making it incomplete and useless. Y.B Usman, (1977), described the relationship thus: The person with a perception of history who is studying history has been produced and moulded by history. And he is involved in looking at what has produced and moulding him. It is much more complex and fundamental thing than the study of rocks and plants, for example…There is no distance between the student of history and society and the subject of his study in the same way, as there is between the geologist and his rocks, or the biologist or medical scientist with bacteria. The Chemist who is studying a chemical reaction has a distance from it which the molecules in the reaction do not have, and can never have. The student of history is like a molecule studying a permanent reaction which is producing it

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From the position above, the paper opines that the historian is that individual who engages himself in the critical and analytical understanding of the relationship between the past and the present. This position is considered meaningful when viewed in the light of the working and arguments. For example, the views of Collingwood (as cited in Carr, 1961 ), posited thus; The philosophy of history (as practice by the historian) is concerned neither with 'the past by itself' nor with 'the historian's thought about it by itself', but with 'the two things in their mutual relations'. (This dictum reflects the two current meanings of the word 'history' - the inquiry conducted by the historian and the series of past events into which he inquires.) The past which a historian studies is not a dead past, but a past which in some sense is still living in the present.' But a past act is dead, i.e. meaningless to the historian, unless he can understand the thought that lay behind it

(emphasis is mine) History thus can be seen from and discuss at two levels by scholars i.e., History as the sum total of changes humanity has undergone since the emergence of human society ( this has been described by Carr, as the relationship between Man and Man on the one hand, and Man and the Environment on the other (The Process of History). The study of these changes and experiences is also known as History. In this way, History as a study, which is an academic discipline, saddled with the responsibility of documenting (critically), the changes that has taken place in the human society (i.e., the constant interaction between the Historian and his facts). However, the word Historiography which now has its own history and which is at times described simply as the art (or science), of writing history, is used here to refer to different but closely related kinds of historical activities (Carr, 1961:30, Mangvwat, 1990, 1992) . In his analysis, Afigbo (1980), gave a summary of history thus; .....the discovery and critical analysis of historical source; the reconstruction and description of the past on the basis of facts queried from the discovered sources;... the construction, on the basis of the ascertained facts of some general theories, which gives meaning and inner logic to the known past, or to most of it, as well as serves “to educate and ascertain society as a whole or even helps to influence aspects of contemporary public policy or action; and the reflection on the trends and patterns of historical writing.

An analysis of the definitions above will show that, while it is generally agreed that historians in this part of the world have tried in the first two aspects of the above definition, they cannot deny the fact that there is failure in the third and fourth definitions. This is based on the fact that the teaching and study of history has not been given the desired attention.

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Historicizing History in Nigeria up to the eve of Decolonization The study and teaching of history in Nigeria (as in other countries of African) as an independent and autonomous focus of scholarship has been argued to be a recent development. This was because up to the eve of late colonial period, Western historians believed and argued that Nigeria (indeed the entire Africa, south of the Sahara), had no “civilization” and thus no history. They insisted that even if there were events of a historical nature, such a history was unknown and unknowable, since African societies, for the most part, were non literate and as such left no records that historians could study. Such was the main content of the uninformed and jaundices statement by George Hegel, when that; It is manifest that want of self control distinguishes the character of the Negroes. This condition is capable of no development or culture, and as we have seen them at this day, such have always been. For it is no historical part of the world; it has no movement or development to exhibit

A more systematic and fairly detailed account of such denial of history and progress was made by Dame Margery Perham, a doyen of colonial historiography. Comparing Asia with Africa, M. Perham (1951), wrote: In Asia, there are great areas of cultural and religious unity and of common pride on the inheritance of ancient civilizations. These people have brought their historic culture through centuries of subjection to western influence with their deepest element still violate….the dealing with Tropical Africa and the West must be different. Here, in place of the larger unities of Asia was the multi cellular tissue of tribalism; instead of an ancient civilization, the largest areas of primitive poverty enduring into the modern age. Until the very recent penetration by Europe, the greater part of the continent was without the wheel, the plough and the transport animals; almost without stone houses, or clothes; except for skins, without writing and so without HISTORY (emphasis is mine)

In a similar manner, in the task of denying the existence of history in the area (as in other African countries), Professor Hugh Trevor Roper categorically declared that before the arrival of Europeans only darkness existed in Africa; and that darkness was not a subject of history (A Marwick, 1970). His position as well as those of other like Perham were basically to justify the conquest and colonization of the continent, a process which began with African historiography as dominated by European traders, travelers, as well as missionaries and other adventurers, whose accounts of Africa, was generally tendentious and Eurocentric. Thus European conquest and domination spawned a new era of colonial historiography that justified European imperialism and espoused the ideology of a savage Africa in need of European civilization and tutelage. The Eurocentric school maintained the above position despite the fact that available evidence showed that Africans had their way of documenting events which are considered historical, which formed the take off base for African scholars during the decolonization period. In this way, the writing of African History by African academics can be traced back to the period when most African countries were struggling to regain independence from colonial rule. The first http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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set of African historians during this period busied themselves with seeking to demonstrate that the continent had a very rich historical past of which they can be proud of. Thus, the era of decolonization and the immediate post-independence years saw the emergence of group of scholars who vigorously rejected this Eurocentric and anti-African historical epistemology that privileged civilization and written sources as the only rational bases for historical scholarship, which also denied the possibility of civilization and history to small-scale and non literate societies dominant in Africa. The emerging scholars using an array of sources, successful showed that Africa not only had a history but that its history and the writing of it date back to ancient antiquity. They pointed to the existence of works by ancient and classical writers, who wrote about Africa, even though their writings were considered “unsystematic”. They also argued in favour of Islamic and Arabic writings on the area, which constituted first- or secondhand accounts of African states and societies, which was vital in understanding the dynamics of development in the area over time and have continued to prove valuable for scholars of African history. In his analysis, O. Ikime, (1977), put it thus This concern invariably involved a certain denunciation of the kind of history which had been written about Africa by European scholars, travelers and the like. The Kind of History which emerged from this generation was one which sought , more often by implication rather than direct statement, to inculcate in the African who read or was taught it a certain pride in his race, in terms of how the African ordered – his social and political life, in terms of the economic activities which supported the socio-political edifice, and in terms of the creative and adaptive genius of the African. Within the context in which they wrote and taught, that generation of historians was fulfilling an essential political psychological and intellectual function. For it is a well accepted tenet of historical scholarship, that the historian can only work within the context of the expectations of his society at any given time.

It is in line with the above that the paper safely argues that period and process of decolonization and independence came the era of nationalist and liberalist historiography which rejected the notion of a barbaric and static Africa “without history.” This was championed by what is today known in Nigerian history as the Ibadan School of History, which re-invented African history and African Historiography, with the intention of shaming the racist notion that Humanity’s oldest continent was a place without a past. This singular but notable act made University of Ibadan to become the Mecca for scholars of African History all over the world as it sought to restore autonomy and initiative to the Africans, as well as authenticity and respectability to the historicity of the African past. In this way, the school and other emerging scholars rejected the privileging of written sources; it also argued for and adopted the disciplined, rigorous, and corroborative use of a variety of sources and multidisciplinary methods from archaeology, ethnography, anthropology, linguistics, and art history to oral traditions. K.O. Dike (1965), graphically captured the situation thus: The decided change towards a new African historiography came with the movement towards independence. African nationalists rejected the European appraisal of their past. They demanded a new orientation and improved educational facilities to effect this reappraisal. With the establishment of new universities in Africa, it was

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inevitable that the teaching of history and the training of African historians would receive a new impetus.

This team of academics as led by K.O. Dike and Abdullahi Smith continued to encourage historical scholarship and research. The immediate evidence of this apart from the development of the Ibadan School of History was the emergence of various Historical Research Schemes such as the Benin Historical Research Scheme, the Yoruba Historical Research Scheme, the Northern Historical Research Scheme, the Eastern Historical Research Scheme, the Kenneth Dike Aro History Project, Lagos Project, Rivers State History Project, and the University Centre of Hausa Studies, Kano (A. Smith, 1969, J.F. Ade-Ajayi, 2008, G. Kwanashie et al, 1987) Historical Society of Nigeria and Nigerian History In the Nigerian area, the struggle to establish the richness of African history led to the establishment of the Historical Society of Nigeria in 1955. This made it the oldest registered professional academic association in Nigeria and the first of it type of organization to exist in Nigeria. Its main focus is the promotion of Nigerian and African history globally. It does so through research, publications, conferences, seminars and training. Prominent among its publications are the Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria and the Tarikh series. The HSN also has to its credit several book publications on various aspects of Nigerian and African history. Furthermore, the society has acted as midwife to several other affiliated organizations that share similar aims and objectives. Apart from the relatively new Bonny Historical Society, there is the vibrant Students Historical Society of Nigeria, which exists in many tertiary institutions in Nigeria. The HSN has continued to nurture and provide guidance to these other affiliated organizations. It is to the credit of the founding fathers of the HSN that the structures they erected over five decades ago have continued to be relevant in spite of the suffocating stresses and strains that confront the discipline and practice of history. In 2005, the Historical Society of Nigeria celebrated its fiftieth anniversary at the University of Ibadan from where it all began. The Society has since inception the desire to promote historical awareness of members of a given group or society. This is appreciated more when seen in the light of the section 4(1) Constitution of the Historical Society of Nigeria (HSN) provides that the aims and objectives of the society shall be ‘To vigorously promote, support, strengthen and uphold the study of Nigerian History and historical scholarship’ (Constitution of the HSN 2007). Another sub-section goes further to include as the society’s raison d’être the promotion ‘of an enduring sense of history and historical consciousness amongst the citizens’ (Constitution of the HSN 2007, s4(4). In other words, its focus is not just professional academic practitioners but the entire Nigerian citizenry. Historicizing the nexus between the emergence of the new school of history and the Historical Society of Nigeria, O Yakubu and C.B.N Ogbogbo (2006), argued thus, The school was characterized by its overt Nigerian nationalism and it was geared towards forging a Nigerian identity through publicizing the glories of pre-colonial history. The school was quite traditional in its subject matter, being largely confined to the political history that colleagues in Europe and North America were then rejecting. It was very modern, however, in the sources used. Much use was made of

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oral history and throughout the school took a strongly interdisciplinary approach to gathering information. This was especially true after the founding of the Institute for African Studies that brought together experts from many disciplines. There was some friction between the Ibadan School and the Africanists in Britain and the U.S.. The Africanists felt that the Nigerian scholars should be more objective and less involved in current politics. However, the quality of the methodology and scholarship of the Ibadan scholars was never questioned. Conversely the African scholars of the Ibadan School saw the American and British universities as bastions of imperialism. Nationalists shunned the western based Journal of African History in favour of the domestic Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria.

In line with the above position, M Oladejo (2014) historicizing the achievements of the society wrote: The synthesis of historians would have been incomplete without the Historical Society of Nigeria,… established by Dike and H.F.C. Abdullahi (Abdullah Smith) to provide a stable and reliable medium to present historical findings. It was the workshops organized by this society that enabled the publication of the two books mentioned earlier-Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries as well as A Thousand Years of West African History. With the HSN, there came the need to regularize the presentation of Historical findings through journals. This brought about the Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) in the 1960s. The HSN became a body for Historians to distinguish the outcome of research in history from other disciplines.

History, the Historian and the Danger Sign-post: The Nigeria Experience A clear understanding of the situation in which the historian and history finds themselves today can only be understood once scholars are able to grasp clearly the idea behind the teaching of history as established by the founding fathers of the department in Nigerian university. They emphasized the building of critical and analytical minds. In the document establishing history department in one of the first generation universities, the objective is stated thus; The basic objective of the history teaching programme …is to give… a thorough grasp of Nigerian history and historiography, placed firmly in the context of African history and historiography and of historical movements of the world significance from other continents. The purpose of this is to make the students comprehend the historical forces and developments which have shaped and are shaping the lives of the peoples of Nigeria, Africa and the rest of the world. And at the same time, develop in the student the commitment and capacity to consciously relate to these forces and developments in ways which foster Nigerian and African unity and independence. (A.B.U, Zaria, 1977, University of Ife, 1962, 1978/79,

Usman, Y.B, 1977). The above is not completely different from those of other history departments established during that period. However, in the opinion of this paper have been relegated to the background and discarded in most universities and the society in general.

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Society, Government and the Strangling of History/Historian Years after gaining independence, history that would have remained the major tool for nation building, was neglected and the teachers dispersed into various directions in search for greener pastures. In the first place, the quest by the Nigerian government to join the league of scientific and technological developed nations of the world made her to pay less attention to history. This was based on the belief that history has no role to play in quest for optimum increase in technological capacities. Thus, While developed parts of the world were depending on the lessons of history to develop these capacities, the governments in Nigeria, felt that it did not need history to develop this as such the attempt to scrap history and replace it with other more technologically innovative courses. The result was that history was seen as a useless, or at best a not-so-useful discipline. A Akinwale (2015) specifically points to the period from the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, when under the guise of transfer of technology phrase, the Nigerian people were made to believe that arts subjects especially History and literature were not as important as science subjects. The position of the government on this issue was specifically made clear in 1983, when the then Minister of Students Affairs argued thus: The country now needs technological and result oriented education so as to prepare for the future. America and Russia did not go to the moon by studying history, philosophy, English language etc, but did so by encouraging technological growth (Nigerian Statesman, 1983) Under this situation greater emphasis was being laid on technical education in Nigeria’s policy of education. In the opinion of A Akinwale (2015) this marked the beginning of policy failure as the nation needed the so called not-too-useful subjects for nation building and integration. This marked the beginning of the war against history, which is not only impacting negatively on the historian, but the nation at large. In line with this and the disappointment this has brought on the people and national development and integration, A Akinwale (2015), continued thus Forty year after the rhetoric and policy of “transfer of technology” and the attendant marginalization of arts in our education, we have schools where History and Literature are no longer taught. We have bred, and we continue to breed, a generation of Nigerians who neither know the history of Nigeria nor possess the ability to analyse a discourse. Gather ten Nigerians below the age of 45, and you would be extremely lucky to find one who studied history in secondary school. Today we have a generation that will most probably go down in history as the most unfairly treated in Nigeria, a generation that represents the pitiable state of Nigeria

In a more categorical term O Ikime (1977) , had noted this much earlier thus: Any government which allows itself to be persuaded at this state of our development to neglect historical research in pursuit of science and technology will find that science and technology, excellent weapons as they are for the boosting of the national ego, do not on their own necessarily create the nation. For a look at the really advanced technological nations of the world, will reveal that these nations first attained true nationhood, before they set their tracks for rapid technological

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advancement. America, Japan, China, Britain – these all first had to go through the turmoil of nation-building before they attained their greatest height in science and technology

Apart from the shift from and gradual neglect of history from the late 1970 – early 1980’s, the government at various levels from the 1980’s began to wage war on those teaching history and related courses, as they began to feel threatened by the perceived emergence of young idealists and Marxists, who stood up to them to condemn the loss of focus of the founding fathers of independent Nigeria. To these set of people, the historians and their allies came to symbolize the revolution and change. To the administration, the basis of the teachings of some of the early universities (especially history) was too radical and uncompromising (for example, the vision of University of Ife encouraged independence of academic enterprise and selfless public service). This was exemplified by the staff recruited and scholars nurtured in the of faculties Arts and Social Science of the University of Calabar, Ibadan, Ife and Zaria as well as their contributions aggressive anti-imperialist incursions and commitment in other parts of African continent especially Southern Africa (Kukah, 1999). This led to situation in which teachers were either threatened or were deported on the ground, that they were inciting students against the government or inculcating subversive ideas in students (A. Abba, 2006). The Journey so far and the Road ahead: Any Hope? In the present day Nigeria, it is no longer news that the study of history especially in secondary schools has been relegated to the background and crying to be salvaged from the erosion of extinction. In most cases students are forced to offer government in place of history. The case of Lagos state is a good example, where history has been deleted as subject of study from school curriculum, while Osun state in 2002, engaged in mass sacking of History teachers from schools. At the Junior Secondary School level, Social Studies have been introduced to take the place of History, while the teaching of Social Studies have been hijacked by Social Scientists exclusively for the National Certificate Examinations and B.Ed students, with no acquaintance at all with historical orientation (Ade-Ajayi, 2008). Omolewa (1987 cited in Bello, 2012), argued that these actions are taking place years after independence, the idea behind it is still in line with the idea of the Western world to deny the black world a place in history, as was the case before the coming of Historical Society of Nigeria in the late 1950’s. The scholar opined thus: …a consistent assault on history teaching at the first tier of the secondary school curriculum, by a highly inspired group from the United States. The history of the liquidation of history as a subject in the junior schools began with the United States agencies-assisted Ohio project, Ayetoro project and lately the Comparative Education Studies and Adaptation Center (CESAC)…towards confiscation and condemnation of Africa’s histories and futures

The above situation has thrown the teaching and study of history in modern Nigeria into problems, so much so that unlike the early scholars who were ready to ensure good governance, the present day students give lots of excuses why they cannot study history. For example, students are complaining about the wideness of history syllabus, the dearth of capacity, committed and genuinely interested teachers as well as the perceived uselessness of history as a http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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subject. it is therefore not surprising that this situation has given birth to scenario in which the study of history at the tertiary level suffers great hemorrhage. Thus in the first place only a very few candidates are qualified to and are interested in studying history; secondly, out of the few that are studying history, many are reluctant candidates who sees the acceptance to study history as a means of getting into the university system, with the view of abandoning the course for more lucrative ones after the first one or two years. In some other cases, as a way of luring students to study history, the content of the history curriculum have been watered down under the guise of departments of History and International Relations, History and Diplomacy, History and Public Administration, History and Strategic studies etc (J.F.Ade-Ajayi, 2008). In line with this, O Yakubu and C.B.N Ogbogbo (2006) argued thus: Historical studies have been the subject of a brutal assault by successive Nigerian governments in the past two decades. Historical studies have been virtually extinguished from Nigerian primary and secondary school curricula. At the tertiary level some departments of history, in the quest for survival, have put on the toga of international relations and at other times diplomatic/strategic studies. Prominent among them are the universities of Benin, Lagos, Uyo and Ambrose Alli University. The impression is that history can no longer survive on its own. The situation is indeed tragic. All these are the product of ignorant but deliberate government policies. In the guise of promoting science and technology, which is erroneously conceptualized as the only engine of development, there has been deliberate undermining of the humanities, which have history as their core.

The consequence of the above has been summarized thus by A.O.Adesoji The apathy or neglect, which the study of history suffers in contemporary period, is no doubt without its consequences. The seeming confusion in our society, the unbridled desire for power and its attendant consequences and more importantly, the inability to learn from the past experiences (which has made the society prone to repeating past mistakes) are the consequences of neglect of history

The immediate impact of the above is that the dreams of the founding fathers of Nigerian independence as well as the hope of the people that struggled for self determination from the colonial masters have been dashed. The situation is such that even years after the collective struggle for independence, the differentials which Nigerian accused the colonial administration still exist among us and even new ones are being introduced. Thus the differences in sociopolitical institutions between groups are still used as index of development or lack of it, resulting in different treatments being meted to such groups, and creating new tensions which did not exist before this period. In this way emphasis on daily bases has been on factors making for disunity at the expense of factors making for unity. This in the view of scholars formed the basis of what has come to be the distorted and manipulated history fed to the millions of Nigerians. E. Ayandele (1978), noted this thus: …..we are not telling the whole story unless we also stress the factors for unity and cooperation that existed before the advent of the white man. And these factors were many. Consider for example the mosaic of inter-state routes that linked the south and the north; and think not only of the economic role the routes played but also of the diffusion along them of religious, social, and political ideas. Few people realize that in the eighteenth century the natron used by the Efik came largely from the Chad

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basin; that in the same century the Ijẹbu were the specialist makers of a coarse type of cloth used by slaves and poor people in Northern Nigeria; that up to 1830 the larger part of what is now Nigeria regularly patronized the market of Kulfu, near present-day Kontagora; that for a long time the Edo trafficked with the Nupe and bartered their camwood for manufactured articles of northern origin; that as late as the second half of the nineteenth century, the Nupe were the most excellent weavers in the textile establishments of the cities of the far north; that Ijaw men from Nembe were trading directly as far north as the Nupe kingdom before 1841; that the Yoruba obtained their horses from Tripoli through Kanuri middlemen long before the nineteenth century; that, as slaves, a large number of Hausa were an economic asset to the Yoruba. Even Igboland was not completely closed to the rest of Nigeria before the advent of the British; trade went on between the Igbo and their neighbours, and many Igbo went to the north as slaves;… (and that) in December 1842 messengers of the Sultan of Sokoto were with odẹkẹ in Abẹokuta; that the Sultan of Sokoto made some effort to persuade the Yoruba to end their civil war, that Balogun Ogundipẹ, the uncrowned king of the Ẹgba for nearly a quarter of a century, offered advice to the Etsu of Nupe in 1870.

It is indeed a complete ignorance of the above excellent relationship that existed among the people that is largely responsible for the uprising, skirmishes and wanton destruction of lives and properties that is experienced in Nigeria on a daily basis. For example, every part of modern Nigeria has been experiencing clashes and crises, which ordinarily would have been avoided with the promotion and good knowledge of history. However, the lack of the processes of nationbuilding which history would have promoted has fuel these conflicts. The most recent is the conflicts that are almost exclusively defined by the competition for scarce economic goods, with specific attention on conflict over grazing opportunities between Fulani herdsmen and sedentary farming populations. In June, 2003, about 50 persons died and 10,000 displaced in new night raids on Tiv settlements on the Benue and Nasarawa border by Fulani herdsmen. (Independent, June 23, 2011). This phenomenon has continued till date in which on a daily basis there are news of violent clash between farmers and herdsmen in every part of the country. On March 7, 2010, a vengeful attack by Fulani herdsmen on four villages near Jos, led to the merciless killing of over four hundred in Dodo-Nahawa and the neigbhouring villages of Zot, Rasat and Kutgot. On 17 July, 2010, an attack by Fulani herdsmen on Mazah village in Jos claimed ten lives. In what seems like an attack for their stolen cattles, Fulani herdsmen attacked Nding Susuk, Nding Jok, Jong and Dorowa villages in Barkin Ladi Local government area in January 27, 2011, killing 14 people. In February and September 2011, they also attacked Tsohon Faron and Kunzen Gashish, in Barkin Ladi Local government area, killing 12 people. In November,2011, Herdsmen violence in Plateau State led to the death of 20 people and the destruction of property as Berom natives and Fulani herdsmen clashed at the Barkin Ladi Local Council of the state. Also in January 2013, at least nine people were killed in clashes between ethnic groups in the central Nigerian state of Plateau. This was as a result of clashes which broke out between ethnic Fulani herdsmen and local farmers in the city of Wadata. It should be noted that this has been extended to parts of Kaduna state and Tiv land. Of more recent, villages in Tiv land were attacked by the herdsmen, while the palace of the Tor Tiv was burnt down; in a similar manner, in March 2015, parts of Kaduna south (Kaura) was attacked with sophisticated weapons leaving hundreds dead (Mohammed, 2012). All these could only take place in societies that lack sense of history as well as those whose history have been deliberately manipulated or distorted for selfish reason. This is http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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more meaningful when considered in the light of the position of F.J. Teggart (1941), who argued thus: History provides a body of ideas which serves to unify the attitudes of citizens of nations towards their country,….In every land the historian has been the heart at which the soul of the country has been kept alive….Not only has history writing awakened peoples to a consciousness of nationality, it has promoted them to action by inciting hope for the future

The situation in our country is a true reflection of the view of Teggart as represented above. This has been given credence to by historians in Nigeria, who in more specific term, pointed to our inability to take advantage of the lessons of history to unify the country. This is best understood when view in the light of the opinion as posited by a scholar thus: Perhaps, one reason why there is so much violence, aggression and instability in our day to day life is that we so little consciousness (history) of a time perspective. We act and react as if there is only today, no yesterday, no tomorrow. We seem to care so little about the past; ….The nation suffers which has no sense of history. Its values remain superficial and ephemeral unless imbued with a deep sense of continuity and a perception of success and achievement that transcends acquisition of temporary power or transient wealth. Such a nation cannot achieve a sense of purpose or direction or stability, and without them the future is bleak (emphasis is mine)

(Ade-Ajayi, 2008) The Way Forward As it stands today, it is clear that both the historian and history in Nigeria are in serious crisis. This is because the role of being the vanguard of the society has escaped them, and in place of this, historians are been conscripted left, right and center by the powerful and the wealthy in the society to distort and/or manipulate history. We have witnessed situations in Nigeria, where historian were employed (and are still being employed) specifically by government to become propagandist and have instead of building the society, used in destroying the country. This probably justifies the position as maintained by C Ogbogbo (2015), when he argued thus; If we pause to ponder on the question, in whose interest is the non-study of history in our schools? Who wants Nigerian children to be ignorant of the nation’s history? It must be those who have negatively impacted on us and have been churning out all sorts of memoirs in an attempt to favourably position themselves in the annals of our history. There is so much junk and distortions churned out by those who have had the exceptional privilege of ruling this country in the name of providing and setting the records for future generations of Nigerians. These men / women are conscious of the weight and judgment of history and desire to be on its safe side. When they are unable to write, they encourage the non-propagation of history with the hope that with a weak memory, we will readily forget their atrocious past. It is this realization that must continue to embolden us in our quest to bring back to the schools an authentic history of Nigeria. For as JF Ade-Ajayi and Obaro Ikime have continuously

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reminded us, an enduring sense of history is a necessity for national development…The History blackout must be put to an end.

It is therefore in line with the above, that the paper argues that the Historical Society of Nigeria has more work to do. The first is that, it must continue to fight for the restoration of history in the academic curriculum of Nigerian schools. This will help prepare the minds of our young leaders for the challenges of tomorrow, i.e; the challenges of nation-building which was aborted with the exclusion and war against history and historians. This will be appreciated more when considered in the light of the fact that history serves to educate and ascertain society as a whole or even helps to influence aspects of contemporary public policy and action. There is also the need to engage in publication of history books that could be read at book primary and secondary schools. As, it is now, there is the danger of scholars not wanting to write books, but to continue publishing in Journals, which is considered more important in our academic promotion. There is the need to help restore history departments to their past glories, as the institution that helped to build the founding fathers of Historical Society of Nigeria are gradually disappearing, viz, History Research centers, staff training programmes, grants for research and to attend both local and international conferences and congresses. This has led to massive brain drain from the academic arena to other sectors both within and outside the shore of Nigeria. On a general term, it has been established that between a period of two years (1988 and 1990), over 1000 lecturers left the services of Nigerian universities (Bangura 1994). Till date the system has continued to suffer from what have been described as the serious intellectual hemorrhage (Oni, 1987, Yesufu 1996). All these must be put in place, if any serious and meaningful achievement can be attain. The impact of the above is that the Nigeria education system has been weakened by both the psychological warfare and infrastructural denial by the authorities. There is the need to put an end to binary system of education which dichotomies students into two factions, namely sciences and liberal arts. Presently, there seems to be a sort of disparity in the education family, as the government seems to highlight the role of science and technology in national development. In this way, the Nigerian government put admission ratio in tertiary institutions at 60 percent for Science and technology subjects and 40 percent for humanity subjects (Akinwumi et al 2010). This was the issue which National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) in the early 1980’s kicked against. In their confrontation with the government, the NANS produced a Charter of Demands, yet it has not been resolved. It is therefore the duty of Historical Society of Nigeria to revive this call, as history seems to be the department in humanities most affected. Conclusion The paper has argued that although history is recognized all over the world as a tool for national integration and development, but enough attention has not been devoted to it study and teaching. This situation is more in developing nations of the world like Nigeria, where it is http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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considered as not too useful in the pursuit of advancement in science and technology. This in the opinion of the paper is not only dangerous but also self destructive, as amount to building a society with no foundation, i.e., breeding generation which end up growing in a sort of permanent present lacking any organic relation to the public past of the times they live in. In the case of Nigeria, the end result is represented in the loss of the identity of people and the constant drawndagger situation the citizens find themselves on daily basis.

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References -Abba, A (Ed) (2006), A Life of Commitment to Knowledge, Freedom and Justice: Tributes to Yusufu Bala Usman, 1945-2005. Center for Democratic Development Research and Training, Zaria -Ade-Ajayi, J.F.A (2008), History and Society; Ogbogbo, C.B.N and Okpeh, O.O, Interrogating Contemporary Africa: Dike Memorial Lectures 1999-2007, Historical Society of Nigeria. -Adesoji, A.O (2009), Historical Scholarship in the 20th Century Nigeria: The Quest for Relevance. The African Symposium: An On Line Journal of African Educational Research Network, Vol. 9, No.2, December 2009. - Afigbo A.E, 1980, The Poverty of African Historiography, Public Lecture, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. -Akinwale, A (2015), A Cheated Generation, Catholic Weekly Independent, February 8. -Akinwumi O et al (ed) (2010), Nigeria at 50: The Challenges of Nation Building: A Publication of the Historical Society of Nigeria. -Akinjogbin, I.A, 1977, History and Nation Building; An Inaugural Lecture, University of Ife -Bello S, (2012), African History: Its Makers, Teachers and Detractors, Zaria Historical Research, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Vol. 4, Nos. 1-4, June 2009 – June 2012. -Carr, E.H, (1961); What is History. Penguin London -Dike, K.O. (1965) Christian Missions in Nigeria 1841-1891: J.F.A. Ajayi, The Making of a New Elite, Longmans, London, 1965, X. -Dike, K.O, (1980), African History, Twenty Five Years Ago and Today; Keyword address, on the 25th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Ibadan, 29th September -History at Ahmadu Bello University: The Teaching Programs of the Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, 1976-77:2 -Historical Society of Nigeria Bulletin (2015), The Newsletter of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Issue 001, March, 2015 -Kukah M.H, (1999), Democracy and Civil Society in Nigeria, Spectrum Books Ltd, Lagos -Kwanashie G et al (1987), A Little New Light: Selected Historical Writings of Abdullahi Smith. Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research, Zaria, Vol. I. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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-Kwanashie G et al (2008), Beyond Fairy Tales: Selected Writings of Yusufu Bala Usman. Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research, Zaria, Vol. I. -Ikime O, (1977), History and the Historian in the Developing Countries of Africa, Keynoted Address at the workshop on The Teaching of History in African Universities, University of Lagos, Sept 14-21 -Mahadi A (2008) Who is afraid of History, Gombe Studies: Journal of Gombe State University, Vol.I, No.I, December, 2008. -Mangvwat, M.Y, (1990), History, Class and the National Question; Pper presented at the 10th Annual Conference of the Students Historical Society of Nigeria, 10-16 January, Ibadan. -Mangvwat, M.Y, (1992), History and the Changing Nigerian Society; Paper presented to the Annual Conference of History Teachers Association of Nigerian College of Education, Akwanga, 6th May. -Nigerian Statesman, November 29, 1983 -Oladejo, M.T, (2014), History, Research and Documentation in Nigeria: The Relevance to Sustainable Development. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, Pennsylvania, Vol. 16, No.4 -Oni, B, (1987), The Problem of Graduate Unemployment and the Demand Postgraduate Education in Nigeria: Case Study of Ibadan and Lagos Universities, Ibadan, NISER Research report. -Oni, B., (1999), The Nigerian University Today and the Challenges of the Twenty-first Century Monograph, No. 60. Institute for World Economics and International Management, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany -Perham, M, (1951) “The British Problem in Africa,” Foreign Affairs, July. -Smith A, (1969), Some Considerations Relating to the Large-Scale Recording of Oral Traditions in Northern States. Paper presented to the 15th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Lagos. -Teggart, F.J, (1941), Theory and Processes of History, Berkley: university of California Press. -Usman, Y.B, (1977), History, Tradition and Reaction: The Perception of Nigerian History in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Public lecture delivered at Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, 27th April.

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-Usman, Y.B, (1983), Actors and Factors in the study of Contemporary History: The Case of the Nigerian Coup D’état of 15th January, 1966. History Research at A.B.U Vol. VII the Departmental Seminar Papers of Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria -Yakubu O and Ogbogbo C.B.N (2006), The Role of Historical Societies in Nigeria’s Development, Afrika Zamani, nos. 13 & 14, © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa & Association of African Historians. -Yesufu, T.M. (1996), the Nigerian Economy: Growth Without Development, Benin Social Science Series for Africa.

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Que sait la littérature?

Nancy Ali CRLC – Paris IV Sorbonne, France

Abstract This paper deals with the new conventions of representing reality in both the literary and the historical texts. Alongside memory, history and fiction are the two other domains from which we derive knowledge of our past. We have chosen to compare the literary narrative with the historical one. Where is the place of fiction alongside this often totalizing and totalitarian pillar of knowledge? Furthermore, we explore the way in which fiction and history interact in the contemporary novel. Contemporary novels often incorporate extra-literary discourses in their texts in an attempt to show that any discourse on the real is always a work of fiction because it is discursively constructed. By incorporating such fragments of history within their fictive world, these contemporary novels point our attention to the similarities between the literary and historical texts, both of which resort to narrative techniques in order to represent the past and give meaning to it. The insistence on the notion of narrativity in historiographic research over the last decades has brought into question the legitimacy of the once incontestable historical archives. By stressing on the inevitable subjectivity of the once so-called objective historical documents, contemporary historians have demonstrated the way in which history uses narrative techniques similar to that of fiction to establish order and make sense the dispersed events of the past. Because narrative form is in itself a way of ordering and “bringing together” the fragmented events and incoherencies of reality, narrative form in itself often violently manipulates this reality with the aim of giving meaning to an often inexplicable reality. Even in the autobiographical text, deemed truthful, or the historical document, deemed objective, we always write the past from the present, that is we predict the past from the prism of the present thanks to what Ricoeur has called the “traces” of the past, namely the archives, testimonies, photographs and other “already written” texts. So doing, both the literary and historical texts attempt to order reality with the aim of arriving at a certain representation of it that expresses an intended signification. Keywords: narrativity, mimesis, historical discourse, literary discourse, representation, knowledge, emplotement

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Résumé Cet article porte sur les nouveaux modes de représentation ou mimesis dans l'œuvre d'art et le discours historique. En dehors de la mémoire, l'histoire et la fiction sont les deux autres domaines à partir desquels nous tirons notre connaissance du passé. Nous avons comparé les récits de fiction avec un autre domaine à partir duquel nous tirons la connaissance de notre passé, à savoir l'histoire. Où est la place de la fiction à côté de ce pilier de connaissance souvent totalisant et totalitaire? Aussi, nous explorerons le traitement de l'histoire et de la fiction dans le roman contemporain. En outre, les romans contemporains intègrent souvent des discours extralittéraires au sein de leurs récits littéraires. Ils dont ainsi apparaître que n'importe quel discours sur le réel reste toujours une construction discursive. En incorporant souvent des discours extralittéraires dans le récit très littéraire, ces romans mettent en comparaison l'écriture de fiction et l'écriture de l'histoire. En même temps, depuis plusieurs decennies, les historiographes ont mis l’accent sur la narrativité de tout recit historique. Les deux types de discours, littéraire et historique, utilisent des techniques narratives similaires (telles que le point de vue ou la mise en intrigue) afin de pouvoir « prendre ensemble », pour reprendre les mots de Ricœur, les événements épars de la réalité. Du fait que la forme narrative est en soi un moyen de « rassembler » les événements dispersés et les incohérences de la réalité, le récit manipule violemment cette réalité dans le but de lui donner un sens, quand elle est souvent inexplicable. Même dans le recit autobiographique, dit “fidèle”, ou le document historique, dit “objective”, on écrit le passé à partir du présent, on prédit le passé sous le prisme du présent grâce à ce que Ricœur a ailleurs nommé les « traces » du passé, à savoir les archives, les témoignages, les photographies et les textes “déjà écrits”. Ce faisant, le texte, à la fois littéraire et historique, donne un ordre défini à la réalité dans le but d’obtenir une certaine représentation et signification de la réalité. Mots clés : la narrativité, mimésis, le discours historique, le discours littéraire, la représentation, le savoir, l’emplotement

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Milan Kundera a mis en évidence le rôle de l’écrivain dans Le Rideau (2005) son troisième ouvrage théorique traitant du roman, postérieur à L’art du Roman (1986) et Les Testaments trahis (1993). Loin d’être un écrivain « engagé » à la manière sartrienne, Kundera est sensible à l’influence fondamentale de l’Histoire sur l’écrivain et au rôle fondamental de l’écrivain dans le contexte de son Histoire. Un rideau magique, tissé de légendes, était suspendu devant le monde. Cervantès envoya Don Quichotte en voyage et déchira le rideau. Le monde s'ouvrit devant le chevalier errant dans toute la nudité comique de sa prose... c'est en déchirant le rideau de la pré-interprétation que Cervantès a mis en route cet art nouveau ; son geste destructeur se reflète et se prolonge dans chaque roman digne de ce nom ; c'est 1 le signe d'identité de l'art du roman .

Évoquant Cervantès, un auteur qu’il cite d’un bout à l’autre de ses livres, Kundera a montré comment l’œuvre littéraire remplace les « pré-interprétations », obstruant la réalité et la littérature, de même qu’un « contre-histoire », ouvre « le rideau », en amenant le lecteur au monde et à la réalité. Par les aventures fictives de Don Quichotte, le lecteur est conduit à la réalité. De « l’âge de raison » à « l’ère du soupçon » à « l’ère du témoin », nous sommes plongés dans une époque où la « vérité » est devenue décentralisée, discontinue, et fragmentée. Le besoin se fait alors sentir d’enlever le voile, d’ouvrir le rideau. Selon les mots de l’écrivain américain postmoderne Donald Barthelme, l'art n'est pas une représentation mimétique du monde, mais une méditation sur le monde, un commentaire2. Au lieu de reproduire ou d'imiter la réalité (mimesis), le roman est une méditation sur la réalité. En ce sens, il fait écho aux remarques de Kundera dans L'art du roman quand celui-ci dit « l’interrogation méditative (méditation interrogative) est la base sur laquelle tous mes romans sont construits3 ». Le roman, selon Kundera, est une méditation interrogative sur notre réalité, un conte fictif sur l'existence humaine et sur les possibilités de notre existence. Ce nouveau réalisme nous présente une autre forme de savoir, une réflexion sur la réalité différente de ce que disent ou racontent les domaines des sciences naturelles ou même l’histoire, contraints comme ils le sont par les preuves empiriques et les archives. La littérature est capable d'explorer les domaines et les complexités de l'existence humaine hors de portée de la connaissance empirique et du savoir tangible. La littérature est capable d’explorer ce qu’on appelle souvent l’ineffable. Le roman fournit un autre moyen de savoir, différent de l'histoire ou de la science par exemple. Il y a une connaissance particulière que seule la littérature peut fournir. Comme le dit Barthes, « le savoir qu’elle mobilise n’est jamais ni entier ni dernier ; la littérature ne dit pas qu’elle sait quelque chose, mais qu’elle sait de quelque chose ; ou mieux :

1

Milan Kundera, Le rideau (Paris: Gallimard, 2005), 50. Donald Barthelme, Not-Knowing: the essays and interviews (Berkeley: Counterpoint, 1997), 23. 3 Milan Kundera, L’art du roman (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), 45. 2

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qu’elle en sait quelque chose – qu’elle en sait long sur les hommes4 ». La littérature offre un savoir sur notre existence, notre comportement humain, car c'est surtout la façon dont nous nous représentons nous-mêmes et la façon dont nous représentons les autres à travers nos récits, qui montrent nos valeurs et nos croyances. Elle « fait tourner les savoirs5 » ; c'est aussi qu'elle nous oblige à mettre en question ces savoirs. Si les scientifiques nous donnent la connaissance à l’état brut, les sciences humaines nous donnent les outils de la critique de cette connaissance 6. Le genre de savoir, que les sciences humaines procurent, est une certitude provisoire et un doute infini7. Le savoir fourni par la littérature est donc toujours hypothétique, jamais certain ni totalisant. Kundera explique comment le rapport entre le roman (après Balzac) et l'histoire s'opère: « il y a d’un côté le roman qui examine la dimension historique de l’existence humaine, il y a de l’autre côté le roman qui est l’illustration d’une situation historique, la description d’une société à un moment donné, une historiographie romancée 8 . » Le roman, selon lui, n’a jamais été préoccupé par la réalité, mais plutôt par l'existence de l'homme : « Et l’existence n’est pas ce qui s’est passé, l’existence est le champ des possibilités humaines, tout ce que l’homme peut devenir, tout ce dont il est capable. [...] et nous font ainsi voir ce que nous sommes, de quoi nous sommes capables9. » Au-dessus de toutes les autres disciplines, la littérature est en mesure d'explorer les complexités de notre réalité et l’existence humaine qui défient la logique mathématique ou l’approche scientifique. La littérature peut fournir une partie différente du savoir, parce que certaines des dimensions de notre existence et de notre réalité sont hors de portée des sciences naturelles, en raison de contraintes comme les preuves empiriques. En outre, contrairement à la loi, à l'histoire ou à la langue encore utilisée comme un outil au service d'une structure externe (la construction juridique ou les archives, par exemple), la littérature n’est au service de rien d’autre que de la langue. Se libérant de notions telles que l’exactitude ou la vérité, le roman est le mieux placé pour réaliser les possibilités génératrices de la langue. De même, l'histoire ne peut aborder une partie de notre passé parce que le travail historique vise à représenter des évènements que l’on croit avoir eu lieu dans ce passé. La littérature nous présente le passé probable, un passé possible. Mais de plus, comme l’histoire se construit sur des traces incohérentes et dispersées, c’est la fiction ou l’imaginaire qui nous aide à combler les lacunes. L'histoire a obligé la représentation littéraire à changer, et la littérature peut un jour juger ou même changer l'histoire. Le roman ne porte pas de jugement ni n'impose de morale, car, « la

4

Roland Barthes, Leçon. Paris: Seuil, 1978, p.18–19. Ibid. 6 Michael Wood, Literature and the Taste of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 53. 7 Ibid. 8 Milan Kundera, L’art du roman (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), 54. 9 Ibid., 57-58. 5

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connaissance est la seule morale du roman10. » Si l'histoire comme vérité absolue est remise en question, alors pourquoi ne pas commencer à remettre en question le côté « artificiel » de la fiction ? Pourquoi la fiction ne peut-elle pas être un récit qui nous fournit du savoir sur le passé ? Les discours sur le (même) réel L'homme est un animal narratif, il apprend par le récit, il tire ses mœurs et valeurs des récits. Puisque, selon Lacan, « l’enfant naît au langage (Lacan) »11 à savoir le langage de l’autre et que l’inconscient est « structuré comme un langage (Lacan) »12 c’est peut être le récit qui est le plus apte à gérer les complexités de la vie. Les récits nous aident à visualiser l'information, à la transformer en connaissances durables gravées dans nos mémoires. C'est le récit qui transforme l'information en savoir. Les récits nous aident à traiter les complexités, à leur donner corps pour qu’on puisse les organiser et les comprendre. Le récit a, de plus, une mémoire plus lointaine que, par exemple, les nouvelles ou les discours contemporains qui écrivent l'histoire du présent. Ainsi la littérature fait peur, parce que ce qu’elle nous enseigne est durable. Les récits nous aident non seulement à acquérir des connaissances, mais à les enregistrer et à s’en souvenir. C'est peut-être encore plus important aujourd'hui, à notre époque de surinformation. Comme les curateurs de presse modernes le font aujourd'hui, ce qui est le plus important est la capacité à raconter une histoire à partir de nouvelles fragmentées abondantes mais souvent sans contenu. Comme l’écrivaine afro-américaine Toni Morrison le dit : « les gens recherchent les récits ... c'est la façon dont ils apprennent des choses. C'est la façon dont les êtres humains organisent leur savoir humain, des contes, des mythes. Rien que des récits13. » L’attachement de Morrison aux récits est en ligne avec le retour au romanesque qui caractérise la fiction écrite par les minorités14. Dans les comptines pour enfants ou les livres sacrés de nos religions, dans la mythologie grecque, la Bible, le Coran, chaque valeur morale ou connaissance que nous apprenons découle du récit. Selon le philosophe-historien Paul Ricœur, nous comprenons le monde et le temps humain grâce à une approche narrative. Le récit est l'interface par laquelle nous comprenons le monde. Que ce soit dans le discours historique ou littéraire, le récit nous aide à « prendre 10

Ibid., 16. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits (Paris : Editions du Seuil, 1966), 319. 12 Ibid., 868. 13 Jay Clayton, "The narrative turn in recent minority fiction," American Literary History (1990): 377. C’est nous qui traduisons. 14 Ibid. 11

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ensemble » les événements du passé et à en faire un objet cohérent 15. Les occurrences historiques sont sélectionnées et organisées temporellement en début, milieu et fin, comme dans un texte littéraire16. Notre compréhension du monde passe par le récit. Néanmoins, Aristote a remarqué qu’il y a bien une différence entre le discours historique et le discours littéraire. Le vraisemblable dans les arts selon lui est ce qui « aurait pu avoir lieu17 ». Parce que la littérature parle de ce qui aurait pu avoir lieu, elle peut parler de thèmes universels 18. Selon Ricœur, l’histoire nous raconte ce qu’on croit « avoir été » tandis que la littérature nous raconte ce « qui était une fois », c’est-à-dire les possibilités historiques 19 . Cependant, ces possibilités s’agissent également de ce qui probablement a eu lieu : la fiction ne peut-elle pas nous dire ce que bon nombre de ceux qui ont disparu n'ont pas vécu pour le dire ? Le texte historique et celui de fiction se rejoignent par la narrativité. Selon Ricœur, chacun de ces textes utilise des conventions similaires afin de pouvoir figurer le temps du passé dans le récit : « le temps devient temps humain dans la mesure où il est articulé sur un mode narratif 20 ». Bien que les deux récits ne partagent pas la même intention21, la plupart des méthodes impliquées dans la tentative historique se retrouvent dans le récit fictif comme nous allons le voir bientôt. Ricœur insiste sur l'« entrecroisement de l'histoire et de la fiction22 », parce que les deux types de discours partagent le processus de configuration et de refiguration du temps passé dans le présent. Sans remettre en cause la factualité des événements historiques en eux-mêmes, Ricœur montre simplement qu'il n’existe pas de représentation innocente, parce que les événements sont toujours « configurés » dans un récit et donc manipulés par la langue et le discours23. Les textes historiques et fictifs sont tous les deux des récits, car c'est le récit qui permet de configurer «un monde temporel», une expérience réelle du temps humain : « le récit est significatif dans la mesure où il dessine les traits de l'expérience temporelle 24 ». C'est alors le récit qui aide à transformer les Temps avec un T majuscule en tenant compte de leur subjectivité humaine. Comme Ricœur, Louis Mink, Paul Veyne et Hayden White ont souligné l'importance de la narrativité dans le travail historique25. Veyne qualifie l'histoire d’un « vrai roman » parce qu'elle partage certaines conventions avec la fiction, à savoir la sélection, l'organisation ainsi que la

15

Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 10-12. Lars Eckstein, Re-Membering the Black Atlantic, On the Poetics and Politics of Literary Memory (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2006), 17-18. 17 Paul Ricoeur,Temps et récit 3: Le temps raconté (Paris: Seuil, 1985), 347. 18 Linda Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism: History, Theory, Fiction (London: Routledge, 1988), 106. 19 Voir Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 329-348. 20 Paul Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1: L'intrigue et le récit historique (Paris: Seuil, 1983), 105. 21 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 52. 22 Ibid., 329. 23 Ibid., 18. 24 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 17. 25 Samia Mehrez, Egyptian writers between history and fiction (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1994), 1. 16

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simulation temporelle, les anecdotes et la mise en intrigue26. Selon Louis Mink, les évènements du passé ne prennent vraiment sens que dans leur rapport à l’ensemble d’interrelations narratives27. De même, le critique marxiste Frédéric Jameson souligne l'importance de la mise en intrigue et de la narrativité dans la compréhension historique, quand il insiste que « l’Histoire n’est accessible qu’à travers les récits 28 . » Hayden White prétend, également, que l'historien donne le sens au passé et arrange les événements dans l'ordre logique. Hayden White met en cause les méthodes positivistes et naïves de l'historiographie passée, ainsi que les valeurs qui assument la transparence empirique29. Il étudie, entre autres, la notion de la mise en intrigue dans le récit historique grâce à laquelle un historien donne un sens aux événements du passé30. Michel de Certeau lui aussi affirme que « toute recherche historiographique s'articule sur un lieu de production socio-économique, politique, et culturel 31 . » Alors, toute recherche est manipulée d'une certaine façon, influencée par le contexte d’où elle se lance dans le présent. Une intrigue, que ce soit dans le roman traditionnel ou le texte historique, est une « représentation totalisante » qui rassemble des événements dispersés en une histoire monolithique et cohérente32. En outre, l’historien ne donne pas à chaque événement le statut de fait, seuls quelques uns sont sélectionnés, répétés dans les discours, et donc embaumés comme tels33. La question nous amène donc directement à la question du pouvoir : à qui sert le choix de la représentation d’un événement dans un discours historique ? Qui est le « nous » qui parle dans les discours historiques ? Quel rôle joue la langue dans la reconstruction du passé ? Ces historiens (et philosophes), Paul Veyne, Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault, Hayden White ainsi que Dominick La Capra, remettent en question les frontières qui traditionnellement séparent les deux modes de représentation de notre passé, à savoir le discours historique et le littéraire34. En outre, ils montrent comment les deux domaines se sont mutuellement influencés35. Selon Ricœur « la fiction est quasi historique, tout autant que l'histoire est quasi fictive36 ». Tout comme les écrits conscients de soi qui font partie de la littérature postmoderne, l’historiographie depuis les années 1960 prend en compte le fait que nos discours sur le passé sont toujours des 26

Voir Paul Veyne, Comment on écrit l'histoire (Paris: Seuil, 1971) Voir Louis O. Mink, "Narrative form as a cognitive instrument," The writing of history: Literary form and historical understanding (1978): 129-149. 28 Frederic Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981), 82. 29 Karyn Ball, Disciplining the Holocaust (SUNY Press, 2008), 3. 30 Linda Hutcheon, The Politics of Postmodernism (London: Routledge, 1989), 67-68. 31 Michel De Certeau, L'écriture de l'Histoire (Paris: Gallimard, 1975), 65. 32 Hutcheon, The Politics of Postmodernism, 68 33 Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism, 122. 34 Mehrez, Egyptian writers, 1. 35 Ibid. 36 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 344-345. 27

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reconstructions et non pas des liens transparents et directs aux évènements de ce passé. Cependant, cela ne signifie pas que les évènements du passé n’ont pas eu lieu, mais cela signifie que notre savoir sur ces évènements est « transmis sémiotiquement (semiotically transmitted)37». Alors que les événements se sont produits, la compréhension, que nous en avons, est le résultat de leur reconstruction et de leur configuration par nos récits collectifs. Tandis que les historiens font ressortir la narrativité et même la littérarité des discours historiques, comme par exemple Hayden White, ils soulignent aussi sur ce qui différencie leur travail de celui des écrivains littéraires, à savoir que les historiens ont en général la certitude que les événements se sont réellement produits dans le passé, tandis que les écrivains littéraires ne se sentent pas limités par cette contrainte. Selon Ricœur, les textes historiques et fictifs différent non pas en ce qui concerne le pacte référentiel qu'ils partagent, dans la perception habituelle. Au contraire, le texte historique et le texte fictif partagent le même pacte référentiel, car tous les deux s'établissent sous la forme du « se figure que38 ». Pour que ce figure que s'actualise, l'acte de lecture entre en jeu, donc « les visées référentielles respectives du récit historique et du récit de fiction39 » s'entrecroisent dans la refiguration du passé à travers l'acte de lecture. La refiguration nous amène dans le domaine de la lecture, dans le troisième type de mimesis3 qui ne peut exister sans les deux premiers40. Pour Ricœur, l'« affinité profonde »41 entre le texte historique et le texte fictif apparaît dans le « rapport circulaire » qui se réalise lors de l'acte de lecture, ou autrement dit, dans la refiguration du temps par le récit : « l'œuvre conjointe du récit historique et du récit de fiction42 ». Cette refiguration du temps qui s'opère tant dans le récit historique que dans le récit fictif « repose sur l'empiètement réciproque et l'échange de places, procédé de ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler le temps humain, où se conjuguent la représentation du passé par l'histoire et les variations imaginatives de la fiction43 ». C'est par la fiction que l'histoire est en mesure de structurer le passé d'une manière qui fait sens, et c'est à travers l'histoire que la fiction s'ancre dans le temps, parce que les deux discours sont lus par le lecteur à travers une lentille narrative. Tout comme l'écrivain du récit historique ou du récit fictif configure le temps par le récit, en ordonnant le monde grâce à l'imagination, le lecteur du texte historique et du texte de fiction le reconfigure à travers sa propre imagination. Il ne les « prend ensemble » que grâce à ce que 37

Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism,122. Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 330-331. 39 Paul Ricoeur, Temps et récit 2. La configuration dans le récit de fiction (Paris: Seuil, 1984), 298. 40 Ricœur décrit trois types de mimesis, à savoir mimésis1 qui désigne la préfiguration de ce texte, c'est-à-dire l'idée de ce qu’un récit est supposé être. Mimesis2 tourne autour de la configuration ou la mise en intrigue par lequel l'écrivain réaffecte les événements du passé dans une séquence logique qui explique les rapports entre eux. Le troisième type, mimesis3, est dédié à la refiguration, qui se réfère à l'acte de lecture grâce auquel le lecteur donne un sens au récit. (Voir Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1)]. 41 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 347. 42 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 169. 43 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 347-348. 38

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Ricœur appelle une « compréhension narrative 44 ». La référentialité est donc réalisée par le lecteur, au point où le « monde du texte » rencontre son complément, à savoir « le monde de vie du lecteur 45 ». Le monde du lecteur est complémentaire au monde du texte, et c'est dans l'entrecroisement de ces deux mondes, « l'espace de confrontation entre le monde du texte et le monde du lecteur46 », que la signification ou la référentialité se produit. Dans cet espace de confrontation, les idéologies, les valeurs et les inclinations subjectives de l'auteur, qui ont abouti à une certaine configuration du temps dans le récit, dialoguent avec leurs homologues dans la vie du lecteur, dont la propre idéologie et les valeurs sauront le conduire à une certaine refiguration du temps du récit et à porter un jugement sur le récit qu'il lit. Le passé, l'histoire, ne sont entendus que par le présent, c'est-à-dire dans l'acte de lecture, ancré dans le contexte épistémologique et historique du lecteur. Le récit historique imagine les événements qui ont effectivement eu lieu, tandis que le récit de fiction historicise les événements qui auraient pu se produire. Ni le texte historique ni le texte de fiction ne porte une vérité référentielle absolue qui s'attache au monde réel ou naturel. Le passé est insaisissable, on peut seulement le prédire ou l'imaginer. Les deux types de texte ne visent pas la référentialité, mais plutôt la capacité de représenter une certaine vérité sur l'homme et une explication de ses actes pour le lecteur. Finalement, c'est le lecteur, à travers la refiguration du texte, qui actualise le texte et établit sa propre vérité référentielle subjective ou compréhension du monde rendue possible par le texte. L'acte de lecture reconfigure le passé dans un récit, il donne un sens aux évènements, car il parachève l'acte de langage : « Suivre une histoire, c'est actualiser en lecture [...] c'est le lecteur, quasiment abandonné par l'œuvre, qui porte seul sur ses épaules le poids de la mise en intrigue47 ». Sans l'acte de lecture, le cercle herméneutique est incomplet, et la signification ou la référentialité devient impossible. Ce qui distingue le texte historique de la fiction, est donc une différence non pas de référentialité mais d’intentionnalité. Le récit historique est régi par une « intentionnalité historique [qui] vise des évènements qui ont effectivement eu lieu 48 ». Cette intentionnalité historique porte au récit historique la « note réaliste » qui selon Ricœur, « n'égalera jamais aucune littéraire, fût-elle à prétention "réaliste" 49 ». L'histoire se réfère à un passé qui « a eu lieu », même s’il est « absent [...] à la perception présente50 ». Le récit de fiction, cependant, est régi par le possible, en présentant les « potentialités non effectuées du passé historique51 ». Tandis que le

44

Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 169. Ricoeur, Temps et récit 2, 298. 46 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 15. 47 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 146. 48 Ibid., p.154. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid. 51 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 347. 45

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récit historique « prend soin du passé effectif », le récit fictif « se charge du possible52 ». Alors que la fiction se libère de « la contrainte extérieure de la preuve documentaire », comme le texte historique, elle est cependant contrainte par le vraisemblable car, « la fiction [e]st [..] Intérieurement liée par le service du quasi-passé53 ». La fiction, quelle soit innovante ou non conventionnelle, est toujours engagée à proposer un passé possible, qui aurait pu avoir lieu. Le rapport entre le texte historique et fictif est caractérisé par une « concrétisation mutuelle », car « l'histoire se sert de quelque façon de la fiction pour refigurer le temps, et d'autre part, la fiction se sert de l'histoire dans le même dessein54 ». Le texte historique et le texte fictif opèrent les « mêmes opérations configurantes55 », grâce auxquelles les événements du passé sont mis en intrigue dans un effort de « prendre ensemble » le récit et intègrent dans une histoire cohérente et totalisante 56 . Comme l’assimilation prédicative 57 , de la métaphore par laquelle l'intrigue sert aussi d'une assimilation qui rend proches les évènements autrement éloignés58. Les récits d'Histoire et de fiction sont donc complémentaires, deux parties intrinsèquement liées et se renforcent mutuellement quand ils essaient d'expliquer les actions humaines. « On peut lire un livre d'histoire comme un roman59 » dont « l'histoire imite dans son écriture les types de mise en intrigues reçus de la tradition littéraire 60 ». En même temps, « en tant que quasi historique la fiction donne au passé cette vivacité d'évocation qui fait d'un grand livre d'histoire un chef-d‘œuvre littéraire61 ». Ni le texte historique, ni la fiction n’ont de liens transparents avec le passé, mais ce sont des reconstructions imaginées de ce passé, tous deux produisant des textes qui expliquent les événements comme si ils avaient eu lieu. Dans le récit historique, les évènements concrets et les civilisations se comportent comme si ils étaient des éventements d'intrigue ou des personnages fictifs, tandis que les personnages et les événements du récit de fiction se comportent comme s’ils étaient des vrais gens et des vrais évènements du passé. Dans ces documents historiques, les évènements historiques, les personnalités historiques, les nations, les rois et les empereurs s'assument des rôles fictifs, servant de ce que Ricœur appelle des quasi-personnages, quasi-intrigues, quasi-évènements qui sont compris par le lecteur à travers la lentille narrative 62 . Les décisions de ces nations et les raisons, pour lesquelles les événements ont eu lieu, sont expliquées comme s'ils regardaient des personnages et des séquences de l'intrigue d'un récit.

52

Ibid., 345. Ibid., 347. 54 Ibid., 331. 55 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 2, 12. 56 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 11-12. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 337. 60 Ibid., 337. 61 Ibid., 345. 62 Voir Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 247-320. 53

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Lire un texte historique est similaire à la lecture d'une fiction, dans le sens que le lecteur comprend le passé en tant qu'événements dans une histoire et le juge comme une intrigue narrative, tragique, héroïque, comique, ironique comme il le fait pour le texte de fiction. C'est le récit qui nous permet de ressentir l'histoire. C'est la fiction ou l'imagination qui nous permet de la comprendre. Tandis que l'histoire présente le passé comme ce qui s’est probablement réellement passé, la fiction présente un passé possible, les « potentialités non effectuées du passé historique63 » ou dit autrement, ce qui « aurait pu avoir lieu64 ». La fiction se rapproche de l'histoire en ce sens qu'elle raconte les évènements comme s’ils s’étaient véritablement passés. Tandis que la « fictionnalisation de l'histoire 65" se reflète dans les quasi-intrique, quasipersonnage, et quasi-évènement du récit historique, « l'historicisation de la fiction66 » s'effectue à travers ce que Ricœur désigne comme le quasi-historique (« le récit de fiction est quasi-historique dans la mesure où les événements irréels qu'il rapporte sont des faits passés pour la voix narrative qui s'adresse au lecteur : c'est ainsi qu'ils ressemblent à des événements passés et que la fiction ressemble à l'histoire67 ») et le quasi-passé (« le quasi-passé de la fiction devient ainsi le détecteur des possibles enfouis dans le passé effectif 68 »). Ricœur fait référence à la formulation bien connue qui ouvre souvent le récit fictif, « Il était une fois », qui est exemplaire de la façon dont est assumée la perspective « comme si cela s’était passé » vis-à-vis des personnages et des événements des romans. Le « comme si passée » permet au texte fictif de maintenir sa dimension historique, car l'univers fictif du roman se comprend dans le temps historique. L'histoire ne vise pas simplement à être « une liste de faits sans liens entre eux », mais à « établir des connexions entre les faits » 69 . Afin d'établir ces connexions, l'historien doit recomposer le temps, en configurant les traces du passé dans une narration qui remplit les lacunes avec des «connexions» fictionnelles. L'historien ne s'interdit pas alors de ‘dépeindre’ une situation, de ‘rendre’ un cours de pensée, et de donner à celui-ci la ‘vivacité’ d’un discours intérieur" [...] Nous sommes entrés dans l'aire de l'illusion qui, au sens précis du terme, confond le "voircomme" avec un « croire-voir ». Ici, le « tenir-pour-vrai » qui définit la croyance, succombe à l'hallucination de présence70.

En décrivant les événements du passé, l'historien doit inévitablement les expliquer, car Ricœur nous dit « décrire et expliquer ne se distinguent pas [..] Expliquer pourquoi quelque chose est 63

Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 347. Ibid., 347. 65 Ibid., 331-342. 66 Ibid., 342. 67 Ibid., 345. 68 Ibid., 347. 69 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 264. 70 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 338. 64

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arrivé et décrire ce qui est arrivé coïncident 71 ». En lisant les « archives », nous devons reconnaitre la médiation de l'historien dans la construction de l'histoire. La prétention scientifique du travail historique suggère que l'historien s'approche davantage de la position d'un juge que de celle d’un scientifique parce que son travail implique toujours la description, donc l'explication et le jugement : « l'historien est dans la situation du juge : il est mis dans une situation réelle ou potentielle de contestation et tente de prouver que telle explication vaut mieux que telle autre72 ». Pour Ricœur la question de la subjectivité et de l'objectivité du texte historique n'est pas pertinente. Un historien objectif, cela n'existe pas, par le simple fait que l'historien relit le passé à travers le prisme du présent, comme « [le passé] ne peut être atteint que dans le présent73 ». Ce décalage temporel et rétrospectif, avec « le passé vécu par les hommes d’autrefois » éloigné de l'« historien aujourd’hui »74, fait de chaque texte historique une œuvre de fiction. Pour Ricœur, les archives historiques, le passé, restent dans ce qu'il appelle les traces, les témoignages, les documents, les comptes-rendus d'individus spécifiques, les fossiles discursifs du passé qui sont excavés, configurés et reconfigurés par l'historien : « en histoire les évènements tirent leur statut proprement historique d'avoir été initialement inclus dans une chronique officielle, un témoignage oculaire, ou un récit basé sur des souvenirs personnels75 ». Ces traces – des archives dites « officielles » - ont été initialement écris par un individu, d'un point de vue subjectif, rendant ainsi la question de l'objectivité entièrement inappropriée. L'historien n'est jamais en mesure de « ré-actualiser » le passé, il peut seulement arriver à une « réeffectuation du passé dans le présent76. » Il le fait à travers l’imagination, intermédiaire de la fiction. L'histoire n'est pas porteuse d'une vérité absolue et totale, mais d'une réeffectuation d'un passé faite à partir des traces, les traces qui deviennent documents pour l'historien. C'est grâce à ces traces que l'historien cherche à réeffectuer le passé, en les reconfigurant dans un récit qui fait sens et fait « prendre ensemble ». Parce que l'histoire est établie sur les « traces » du passé vu à travers le présent, toutes les œuvres de l'histoire sont essentiellement fictives : « la trace que culmine le caractère imaginaire des connecteurs qui marquent l'instauration du temps historique77 ». Par conséquent, les sources d’« archives » disponibles pour l'historien sont intrinsèquement biaisées, mettant en cause toute objectivité ou le « statut documentaire78 » du document historique.

71

Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 264. Ibid., 311. 73 Ibid., 154. 74 Henri-Irénée Marrou, De la connaissance historique (Paris: Seuil, 1954, rééd., "Points Histoire", 1975), p.35. 75 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 1, 202. 76 Ricoeur, Temps et récit 3, 256. 77 Ibid., 335. 78 Ibid., 401. 72

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Métafiction historiographique (Historiographic metafiction) L’historien sélectionne, organise et met en intrigue les évènements afin de raconter une certaine réalité. Par conséquent, l’écrit Hayden White, « [t]oute représentation du passé a des implications idéologiques précises79». L’objectif pour l’historien contemporain ne serait donc pas de déterminer si un tel évènement est vrai ou faux, mais plutôt de se concentrer sur la manière dont les différentes cultures donnent un sens à ces événements, afin de donner crédit à certaines perspectives actuelles ou futures80. Linda Hutcheon remarque que le tournant narratif dans l'historiographie a déplacé l’attention sur les événements vers le sens que ces événements produisent sur des personnes différentes81. Il s’agit donc du passage de la validation à la signification82. En conséquence, notre point de vue sur l'historiographie est devenu pluraliste et trouble, car il se compose de plusieurs versions ou constructions sur le même passé, chaque version étant faite par un groupe diffèrent dans un contexte aussi diffèrent83. Au lieu de se concentrer sur les évènements, on se concentre sur la façon dont on lit ou comprend ces évènements. En montrant la façon dont nous représentons la réalité, le texte invite à méditer sur le comment et le pourquoi de notre représentation de la réalité. Comme Hutcheon l’écrit dans sa A Poetics of Postmodernism, « la leçon de l'art postmoderne est que nous ne devons pas limiter nos investigations à quelques lecteurs et textes, le processus de production, non plus, ne peut être ignoré84. » En se concentrant sur la façon d'écrire, la métafiction historiographique par définition met l'accent sur « la situation énonciative » dans laquelle le texte, le producteur, le récepteur, le contexte historique et social tous « travaillent ensemble » pour délivrer et actualiser le sens85. La signification devient un projet commun quoique problématique86. Au lieu de se concentrer sur le quoi, cette méditation réflexive produit une sorte de métaconnaissance durable, car elle montre les idéologies et les valeurs qui manipulent nos façons de penser, nos méthodologies inhérentes à tout type de discours, que ce soit le traditionnel du roman ou le discours historique. La métafiction historiographique est le terme qu’Hutcheon utilise pour faire référence à « ces romans bien connus et populaires qui sont à la fois intensément autoréflexifs et, paradoxalement, prétendent décrire des événements historiques et des personnages 87 ». La 79

Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1978, p.69. C’est nous qui traduisons. 80 Hayden White, "Historical pluralism," Critical Inquiry (1986): 487. C’est nous qui traduisons. 81 Voir Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism, 87-101. 82 Ibid., 96. 83 Ibid., 96. 84 Ibid., 80. C’est nous qui traduisons. 85 Ibid., 80-81, 115. 86 Ibid., 115. 87 Ibid., 5. C’est nous qui traduisons.

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métafiction historiographique, qu’Hutcheon nomme également « le passe-temps du temps passé 88 », emprunte, comme son nom l'indique, à la fois au tournant historiographique dans l’écriture de l’histoire et au tournant métafictionnel ou référentiel dans l’écriture littéraire. Ce tournant référentiel dans les deux disciplines reflète la prise de conscience de spécialistes dans ces deux domaines, que : Le passé est déjà sémiotique ou codé. Il est déjà inscrit dans le discours et donc toujours interprété à priori(ne serait-ce que par le choix de ce qui est enregistré et son insertion dans une narration). […] La signification et la forme ne sont pas dans les événements, mais dans les systèmes qui rendent ces «événements» passés devant le présent historique » des faits. […] Si les événements ne se produisent pas dans le passé réel empirique, nous nommons et définissons ces événements comme des faits historiques par la sélection et le positionnement du récit. Plus fondamentalement, nous ne connaissons que les événements passés à travers leur inscription discursive, à travers leurs traces dans le présent89.

La malléabilité du passé lu à travers le prisme du présent, est encore facilitée parce que nous y accédons sous la forme d'archives fragmentées, d’artefacts, ce que Ricœur appelle les traces du passé. Ces traces, ces documents, archives et discours, sont les seuls liens avec notre passé. Pour affirmer ce point de vue, les textes postmodernes – dont les métafictions historiographiques font parties - insèrent souvent des discours historiques au sein de leurs textes littéraires. Selon Hutcheon, l’insertion de ces discours est destinée à interrompre l’illusion du vraisemblable et à les réintroduire sous le signe de la fiction90. Quand on travaille sur l’histoire du présent ou l’histoire immédiate, il convient de démythifier ces mythes du temps présent, à savoir l’« imaginaire social puissamment relayé par les médias », qui ont « au moins autant de prégnance que les mythes des sociétés archaïques91 ». Notre passé et notre histoire, ne sont donc ni réels ni tangibles ni fixes, mais mis à notre disposition par le discours. Ces discours ne sont ni objectifs ni absolus, mais incomplets, construits à partir de fragments. Réunies par la narrativité, il n'est pas surprenant que l'histoire et la fiction aient de nouveau donné naissance à un enfant ensemble, comme c’était le cas avant avec le roman historique. La métafiction historiographique, homologue autoréférentiel du roman historique, met en cause toutes les idées reçues que ses ancêtres réalistes ont pris pour acquis, telles que la transparence du langage, le représentationnalisme et la mimesis, le sujet unitaire et l'accès sans intermédiaire aux référents historiques du passé92. À la fin cette métafiction historiographique vise à montrer, que, en même temps que la fiction est « conditionnée par l'histoire », l'histoire est « discursivement structurée »93. Tandis que le roman historique a pris certaines choses pour acquis, la métafiction historiographique est sceptique du passé, qui n’est disponible pour nous que par les textes, les 88

Ibid., 105. Ibid., 96-97. C’est nous qui traduisons. 90 Hutcheon, The Politics of Postmodernism, 88. 91 François Bedarida, Histoire, critique et responsabilité (Editions Complexe, 2003), 235. 92 Brian Michale, "Postmodernism, or the Anxiety of Master Narratives", Diacritics, Vol. 22, No. 1, 19-20. 93 Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism, 120. 89

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discours et le langage. S’appuyant sur le tournant réflexif dans les deux domaines épistémologiques ou discursifs qui constituent notre savoir sur le passé, à savoir l’Histoire et la littérature, domaines sur lesquels le roman historique repose, la métafiction historiographique décrit le genre postmoderne et réflexif du roman historique. Ce genre montre bien le rapport intrinsèque entre le discours historique et le discours littéraires. Il montre aussi que notre accès au passé n’est jamais direct, qu’on doit passer toujours par l’intermédiaire narratif. **** A côté de la littérature, l'histoire est l’autre domaine pertinent à partir duquel nous tirons notre connaissance du passé. Tandis que l'histoire est totalisante, effaçant souvent la version qui n’entre pas dans son récit universel, la littérature est essentiellement démocratique permettant aux autres de prendre la plume pour raconter leur version de la réalité. Pour ceux qui ont été systématiquement réduits au silence, rendus anonymes ou exotiques, la littérature offre une large plateforme à la contreviolence pour renverser les représentations malheureuses du discours dominant. La décentralisation de la langue et les systèmes de pensée de la société moderne ont déplacé l'attention vers les marges, c’est-à-dire les gens dont la position est excentrique à la culture dominante94. Ces écrivains de littérature, tout en innovant et étant parfois en marge de la culture dominante, ont néanmoins fait entrer leurs canons littéraires respectifs. Ils ont aussi utilisé la littérature pour revisiter et re-imaginer le passé.

94

Ibid., 57-73.

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Références -Ball, Karyn. Disciplining the Holocaust. SUNY Press, 2008. -Barthelme, Donald. Not-Knowing: the essays and interviews. Berkeley: Counterpoint, 1997. -Barthes, Roland. Leçon. Paris: Seuil, 1978. -Bedarida, François. Histoire, critique et responsabilité. Bruxelles: Editions Complexe, 2003. -Clayton, Jay. "The narrative turn in recent minority fiction." American Literary History (1990): 375-393. -De Certeau, Michel. L'écriture de l'Histoire. Paris: Gallimard, 1975. -Eckstein, Lars. Re-Membering the Black Atlantic, On the Poetics and Politics of Literary Memory. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2006. -Hutcheon, Linda. A Poetics of Postmodernism: History, Theory, Fiction. London: Routledge, 1988. -Hutcheon, Linda. The Politics of Postmodernism. London: Routledge, 1989. -Jameson, Frederic. The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981. -Kundera, Milan. L’art du roman. Paris: Gallimard, 1986. -Kundera, Milan. Le rideau. Paris: Gallimard, 2005. -Lacan, Jacques. Ecrits, Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1966. -Marrou, Henri-Irénée, De la connaissance historique, Paris: Seuil, 1954, rééd., "Points Histoire", 1975. -Mehrez, Samia. Egyptian writers between history and fiction. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1994. -Michale, Brian. "Postmodernism, or the Anxiety of Master Narratives", Diacritics Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring 1992): 17-33. -Mink, Louis O. "Narrative form as a cognitive instrument." The writing of history: Literary form and historical understanding (1978): 129-49. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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-Ricoeur, Paul. Temps et récit 1: L'intrigue et le récit historique. Paris: Seuil, 1983. -Ricoeur, Paul. Temps et récit 2. La configuration dans le récit de fiction. Paris: Seuil, 1984. -Ricoeur, Paul. Temps et récit 3: Le temps raconté. Paris: Seuil, 1985. -Veyne, Paul. Comment on écrit l'histoire. Paris: Seuil, 1971. -White, Hayden. "Historical pluralism." Critical Inquiry (1986): 480-493. -White, Hayden. Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1978. -Wood, Michael. Literature and the Taste of Knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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L’idée de Dieu chez Ahmadou Kourouma et Calyxthe Beyala: une étude comparée

Ndongo Kamdem Alphonse University of Uyo, Nigeria

Abstract As a communicator, the writer must abstain from a sort of euphoric writing that lays emphasis on the obscene, without derision, and this, at the expense of the spiritual life. Man is made of spirit and flesh, obviously. One cannot satisfy the body while ‘killing’ the spirit, nor the spirit at the expense of the body. Happiness derives from the perfect balance between the physique and the spirit, and far from being a bet, it is the duty of humans to work to attain this equilibrium, both from Christian and Islamic perspectives. This article examines not only the semantic implications of the titles of Kourouma’s and Beyala’s Allah n’est pas obligé and Seul le diable le savait, but also how the ‘neglect’ of God (that starts with the titles), ‘flown at half-mast’, automatically leads man to ‘shirk’ and carpe diem, without morality and without hope. Keywords: body, spirit, semantic implications, shirk, carpe diem

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Résumé En tant que communicateur, l’écrivain doit se garder de verser dans une sorte de jubilation de la parole qui mette en relief l’obsène, sans dérision, et ce, au mépris de l’esprit. L’homme est un être psycho-somatique, cela va de soi. On ne peut pas satisfaire le corps en “tuant” l’esprit, ou l’esprit en “tuant” le corps. Le Bonheur de l’homme vient sans doute de l’équilibre entre les deux: le corps et l’esprit. Et loin d’être un pari, il est du devoir de l’homme de travailler à atteindre le bonheur, tant dans l’optique biblique que dans l’optique quranique. Cet article se propose d’examiner non seulement les implications sémantiques des titres Allah n’est pas obligé et Seul le diable le savait de Kourouma et de Beyala, mais aussi comment la mise en berne de Dieu (qui commence à partir des titres) conduit automatiquement l’homme au ‘shirk’ et au ‘carpe diem’ sans morale et sans lendemain. Mots clés: corps, esprit, implications sémantiques, shirk, carpe diem

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Introduction En torunant le dos au mythe, la littérature (ici, la prose essentiellement) n’a pas seulement abandonné sa quête verticale avec ses grandes questions existentielles ( Qui sommes-nous? D’où venons-nous? Où allons-nous? Comment les choses en sont-elles arrivées à être telles qu’elles sont? Qui est le maître de notre destin? etc.), elle a surtout pris une nouvelle forme, le roman, avec ses préoccupations horizontales et ses tentatives de reconceptualisation de l’existence. La littérature serait ainsi passée de la quête du sacré (Dieu) à la quête du profane; de la quête du méta-physique à la quête du physique, une dégradation qui va (sur le plan littéraire) du mythe au roman (Strauss 106). Dans cette quête effrénée d’un bien-être ou d’une alternative sans Dieu, l’homme, désormais “nu et seul sur sa planète voyageuse”1, se crée un nouveau paradigme existentiel où il s’érige comme maître de son destin. Du même coup, il repense Dieu et le “ramène de la transcendence à l’immanence, aux dimensions mêmes de l’humanité connaissant des limites au lieu d’être omnipotent, omniscient, omniprésent”( Aroga 206). On sait ce qu’en a dit Camus: au silence de Dieu il faut opposer un silence méprisant. “Que m’importe l’éternité?” (30), se demande-t-il. Chez Sartre, l’homme est un être de situation, et il négocie son destin à chaque instant, car “l’existence précède l’essence”, l’homme sans Dieu étant devenu un surhomme. L’idée de Dieu chez Kourouma et Beyala n’est pas loin de ces visions camusienne et sartrienne du monde, avec des oeuvres qui attribuent à Dieu des caractères humains avec tout ce que cela comporte d’errements et de faiblesses. Les titres Allah n’est pas obligé de Kourouma et Seul le diable le savait de Beyala, à eux seuls, “fonctionnent comme des condensés de programmes narratifs, anticipant et laissant préfigurer” (Hamon 150) l’idee de Dieu chez ces deux auteurs. Ces titres sont-ils des choix conscients, ou des labels placés à la hâte? Quelles en sont les implications sémantiques et leur portée, eu égard à (l’idée de) Dieu et sa place dans l’économie de ces deux textes? Cet article se propose d’examiner trois éléments essentiels: les implications sémantiques des titres des deux ouvrages sus-cités, le ‘shirk’ et le ‘carpe diem’ comme conséquences de la mise en berne de Dieu. Implications sémantiques des titres On sait que Calyxthe Beyala, après avoir publié son roman sous le titre initial (Seul le diable le savait) a, par la suite, changé ce titre pour proposer La négresse rousse. Pourquoi? Seul Dieu le sait, car le contenu des deux éditions est le même. Seul: qui se trouve être sans compagnie. Qui a peu de relations avec d’autres personnes. Solitaire. Unique. Sans aide. Autonome. Sans rien d’autre que ce qui est mentionné. Exclusivement, rien que, simplement, uniquement. Esseulé, solo2. On est seul, soit par privilège, soit par abandon. Le titre de ce roman de Beyala implique que le diable est doté d’un savoir exclusif, un savoir ou une connaissance qu’il ne partage avec personne, puisqu’il est seul à le/la posséder. L’adjectif ‘seul’ exprime donc un privilège. Dieu est d’emblée écarté de ce champs de connaissance où seul est instalé le diable, bien que l’un soit le créateur de l’autre. Dans ce nouveau paradigme où la créature en sait plus que le créateur, Dieu ne peut être considéré que comme un être marginal, un outsider relégué à la périphérie et dans son “ignorance”. Car si seul le diable le savait, cela implique que Dieu http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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ne le savait pas, qu’il l’ignorait, qu’il est déchu de son piédestale d’omniscience au profit du diable qui, lui, ‘savait’ seul. Ce déplacement de paradigme ne va pas sans conséquence sur la vie de l’homme qui, désormais, voue son culte au diable plutôt qu’à Dieu. C’est du reste le (nouveau) rapport paradigmatique qui existe entre l’homme et le diable dans ce roman de Beyala: il est son (nouveau) maître. Un personnage de ce roman proclame dailleurs être le diable [ “Mais je suis le diable” (96)], et fait étalage de ses pouvoirs magiques à la grande surprise d’une foule qui le redoute ou le craint selon les penchants des uns et des autres. Dans cette optique beyalienne, l’homme est désormais dans un monde sans Dieu, affichant à l’égard de son créateur une “attitude désinvolte…, ce qui est une façon de l’exclure de nos affaires, en somme de le nier” (Towa 152). Selon le narrateur, les habitants de Wuel, dans Seul le diable le savait, implorent “en vain un ciel qui n’offrait plus rien” (13). Il ne leur reste plus qu’une terre “dont la splendeur et la lumière …parlent sans relâche d’un Dieu qui n’existe pas”(Camus 56). La chambre de l’Etranger (le personnage qui proclame être le diable) est du reste décorée d’”icones représentant le diable, avec sa longue queue, ses cornes”(97), preuvue, s’il en est, qu’au centre de la vie de l’homme, à Wuel, se trouve non pas Dieu, mais le diable, seul. Un personnage tient d’ailleurs le diable responsable des imperfections naturelles de la femme: Le diable seul sait pourquoi la femme a été créée avec de tells défaults

(136).

Poussant l’audace plus loin, le narrateur soutient que Dieu, ou l’idée de Dieu, n’est qu’un vœu pieux entretenu par les esprits rusés pour adoucir les mœurs: L’existence d’un Dieu (entre nous hypothétique), n’est qu’un instrument pour rassurer les esprits faibles (144). Seul le diable le savait. Le diable savait seul ce que Dieu (dont l’existence est hypothétique selon le narrateur de ce roman de Beyala) ne savait pas. Dieu ignorait (donc) ce que le diable savait (seul). Par conséquent le diable en sait plus que Dieu, et a supplanté Dieu dans l’arène de l’omniscience. Aussi le diable occupe-t-il, tout au moins dans la vision de Beyala, la place de Dieu, au point de savoir (seul) pourquoi la femme a été créée (et par qui?) avec tant de défaults. Telles sont, pour moi, les implications sémantiques du titre Seul le diable le savait. Par ce titre, Beyala attribue “des droits et des qualités du créateur à une créature”(Moujahid 15). Et si l’homme, par essence subordonné à Dieu, s’arroge la liberté et le droit de ‘dépouiller’ Dieu, son créateur, de ses attributs et de les attributer à une créature (le diable qui, par ce fait, s’en trouve sublimé), qu’a-t-on d’autre à attendre de Dieu sinon l’abandon? Allah peut-il (toujours) être obligé après un tel geste de lèse-majesté de la part de l’homme? Obliger: contraindre ou lier quelqu’un par une obligation. Mettre quelqu’un dans la nécessité de faire quelque chose. Astreindre, forcer. Obligé: qui resulte d’une obligation ou d’une nécessité; indispensable, obligatoire. Obligation: ce qui contraint une personne à donner, à faire quelque chose. Lien moral qui assujettit l’individu à une loi religieuse, morale ou sociale. Devoir. Allah peut-il être obligé?

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La voix passive, engagée traditionnellement par l’auxiliaire copulative ‘être’ et le participe passé du verbe en procès, implique, dans la terminologie d’A. G. Greimas, au moins deux “actants”: un agent et un patient; celui qui agit et celui qui subit l’action. Dans tous les cas de figure, l’agent (le complément d’agent) est toujours en position de force, de décideur, de dominateur. L’action dépend de lui et il impose sa loi au patient. C’est lui le magister dans la chaîne paradigmatique. Sur le schéma actantiel proposé par Greimas, l’agent occuperait la position de destinateur, et le patient, celle de destinataire. Dans le titre Allah n’est pas obligé, c’est Allah (Dieu en Arabe) qui est le destinataire, le receveur, le patient. Même si Allah n’est pas obligé, il occupe tout de même, dans cette construction, la position de patient; celle de l’agent étant réservée à une entité qui n’est pas nommée. Allah n’est pas obligé: par les hommes ou par l’homme? L’homme semble être l’agent implicite dans ce titre de Kourouma; il y a donc changement de paradigme, l’homme agissant et Allah subissant; Allah reculant devant ses responsabilités et laissant l’homme se débrouiller comme il peut pour être ‘heureux’. Allah n’est pas obligé: cela veut dire qu’il peut manquer à sa promesse, se jouer de l’homme, se détourner de lui sans raison, changer d’idée. Birahima nous dit d’un ton ironique, dans le dernier roman (inachevé) de Kourouma (Quand on refuse on dit non), qu’”Allah en Côte-d’Ivoire a cessé d’aimer ceux qui sont obséquieux envers lui” (31). Or, une appréciation quranique du titre et du texte de Kourouma nous révèle plutôt le contraire: Allah s’est prescript à lui-même l’obligation de récompenser équitablement tant les croyants que les mécreants, chacun selon ses œuvres: Respectez mon alliance et je respecterai la vôtre (2:40). Allah tient toujours à sa promesse (2:80). J’exauce l’appel de celui qui m’invo-que. Qu’ils répondent à mon appel et qu’ils croient en moi (2:186). Chacun recevra le prix de ses actes, sans que personne ne soit lésé (2:281).

Autrement dit, il existe entre Dieu et l’homme un contrat de confiance: si l’homme répond à l’appel de Dieu et se soumet à Lui, il recevra le prix de sa soumission. Par contre, s’il se rebelle et “sème le désordre sur terre, ceux-là sont les vrais perdants” (2:27). “Allah n’entend pas léser les hommes” (3:108). A chacun les fruits de ce qu’il aura semé. Fanta, la compagne de voyage de Birahima dans Quand on refuse on dit non rétorque du reste au jeune garçon que “…l’omniprésent au ciel, Allah, n’agit jamais sans raison” (38). Allah peut-il donc être obligé? Et par qui? Y a-t-il une force qui puisse se placer au-dessus de Lui et ‘l’obliger’, le contraindre? Le Quran soutient qu’il s’est prescript à lui-même l’obligation d’être juste envers les croyants aussi bien qu’envers les mécreants. Dans cette perspective quranique, le rapport paradigmatique n’est pas inversé, la pronominalisation du verbe prescrire (“Allah s’est prescript…” (6:12) faisant de l’agent le patient, et aucune force n’est placée au-dessus de Dieu. Si “Allah n’est obligé d’être juste dans toutes ses choses ici-bas” comme le soutient Birahima (223), cela veut dire qu’il peut décider d’être injuste envers l’homme; qu’il peut décider d’être indifférent à son sort, par mépris ou cynisme. Or, ses attributs le présentent, entre autres, comme le Tout-Miséricordieux, le Grand Pardonneur, l’Indulgent, l’Accueillant au repentir, le Généreux par excellence, Celui qui donne sans compter, le Grand bienfaiteur, le Charitable, le Bienveillant, le Juge (selon le Quran). Peut-on associer l’idée d’injustice à un http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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être doté de tous ces attributs, un être qui “assure la victoire de la cause juste et la défaite de l’injustice” (Quran 8:8)? Allah dit dans le Quran: Chacun sera rétribué selon le degré de son action, et ton Seigneur n’est pas inattentif à ce que les hommes font (6:132). Les pesées se feront en toute équité (7:8). Allah n’est pas injuste envers ses sujets (8:51). Nous n’avons jamais sanctionné injustement (26:209). Chacun recevra le prix exact de son œuvre (39:70). Tout Malheur qui vous arrive est la conséquence de vos propres erreurs (42:30).

Or, Birahima commence le récit de ses aventures au Liberia et en Sierra Leone par un mea culpa: J’ai tué beaucoup de gens avec kalachnikov…et me suis bien camé avec Kanif et les autres drogues dures (11)…moi j’ai tué beaucoup d’inno-cents (12).

Certes, le récit ne dit rien sur le sort réservé à Birahima. Il est un enfant de ‘dix ou douze ans’ (10), et il a fait la guerre au Liberia et en Sierra Leone comme enfant malgré lui. L’âge peut donc jouer en sa faveur dans le décompte des péchés. Mais que dire de Yacouba, son oncle et guide, féticheur à temps plein, et de tous les autres acteurs de la guerre qui tirent profit du chaos qu’ils entretiennent? Allah est-il obligé? De surcroit lorsqu’on trempe dans toutes sortes de péchés, y compris celui de lui associer des partenaires? Shirk et blasphème Littéralement, le mot shirk en Arabe signifie associer un partenaire à Dieu, c’est-à-dire la déification ou l’adoration de toute autre entité en dehors de l’unique Dieu. Ce qui est un crime impardonnable tant chez les Chrétiens que chez les Musulmans. Dieu dit dans Exode 20:3: “Tu n’auras point d’autres dieux devant ma face”. L’évangile de Matthew (2:31-32) va plus loin dans cette injunction: Toute espèce de péché et de blasphème sera pardonnée aux hommes, mais le blasphème contre l’Esprit ne sera pas remis. Et quiconque aura dit une parole contre le Fils de l’homme, cela lui sera remis, mais quiconque aura parlé contre l’Esprit Saint, celui-là ne lui sera remis ni en cet âge, ni en l’autre.

Nous retenons par ailleurs que personne ne peut servir deux maîtres à la fois: “Vous ne pouvez servir Dieu et Mammon” (Matth. 6:24). La position du Quran est autant claire sur ce sujet: Allah peut pardonner à qui Il veut tout autre péché sauf l’idolatrie ou l’association (à Lui d’un partenaire). “Nassociez …pas à Allah de faux dieux alors que vous êtes bien informés” (2:22). Dès le début du récit dans Allah n’est pas obligé, un personnage étrange nous est introduit, Balla le sorcier. “Il avait le cou, les bras, les cheveux et les poches tout plein de grigris”(16). Or, qu’est-ce qu’un grigri, sinon une amulette ou un talisman contre les mauvais sorts? Ce qui est de l’idolatrie, un péché majeur en Islam. Tout pouvoir est entre les mains de Dieu et le fidèle n’a besoin que de prières et de supplications pour bénéficier de la protection divine. Le féticheur propose à l’homme des grigris qui sont supposés le protéger, attribuant http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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ainsi à des objets ( eux-mêmes inconscients, selon le Quran) des pouvoirs que seul Allah détient. Par ailleurs, à aucun moment le sorcier Blla n’est tourné en dérision, dans ce récit. Au contraire, il est sublimé par sa communauté qui le craint, et c’est un tel individu que la famille de Birahima, musulmane, sollicite pour désenvouter sa mère malade (16-20). Après tous les sacrifices que sa science de féticheur lui indique, Balla le sorcier ne peut venir à bout du mal dont souffre la mère de Birahima. Celui-ci attribue cet échèc à l’indifférence d’Allah et des mânes des ancêtres. Ce qui, en Islam, est le comble du shirk: Les sacrifices, c’est pas forcé que toujours Allah et les mânes des ancêtres les acceptent. Allah fait ce qu’il veut; il n’est pas obligé… les mânes font ce qu’ils veulent; ils ne sont pas obligés…(21)…Le Tout-Puissant du ciel s’en fout, il fait ce qu’il veut…(31)

Ce partage de pouvoir entre Allah et les mânes des ancêtres est, dans l’optique islamique, un péché impardonnable. “Adorez Allah sans rien Lui associer”(4:36), soutient le Quran. “Allah ne pardonne jamais qu’on lui associe de fausses divinités” (4:116). Le deuxième personnage de ce texte, illustre dans l’art de la déception, est Yacouba, le guide de Birahima. Il prend la décision de quitter le calme de la Côte-d’Ivoire pour risquer sa vie dans des zones ravagées par la guerre pour un seul mobile: l’argent. Et il compte l’obtenir par des moyens peu recommandables: il est faux-monnayeur et vendeur de fétiches (42-43). Yacouba sera le bienvenu dans ce genre de bordel où les gens ont besoin de grigris pour se bercer d’illusions au front de guerre. Il faut se rappeler que Yacouba est un musulman, “multiplicateur de billets et aussi devin et marabout fabricant d’amulettes”(38), une alliance des contraires qui font de lui un mécréant en Islam. L’appat du gain facile est donc le mobile de son départ pour le Liberia, au grand dam de sa foi musulmane:

Tiecoura (Yacouba) était pressé de partir parce que partout tout le monde disait qu’au Liberia là-bas, avec la guerre, les marabouts multiplicateurs de billets ou devins guerisseurs ou fabricants d’amulettes gagnaient plein de dollars américains (38).

Chemin faisant, Tiecoura fait comprendre au jeune Birahima que leur voyage est parsemé de mauvais présages des chouettes et autres oiseaux de mauvais augure, mais qu’avec ses prières et ses incantations de sorcier, ils avaient la protection d’Allah, mais aussi de l’âme de la défunte mère de Birahima (44-6). A chaque mauvais présage,” Tiecoura a crié beaucoup de nombreux bissimilahi et a prié longtemps et longtemps avec des sourates et beaucoup de prières de féticheur cafre” (47). ‘Cafre’ vient de l’Arabe ‘Kufar’, qui signifie mécréant. Tiecoura est (-il) donc à la fois croyant et mécréant (?). Au, Liberia et en Sierra Leone, Tiecoura se fait recruter par différents chefs de guerre. D’abord Papa le bon qui “fut très heureux de rencontrer Yacouba, très heureux d’avoir un grigriman, un bon grigriman musulman” (74). Puis , après la mort de Papa le bon, Yacouba, malgré l’inefficacité avérée de ses fétiches (95), se fait recruter par un autre chef de guerre qui “avait déjà un grigriman féticheur. Mais c’était pas un grigriman musulman” (106). Or, le credo islamique proclame l’unicité d’Allah qui seul détient tout pouvoir de protection et de rétribution. De là à avoir recours aux grigris comme alternative et source possible de http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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protection, c’est proclamer une chose et son contraire. C’est se fonder “kafir (unbeliever), mushrik (one who associate others with God…or dahriyah (an atheist) (Ahmad 56) [kafir (mécréant), mushrik (celui qui associe des partenaires à Dieu))…ou dahriyah (un athée)-Notre traduction]. Chez Calyxthe Beyala, le shirk est étoffé de propos blasphématoires. Outre le fait de substituer le diable à Dieu, au point de prendre l’un pour l’autre, Beyala se donne parfois la liberté d’interroger l’omniscience et l’omnipotence de Dieu. “L’attitude qu’affiche l’auteure à travers son procès blasphématoire du divin et du sacro-saint oscille entre désinvolture et irreligiosité, libertinage et athéisme, enfin, scepticisme et amoralisme” (Asaah 159). Déjà dans son premier roman, C’est le soleil qui m’a brulée, le narrateur se demande si “La vie ne serait (-elle) qu’un tableau peint par un fou”, ajoutant qu’il “y a trop de désordre dans son art” avant de conclure que “Dieu est vieux et probablement sourd…Dieu a raté sa vie pour avoir créé de telles imbécilités” (37-38). Dans Tu t’appelleras Tanga, Beyala “portraiture le Créateur tel un Dieu oublieux et imparfait, proche en cela des êtres humains” (Asaah 165). Dans La petite fille du reverbère, la protagoniste-narratrice affirme que Dieu a choisi l’Afrique pour pleurer ses échècs. Selon elle, en Afrique, “Dieu et le diable se confondaient” (57). Un personnage, Tapoussière, déclare dans ce même texte:

Toi, Dieu puissant et inconnu, reste où tu es! Les choses du plus tes affaires, puisque tu es injuste (93).

monde ne sont

Et pour promouvoir l’émergence de la femme (pour ne pas dire du sexe, chez Beyala), Irène Fofo déclare dans Femme nue femme noire que “…le sexe est plus doux que l’amour de Dieu” (42). C’est d’ailleurs de sexe qu’il est essentiellement question dans Seul le diable le savait: deux hommes sont esclaves sexuels d’une femme (Dame maman) qui se joue d’eux à sa guise, et devant eux. Megri, qui se morfond dans ses douleurs, parce qu’elle ne peut posséder (le sexe de) l’Etranger qui n’a de regard que pour d’autres femmes, même mariées. La Prêtresse goitrée (62) et l’Etranger (230-1) qui envoȗtent la foule et engage, à tour de rôle, tout un village dans des orgies sexuelles, puis Laetitia et ses deux amants: le sexe constitue dans ce texte, comme dans la plupart des textes de Beyala, un élément hautement dramatique, un projet ou un mobile narratif de premier ordre. Cette promotion de la femme (ou de son sexe) se fait incontestablement aux dépens de (l’image de) Dieu qui se trouve, chez Beyala, comme chez Kourouma, associé systématiquement “à l’erreur, à l’échèc et au silence” (Asaah 165). Dans Seul le diable le savait, on sort les dieux des cachettes, à l’occasion (87). Aux côtés des autres dieux, “vos saletés de dieux” (88), on ne croie plus au Dieu tout-puissant “qu’à demi” (92). Dieu est à l’image des hommes, “de même le diable est à son image”(94). Tout événement extraordinaire et positif est attributé non à Dieu, mais aux ancêtres (113). Pourquoi Dieu n’a-t-il pas mesuré toute la dimension du mal auquel l’homme ferait face dans sa vie, se demande un personnage (136). L’existence d’un Dieu omniscient et omnipotent est par conséquent “hypothétique” (144). L’abandon de Dieu implique l’émergence du surhomme, “L’homme est Dieu” (151), soutient Laetitia dans ce roman de Beyala. Désormais, par conséquent, “La justice est du domaine des hommes et non de celui des dieux” (188).

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Voilà le langage de Beyala et l’idée qu’elle nous propose de Dieu. Dans cette perspective, il ne reste plus à l’homme que ses préoccupations horizontales. Carpe diem Dans son poème intitulé “Mignone”, Ronsard, après avoir traité la nature de ‘marâtre’, conseille à la mignone de cueillir sa jeunesse pendant qu’il est temps car, “comme à cette fleur, la vieillesse/Fera ternir votre beauté” (Odes I,17). L’on sait que Camus a fait du carpe diem son lot de consolation devant ce qu’il considère être l’incompréhension entre l’homme et le monde (ce qu’il appelle l’Absurde), promouvant la jouissance jusqu’au mépris de la bienséance; “…j’appelle imbécile celui qui a peur de jouir”(18), nous dit-il dans Noces. Et il ajoute: Hors du soleil, des baisers et des parfums sauvages, tout nous parait futile…Je laisse à d’autres l’ordre et la mesure (13)…Il ne me plait pas de croire que la mort ouvre sur une autre vie. Elle est pour moi une porte fermée (27). La notion d’enfer…n’est…qu’une aimable plaisanterie (42). Le monde est beau et hors de lui, point de salut (67).

Qu’il l’est empruntée chez Epicure ou chez Ronsard, la philosophie du carpe diem chez Camus est loin de son acception chez Ronsard tout au moins. Le carpe diem chez Ronsard ne se fait pas au mépris des moeurs et de la morale, comme chez Camus. Dans son poème intitulé “Il nous faut tous mourir”, Ronsard présente Dieu dans son unicité et son omnipotence, seul maitre à bord du navire qu’est le monde, et déplore l’attitude de ces humains qui feignent d’ignorer que l’homme est un être sans pouvoir, et que tout pouvoir appartient à Dieu. Ronsard nous dit: Si les hommes pensaient à part eux quelques fois Qu’ils nous faut tous mourir, et que même les Rois Ne peuvent éviter de la mort la puissance, Ils pendraient en leurs cœurs un peu de patience. -----------------------------------------------------------------Beaucoup, ne sachant point qu’ils sont enfants de Dieu, (V89-106)

Dans “Le chrétien face à la mort”, Ronsard va plus loin pour soutenir que le Bonheur ou le Malheur de l’homme est le résultat de son obeisance à, ou de sa rebellion contre Dieu. En évoquant dans ce poème les images du Christ, Ronsard nous fait comprendre que la soumission à Dieu conduit à la félicité éternelle, tant dis que le mépris des injonctions divines aboutit à la damnation éternelle. La jouissance au mépris des mœurs et de la morale sociales, chez Camus, est donc un ‘enrichissement’ du carpe diem ronsardien. Ahmadou Kourouma et Calyxthe Beyala sont plutôt partisans de Camus. Quand Birahima dit dans Allah n’est pas obligé qu’ils n’avaient que leurs “kalach comme subsistence parce que Allah ne laisse pas vide une bouche qu’il a créée” (130), c’est non seulement associer Allah à la bêtise, c’est surtout nous faire comprendre qu’ils (Yacouba et lui et tous les rebelles) sont prêts à tuer, s’il le faut, pour se nourrir. Le kalach fonctionne ici comme une métonymie de l’objet pour ce qu’il produit. Mais l’on sait que le kalach produit non pas de la nourriture, mais la mort. Autrement dit, lorsqu’on a faim, la mort des autres ne signifie pas grand chose; on peut tuer pour survivre. Yacouba s’engage d’ailleurs au front de http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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guerre pour arnaquer, manipuler, mentir, vendre des illusions (les grigris) pour s’enrichir (3842). Birahima s’émerveille à son départ pour le Liberia: Là-bas, les enfants de la rue comme moi devenaient des enfants-soldats… Les small-soldiers avaient tout et tout. Ils avaient des kalachnikov. Avec les kalachnikov, les enfants-soldats avaient…de l’argent, même des dollars américains. Ils avaient des chaussures, des gallons, des radios, des casquettes, et même des voitures (43-4).

Le départ pour le Liberia et la Sierra Leone est motivé par deux grands enjeux: la quête de la tante (Birahima) et la quête du trésor (Yacouba). Très vite, les deux quêtes fusionnent pour n’en former qu’une seule: la quête pour la survie. Que ce soit Papa le bon, le premier recruteur de Yacouba et de Birahima, du Général Baclay ou de Prince Johnson, le narrateur nous fait comprendre que tous ces chefs de guerre n’avaient pour seul souci que de contrôller les différents sites miniers des deux pays et de s’enrichir. Tous sont à la recherche du bonheur, et à tout prix. Après un massacre d’enfants-soldats par un groupe de bandits dans une mine d’or exploitée par des Libanais, sous la protection d’un chef de guerre, Birahima nous dit: Onika Baclay s’est rendue sur place…Elle n’a pas pu retenir ses larmes… Des larmes de crocodile! Ca ne pleurait pas sur les cadavers, mais sur ce que ça risquait de lui faire perdre. La politique d’Onika, c’était la sécurité des patrons associés. Sans patrons associés…pas d’exploitation des mines et, par conséquent, pas de dollars (113).

Chez Kourouma, il n’est question que de bouche et de dollars. Une phrase revient d’ailleurs comme un leit motiv dans ce roman: “Allah dans son immense bonté ne laisse jamais vide une bouche qu’il a créée” (41, 43, 44, 48, 61, 88, 94, 130) Image consciente ou pas, on ne nourrit pas une bouche vide, on la remplit, puisqu’elle est vide, ce qui est animalesque. Calyxthe Beyala, quant à elle, semble avoir fait du sexe son projet narratif majeure, son cheval de batail (contre les hommes). Outre les propos blasphématoires et irreligieux qui constituent ses ingrédients favoris (Asaah 159), Beyala assaisonne son oeuvre de termes et de scènes ou l’indécence se dispute la vedette avec l’amoralité. Le carpe diem chez elle est essentiellement affaire de sexe comme si l’homme, libéré de toute morale divine, n’avait plus que le sexe comme bouée de sauvetage. “L’écriture de Calyxthe Beyala frappe surtout par son caractère éminemment licencieux” (Ndongo 27). Dans C’est le soleil qui m’a brulée, Ateba Léocadie se demande ce qu’attend l’homme de la femme sinon de ne pas bouger et de baiser (57). Et malgré ce constat qui aurait pu orienter autrement son ‘féminisme’, elle finit par ne faire valoir que son sexe. Dans Seul le diable le savait, les images les plus frappantes sont celles de Dame maman et ses deux ‘étalons’ (ses deux maris) qui rodent dociles autour d’elle tels des enfants bien éduqués; Megri qui, après avoir séduit et couché avec l’Etranger, cède allègrement à d’autres amants; Laetitia et ses deux amants, mais surtout les deux orgies sexuelles publiques organisées par la Prêtresse goitrée et par l’Etranger (62-230). On est en plein dans un bordel. Devant la dernière scène orgiaque, Megri se demande ce que l’Etranger attend d’elle, “sinon déchirer mon sexe et m’arracher des spasmes de plaisir” (234). Mohja Kahf définit de tels êtres comme de http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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simples “Wantons bed-hop (and) rebellious renegates”(176-177) [putains instables (et) renégats rebelles- Notre trad.]. Dans Femme nue femme noire, la nudité de la femme noire n’est pas ici une métaphore, c’est une réalité physique. Nous vivons dans ce texte une scène itérative ou homosexualité (y compris le lesbianisme) et hétérosexualité sont allègrement pratiquées par un groupe de gais lurons (hommes et femmes) sous le commandement d’une femme, enfermés dans une maison pendant des jours. Est-ce (toujours) cela la literature [entendue comme l’usage du matériau verbal pour un but esthétique et subsidiairement utilitaire]? Est-ce cela la littérature africaine? Est-ce ainsi que Beyala conçoit le devenir de l’Afrique à partir de son exil européen? La littérature peut aussi prospecter l’avenir. On va ainsi, chez Kourouma et chez Beyala, de la satisfaction du ventre à la satisfaction du bas-ventre, ce que Sony Labou Tansi appelle “Bonheur de tétard (38). Certes, on a le droit, je dirais même le devoir d’être heureux. Mais ce bonheur ne saurait se faire au prix de la bienséance et de l’ethos. L’image de Dieu chez ces deux auteurs est associée à la déchéance, à l’erreur et à tout ce qui est humain. Lorsqu’un auteur comme l’Américain Dan Brown se demande: “What if God was wrong?”(81), c’est, pour moi, oublier non seulement que son lectorat va (ou peut aller) au-delà de sa famille restreinte, mais surtout qu’il est un communicateur, et que ses propos pourraient constituer, pour une partie de ses lecteurs, une insulte. Ce qui est sȗr, c’est que Allah nous dit qu’il est juste (dans ses comptes) et qu’il (s’) est obligé à respecter son engagement envers l’homme. Ce qui est sȗr encore, c’est que le diable ne peut pas ‘le savoir seul’, parce que les attributs d’omniscience et d’omnipotence sont divins et non sataniques. Conclusion En l’absence de Dieu, il reste chez Kourouma les fétiches, les mânes des ancêtres et le ventre (les dollars). Chez Beyala, il reste les dieux, les fétiches, la sorcellerie et le bas-ventre. Dieu peut-il tourner injustement le dos à l’homme comme le prétendent Kourouma et Beyala? Le livre d’Isaïe (59) soutient, dans la Bible: Non, la main de Yahvé n’est pas trop courte pour sauver, ni son oreille trop dure pour entendre/Mais ce sont vos fautes qui ont creusé un abime entre vous et votre Dieu/ Vos péchés ont fait qu’il vous cache sa face/ et refuse de vous entendre/ Car vos mains sont souillées par le sang, et vos doigts par le crime (1-3).

Allah ajoute dans le Quran: Allah prescript la justice, la bienveillance et l’assistance charitable… Il proscrit la turpitude, l’impudence et l’agressivité (16:90). Que l’on se rassure. Notre compte est juste (21:47). En vérité, ce sont les injustes qui subiront un chatiment douloureux (42:21).

Le Quran soutient en plus que “quiconque prendra satan comme compagnon aura le plus sinistre des compagnons”(4:38), qu’”Allah ne sévit jamais injustement contre les hommes; ce sont en fait les hommes qui sont injustes envers eux-mêmes”(10:44). Quelles injonctions divines observe-t-on dans ces textes de Kourouma et de Beyala avant de conclure, http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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déçu, que Dieu est injuste ou que “ Dieu …n’existe pas”(Camus 56)? A aucun moment il n’est question d’esprit ou de soumission à Dieu, mais seulement de jouissance physique, de bouche et de sexe. Dieu et ses commandements sont des voeux pieux et l’homme est esclave du “bewegung” (ambiance, jouissance, en Allemand). Ni la vision chrétienne, ni la vision musulmane du monde ne projette l’homme malheureux dans le monde. Le bonheur, physique et spiritual, est d’ailleurs un devoir chez le chrétien comme chez le musulman. On peut donc s’indigner devant la vision décadante et dégradante qui se dégage des textes de Kourouma et de Beyala comme si le seul salut de l’homme, ‘délaissé’ par Dieu, était de “(miser) sur la chair”(Camus 34) mais en sachant qu’on a d’avance perdu. Le lecteur a le droit de porter un jugement sur la valeur éthique d’un texte: si je peux m’extasier ou m’indigner devant un mets bien fait ou mal fait, pourquoi ne puis-je m’extasier ou m’indigner devant un texte ‘bien fait ou ‘mal fait’? De surcroit quand ce texte tourne en dérision les valeurs qui sous-tendent l’existence? Le critique devrait aller au-delà du rôle simpliste d’amplificateur ou de caisse de résonance du texte pour s’appesantir sur l’éthos ou la catharsis qui devraient guider l’écrivain dans son enterprise poétique. L’écrivain doit travailler à faire ‘retourner’ la règle de bienséance dans le giron littéraire d’où elle a été ‘expulsée manu qalami par des écrivains à sensation. La laïcité ne peut se faire aux dépens de ces sésames qui font le savoir vivre.

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Notes: 1- Cette citation est extraite de ‘Vigile de l’esprit’ du philosophe Alain. Notes de cours de Philosophie de la classe de Terminale, Lycée d’Edéa, 1987. 2- Cette définition est tirée du Petit Larousse illustré, 1984. 3- Le Petit Larousse illustré, Op. Cit. 4- La chaîne actantielle proposée par A.G. Greimas est structurée comme suit: Destinateur-------------------˃Objet-----------------˃Destinataire Adjuvant-----------------------˃Sujet˂------------------Opposant.

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Références -Ahmad, Kurshid. Towards understanding Islam. Nairobi: The Islamic foundation, 2004. -Aroga, J.D. “Les fondements de la pensée africaine traditionnelle”. The French Review, 72,2, 1997. -Asaah, H.A. “Calyxthe Beyala ou le discours blasphématoire au propre.” Cahier d’Etudes Africaines. No 186, 2006, 157-168. -Beyala, Calyxthe. C’est le soleil qui m’a brulée. Paris: Albin Michel, 1987. --- Tu t’appelleras Tanga. Paris: Stock, 1988. --- Seul le diable le savait. Paris: Belfond Le Pré aux Clercs, 1990. --- La petite fille du reverbère. Paris: Albin Michel, 1998. ---Femme nue femme noire. Paris: Albin Michel, 2003. -Brown, Dan. Inferno. New York: Doubleday, 2013. -Camus, Albert. Noces. Paris: Gallimard, 1959. -Degrand, Martin. ” Le mythe et les genres littéraires: aspects théoriques”. Folia electronic classica, t.19, 1, Janvier-Juin 2010. Lien. ˂http://bcs.fltr.ud.ac.be.FE/19/TM19.html˃. Consulté le 03 Aout 2015. -Hamon, Phillipe. “Pour un statut sémiologique du personnage”. Poétique du récit. Paris: Seuil, 1977. -Kahf, Mohja. Western representation of the Muslim woman: from Termagant to Odalisque. Texas: University of Texas Press, 1999. -Kourouma, Ahmadou. Allah n’est pas obligé. Paris: Seuil, 2000. ---Quand on refuse on dit non. Paris: Seuil, 2004. -La Bible de Jérusalem. Rome: Les éditions du Cerf, 2002. -Labou Tansi, Sony. L’Anté-peuple. Paris: Seuil, 1983. -Le Noble Coran. www.qurancomplex.org -Levis-Strauss, Claude. L’origine des manières de table. Paris: Plon, 1968. -Moujahid, Abdul Malik. Les types de monothéisme. Riyadh: Daroussalam, 2001.

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-Ndongo, Kamdem Alphonse. “La représentation de la femme chez Mariama Ba et Calyxthe Beyala: entre religion et sécularité”. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI). No 10, Vol.2, October 2013. -Ronsard, Pierre. (de). “Mignone”. OdesI,17. Lagarde et Michard XVIe siècle, p.139. ---

“Il nous faut tous mourir”. Lagarde et Michard. Op.Cit. p. 147.

---

“Le chrétien devant la mort”. Lagarde et Michard. Op. Cit. p. 147-8.

-Towa, Marcien. Cité par Aroga J.D. “Les fondements de la pensée africaine traditionnelle”. Op. Cit.

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Philanthropy Language Construction

Iqbal Nurul Azhar University of Trunojoyo, Madura, Indonesia

Abstract This paper proposes a theory the-so-called philanthropy language theory through linguistic perspective. Philanthropy language is defined in simple way as "a language style that expresses love and care to others." There are two maxims of philanthropy languages namely, maxim of proposition and maxim of affection. An expression contains proposition maxim when its proposition point at six situations, namely: the proposition shows the feelings of love and affection, the proposition puts the subject matter as a shared property, the proposition puts the expression makers/writer and the listeners/readers in a brotherhood situation, the proposition does not attack the others’ face, the proposition introduces reformations yet the form of expression does not violate maxim 1, 2, 3, and 4, and the proposition contributes something to others even though it is only in the form of an expectation. An expression contains affection maxim when it carries three characteristics that give a feeling of comfort since it affects others to: (1) agree with the proposition to act or react positive, (2) follow proposition not to act or react negative, and (3) not do anything to avoid negative attitude. Philanthropy language utilizes some peculiar lexical markers such as: love, compassion, peace, prosperity, comfort, unity, truth, equality, friendship, happiness, unity, we, us, all of us, you and I, and many others of language philanthropist. Philanthropy language also has a unique syntactic rule that is “it is better to immediately disobey syntactic rules rather than to say something cruel to others". Keywords: philanthropy language, maxims, construction

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Introduction This paper is inspired by my students’ emails which demand answers on a sort of Indonesian expression pattern which contains love, affection and compassion. The examples of the expressions have already been published in my article (see Azhar, 2008). Here is one of the examples: Mari Kita Wujudkan Jawa Timur Yang Makmur, Aman, Tenteram, Bersama (Manteb) Merdeka (Azhar, 2008) (Let us realize East Java to be prosperous safe, tranquility, by doing it together (acronym), Freedom.

The emails were on inquiries related to on which linguistic field; one could hold a discussion about the pattern. Having retraced some printed and electronic literature available in some libraries and e-libraries, I encountered a fact that the pattern can be accommodated in a special terminology or a scope the-so-called "philanthropy” or namely “the language style of philanthropy”. It is so unique that Fusari (2006) considered it to have a power to humanize humans by banishing their misery and cultivating their love. Although it has been set up the umbrella to accommodate the pattern, there is a bit disappointment associated with the existing information in the literature. This dissatisfaction arises because of two things. First, existing information about philanthropy language are very inadequate and less comprehensive as they are only stated in articles of journals which of course less qualified to answer the inquiries which explicitly aim at theoretical answers. Second, the literature is not really connected to the topic since it mostly deals with socialhumanitarian issues while the inquiries are demanding linguistic academic answers. Researchers studying the nature of philanthropy have been those of different disciplinary backgrounds and, correspondingly, have attended to various aspects of philanthropy. There have been a number of valuable studies of philanthropy as by Bhativa (1997), Bhatiava (1998), Connor (1997), Connor and Wagner (1998), Crismore (1997), Lauer (1997), Myers (1997), Payton, Rosso, and Paste (1991), Fusari (2005), Fusari (2006) and Amabile (2012). The studies portrayed philanthropy in many communities through discourse analysis perspective. However, none of these photographed philanthropy within the scope of theoretical linguistics. All of them related languages in texts to philanthropic activities and aimed at social affairs which were about how to process language so as to generate donations for philanthropic purposes. None of them studied the languages independently. One study that has little contact with linguistics is the study conducted by McCagg (1997) which examined philanthropy through linguistics sphere. This study was still not able to answer the inquiries since it merely discussed the moral values of metaphors in the discourse of philanthropy. Since there have been literally no report documenting studies on philanthropy through linguistics perspective (except by McCagg) attempts to disclose philanthropy through linguistics perspective are warranted. Due to the time limitation to complete this article, the writer considers library study fits to all procedures which must be undergone before arriving at the theory of philanthropy language. The data were philanthropy expressions which came from some particular scientific articles about political campaign discourses. Some of them were in the form of Jargons, and http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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some of them were in slogans. Since the type of this study was a library study, the method of data collection was Content Analysis, with the basic techniques was tapping and the further technique was recording (Kotari, 2004). The instrument used to retrieve the data was the writer himself. The method of data analysis was Correlation Method with SegmentedElement-Determinant-Technique. The determinant elements were the discourses. Since there had never been a linguist who conducted researches on this topic, the approach of this study was Bottom Up (grounded), which started from data and ended to a theory. The data which had been collected and analyzed, at the end were formulated in the form of a proposal theory. Discussion The Maxims of Philanthropy Language Etymologically, the word philanthropy was derived from the Greek word 'philos' which means love and ‘anthropos’ which meant human. The combination of the two words produced new meaning "Love or to love human". In philosophical history, philanthropy was closely linked to the spirit of human freedom. It was believed as a manifestation of the story of the god Zeus tyranny who long time ago bind human in ignorance, fear, darkness, and helplessness, Then, there came a good God named Prometheus who were willing to save mankind by giving them fire and hope. In the story of Prometheus resistance, fire symbolized technology, skills, and knowledge, while hope had always been associated with the spirit of improvement of the human condition. And that was where the story of human civilization began. It was originated from the love "philanthropy" of Prometheus to human kinds (http://ditpolkom.bappenas.go.id). The word Philanthropy is often interpreted as "an expression of love to other human beings". Webster's Dictionary does not impose limits to the disclosure of love, whether it is shown by sharing money or materials to others, but rather it is "works or efforts that are intended to increase the sense of love of neighborhood and of humanity". Philanthropy definition recently develops itself into two boundaries, namely action, and concept. The first boundary is still deeply entrenched in societies and can be viewed in a variety of containers of humanitarian movements such as the Philantropic Will Company, Duafa Wallet, Zakat House, BSMI (Indonesian Red Crescent), and so forth. In this boundary, philanthropy is interpreted as the acts of someone who loves donating his/her wealth to his/her associates. In everyday situation, philanthropy is practiced as alms, custody/parenting of orphans, charity, benevolence, donation, and other actions which have similar purposes. Philanthropy in this boundary is also interpreted as a "voluntary acts of transferring resources for the purpose of community or social charity which consist of two main forms; utilization of social grants and of social construction." The second boundary, although it stills a minor flow, is gradually increasing to appear along with the emerging of many discourses containing philanthropy. This boundary shifts from the original form of philanthropy which are actions, into rather abstract (here we call it as a concept) which orients to "goals of love and compassion for others,” whether they are performed solely or in groups. Since the second is in the form of concept, it mostly behaves http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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like adjectives, so that the word philanthropy can be attached to other words (nouns) to form new entities. Thus, based on this new concept, later we know some new terms such as philanthropy literature, philanthropy arts, philanthropy drama, philanthropy style, philanthropy language and other kinds of philanthropy. In the second boundary, we can see a fundamental shift from the original definition of philanthropy which deals with a concrete action of groups of people, or works for the sake of humanity, into a broader area which is the concept of love and individual/group affection. This definition also shifts retro on materialistically, since philanthropy was actually originated from the Greek definition of intangible abstract feeling of a Greek good God, then turned into concrete activities to deliver tangible material given freely to others for a good cause, then moves back again into an abstract concept which is attached closely to nonspecific entries of language (nouns). Using the definition of philanthropy of the first boundary to discuss languages as indicated by the electronic mails is clearly not appropriate. The first branch of philanthropy has no relation at all to the topic of the e-mails. Here are four factors that cause the topic of the e-mails cannot be put in the first boundary: (1) The first branch is more likely under the shade of social realm, humanitarian and religious, while the topic only focuses on the realm of language, (2) the first branch discusses concrete products that can be used for humanitarian purposes, whereas the topic discusses the language products that contain human love and compassion, (3) the first branch discusses human actions, while the topic discusses human expressions, (4) the first branch discusses how to empower people to be beneficial to others, while the topic discusses how language can be empowered so as to indicate the charge of love, affection and compassion. Philanthropy that we discuss in this article is the philanthropy in the second boundary. The definition of Philanthropy language that we use as a parameter of discussions in this article is "the style of language that shows expression of love for human beings." From the definition above, we can see that the definition raises two maxims namely, maxims of proposition, and maxims of affection. Philanthropy language contains particular information that is love, compassion and generosity. Although it has different sentence structures, as long as the sentences contain the three propositions above, the sentences can be put in the category of philanthropy. This is how the Maxim of Proposition appears. There are six characteristics that distinguish philanthropy language with other types of languages based on the first maxim. Those are; the language must: (1) show the feelings of love and affection, (2) show the subject matter covered as a shared property, (3) put the makers and readers of a discourse in the same brotherhood, (4) not attack the face of the others so that no philanthropy language hurts other feelings, (5) add invitation to reform something but the invitation must not violate the solicitation of 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th character. (6) give something to others even though it is only in the form of a hope. The examples of discourses that contain proposition maxim can be seen as follows: Table 1. The Examples of Discourse that Contain the Maxim of Proposition N The Example of English Translation o Discourse (in bahasa Indonesia) 1 Mari kita wujudkan Let us realize Indonesia as .1 Indonesia yang mandiri dan an independent and prosperous sejahtera, Rakyat harus terlepas country, The people must be free http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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.2

.3

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dari belenggu penderitaan, kemiskinan dan ketidakadilan tanpa membedakan suku, ras dan golongan (Azhar, 2009) 1 Mari Berkarya Bersama Rakyat (Azhar, 2009)

from the shackles of misery, poverty and injustice regardless of ethnicity, race and class (Azhar, 2009) Let us produce something Together with the People (Azhar, 2009) 1 Bersama Kita Bisa (Azhar, Together We Can (Azhar, 2009) 2009)

The three data above are included in the category of philanthropy language since they contain proposition maxim. Example 1.1, 1.2, and 1.3 clearly show the love to others (as it is the 1st characteristic of the maxim of preposition). Example 1.1 shows the love to Indonesia and to the people, while example 1.2 shows the love to work for the people and the love to always be together in doing something. The three examples above posses the characteristic of maxim of proposition number 2 because ‘Indonesia’, ‘the people’ and togetherness are the topics that are commonly shared by group of people and not by an individual. The three examples above meet the 3rd characteristic due to the fact that the discourses invite the readers to build friendship not separation. The three examples above also meet the characteristics number 4 because they do not attack others’ face and do not make others angry. The three examples above meet the characteristics number 5 since they invite the readers to change the status quo in society yet the forms of the expressions are not aggressive because they attack none. The three examples above meet the characteristic of maxim of proposition number 6 because they give hope to others in the form of reformation and improvement in the future. The second maxim is the Maxim of Affection. Affection in this context is defined as the response of the reader or the listener towards philanthropy discourse by feeling comfortable, calm, and happy. There are at least three characteristics within the scope of this maxim that readers respond to the discourses by: (1) complying the proposition to apply positive attitudes, (2) following proposition not to apply negative attitude, and (3) not doing anything to avoid negative and aggressive attitude. As examples of the Maxim of Affection can be seen in the following discourses: Table 2. The Examples of Discourse that Contains Maxim of Affection N The Example of Discourse English Translation o (in bahasa Indonesia) 2 Menjelang pagi dan malam Right before dusk and dawn, .1 Tuhan membuka dan menutup God opens and closes the window of jendela bumi. . . kemudian, TUHAN the earth. . then, the Lord sees me, melihatku, lalu bertanya. Apa yang then He asks: What do you want? engkau inginkan? Kemudian, Then, I answer, give mercy to the akupun menjawab, SAYANGI people who read this writing forever, orang yang membaca tulisan ini AMEN selamanya, AMIN (Sulistyaningtyas, 2009) 2 Impianmu impianku impian Your dream and my dream are .2 kita Bersama (Sulistyaningtyas, our dreams 2009) http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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2 Bersih itu (Sulistyaningtyas, 2009)

damai

Clean is peaceful

The three discourses above are included in group of philanthropy language because they contain the maxim of affection. Example 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3 are clear to the reader that they give comfortable feeling. Example 2.1 provides a comfortable feeling for the reader since the reader will feel that he/she is being loved by the maker of the discourse. Example 2.2 provides a comfortable feeling to the reader because the readers are considered friends who have similar dreams by the discourse makers. Example 2.3 provides a comfortable feeling to the reader that although there is a weep-cleaning activity, yet the activity is still in the corridors of peace. Lexical and Structural peculiarities of Philanthropy Language Besides having maxims, philanthropy language also has a tendency to form typical of statements and solicitations (whether affirmative or negative). However, imperative or interrogative sentence construction can also contain philanthropy as long as the proposition also characterizes philanthropy. Philanthropy language has lexical peculiarities. The construction of philanthropy can not only be identified through the compliance of its maxims, but also can be identified through its lexical choice. Particular lexicons such as: love, compassion, peace, prosperity, friendship, unity, truth, equality, friendship, happiness, prosperity, unity, for human, for peace, equality, and many others are the markers of philanthropy language. Additionally, pronouns such as; us, all of us, you and I, are also encountered in the construction of philanthropic language. The structure of philanthropy language also has a specific feature in it that is the structure may: "violate grammar rules to avoid saying something cruel to others, as it is suggestible". As an example of the typical philanthropy structure of a style language can be seen as follows: Tabel 3: The Examples of Discourse that Contains Philanthropy Maxim N Discourses that Contain Discourses that do not o Philanthropy Maxims Contain Philanthropy Maxims 3 Jika orang benar bertambah Jika orang benar bertambah .1 (tidak menyebutkan nama), (seperti Bapak A), bersukacitalah bersukacitalah rakyat. Jika orang rakyat. Jika orang fasik memerintah fasik memerintah (tidak (seperti bapak B) berdukacitalah menyebutkan nama) berdukacitalah rakyat rakyat (Azhar, 2009) When the righteous increases When the righteous increase (not mentioning any names), the (as Mr. A), the people rejoice. When people rejoice. When the wicked the wicked rule (like Mr. B) the rules (not mentioning any names) people bereaved. the people bereaved 3 Jangan lihat orangnya, lihat Jangan lihat orangnya (yaitu .2 yang telah diperbuat bapak/ibu A), lihat yang telah http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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(Sulistyaningtyas, 2009) diperbuat (melakukan A atau B) Do not see who the person is, Do not see who the person is see what he has done (i.e Mr. A/Ms.A), see what he has done (done A or done B) The form of linguistic unit above is a sentence (example 3.1) or a combination of sentences (3.2). The two discourses above break grammatical rules (even pragmatic-semantic rules) because it does not mention any names, a little vague, since it can be anyone. The violation aims to not to say something painful that may cause division. In 3.1, "when the righteous increase, the people rejoice," There is the-so-called “divertis" that is the avoidance to directly mention the righteous (names that are considered stand in the right path). If the name is mentioned, the impression that arises is negative (cocky, arrogant, pretentious) both in the so-called, and on which is not called. Likewise, the expression "If the wicked rule, the people bereaved" also does not mention the name of the persona that has a wicked nature. If the name is mentioned, of course, will make the person offended. Likewise, at 3.2 "do not see the person, see who has done" also tries to divert persona name to avoid negative effects. Avoidance to mention good deeds that have been done by a person also minimizes negative effects.

The Application of Philanthropy Language Construction Theory The theory of philanthropy language in the previous section according to the limitation of this study is focused on data which relate to political discourses. From the above explanation, the theory is applicable in this context. The question is; can this theory be used to analyze other types of discourse? In practice, it turns out that this philanthropy language theory can also be used to distinguish discourse, such as the four lyrics in table 4 below. In the table it can be seen that there are four lyrics. Two lyrics use philanthropy language (because it meets two philanthropy language maxims), while the other two, do not contain philanthropy language maxims and therefore cannot be regarded as philanthropy language discourses. Tabel 4: the comparison of philanthropy language and nonphilanthropy language N Philanthropy Lyrics Nonphilanthropy Lyrics o 4 (a) (b) .1 heal the world, make it a Dirty Diana, nah, Dirty better place, for you and for me, and Diana, nah, Dirty Diana, no, the entire human race, there are Dirty Diana, Let me be! Sumber: people dying, if you care enough, for (http://www.rizkyonline.com) the living, make a better place, for you and for me (sumber:, http://lirikdansair.blogspot.com) 4 (c) (d) .2 ('cause we all live under the (Here I am, Will you send same sun, We all walk under the me an angel, Here I am, In the same moon, Then why, why can't we land of the morning star) http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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live as (http://lirik.kapanlagi.com)

one) (http://lirik.kapanlagi.com)

Example 4.1 (a) and 4.1 (b) are the chorus of the two Michael Jackson's song (4.1 (a) heal the world, 4.1 (b) dirty Diana). The second chorus of the song though it is also the chorus of Michael Jackson song, but it has different language style. 4.1 (a) contains philanthropy language maxims whereas 4.1 (b) does not. 4.1 (a) meets the maxim of proposition. Likewise, 4.2 (c) and 4.2 (d), the two such discourse are the chorus of the song sung by Scorpion. Although they are produced by the same group, they have different language styles. In 4.2 (c) the language contains philanthropy language whereas 4.2 (d) does not. In the context of maxim of proposition, example 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) show the love to the world and to others. World and concern for others are topics that belong to common people and not to individuals. The discourses above also invite the readers to respect companionship not to separation. Example 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) above also do not attack other people's faces and do not make the people angry. In addition, 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) invites the public to change for the betterment. 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) also give hope to others by initiating the existence of changes in the future. On the other hand, 4.1 (b) and 4.2 (d) do not contain any of philanthropy maxims. 4.1 (b) and 4.2 (c) do not contain any expression of love to the world and to the others. Even, the two discourses above are quite personal because they use pronouns "me” and “I" as the subject of the sentence. The propositions also do not refer to shared topic since they are individualistic and do not talk about everyone’s problem. Although they do not attack others’ face, they do not give any hope to people about betterment in the future. In the context of maxim of affection, example 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) provide comfortable feeling for the reader since they are put on the equal level and are invited to collaborate with the writer to improve the future, both by protecting the world and by maintaining friendship. Example 4.1 (a) and 4.2 (c) also provide comfortable feeling to the reader because the reader feels that the discourse makers care about the problems of the world (which he/she feels that it is also his/her problem) such as peace, friendship, world preservation and many more. While in 4.1 (b) and 4.2 (d), these two discourses do not contain maxims of affective. Although the readers do not feel threatened, but the readers do not feel comfortable either because he/she is not involved in the topics discussed. Conclusion Philanthropy language is "the style of language that shows expression of love for human beings." From the definition above, we can see that the definition raises two maxims namely, maxims of proposition, and maxims of affection. Maxim of proposition has six characteristics: (1) show the feelings of love and affection, (2) show the subject matter covered as a shared property, (3) put the makers and readers of a discourse in the same brotherhood, (4) not attack the face of the others so that no philanthropy language hurts other feelings, (5) add invitation to reform something but the invitation must not violate the solicitation of 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th character. (6) give something to others even though it is only in the form of a hope. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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The second maxim is the Maxim of Affection. There are at least three characteristics within the scope of this maxim that readers respond to discourse by: There are at least three characteristics within the scope of this maxim that readers respond to the discourses by: (1) complying the proposition to apply positive attitudes, (2) following proposition not to apply negative attitude, and (3) not doing anything to avoid negative and aggressive attitude. Philanthropy language has lexical peculiarities. The construction of philanthropy not only can be identified through the compliance of its maxims, but also can be identified through its lexical choice. Particular lexicons such as: love, compassion, peace, prosperity, friendship, unity, truth, equality, friendship, happiness, prosperity, unity, for human, for peace, equality, and many others are the markers of philanthropy language. Additionally, pronouns such as; us, all of us, you and I, are also encountered in the construction of philanthropy language.

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References -Amabile, L. (2012) Teaching Philanthropy To Children And Youth: A Resource for Unitarian Universalist Religious Educators. www.uua.org/documents/stewdev/apf/teaching_philanthropy.doc -Azhar, I. N. (2008) Political Language Used by Female Candidate in the Campaign for East Java Governor Election 2008” in GENDER DAN POLITIK (Gender and Politics). Jogjakarta: Pusat Studi Wanita Universitas Gajahmada dan penerbit Tiara Wacana. -Azhar, I. N. (2009) Bahasa Jargon Calon Legislatif 2009 dalam Face Book (Jargon Language of Legislature Candidate 2009 in Facebook) in the prosiding of Konferensi Linguistik Tahunan Atma Jaya 7: Tingkat Internasional. Jakarta: Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya Unika Atmajaya. -Bhatia, V. K. (1997). Discourse of philanthropic fund-raising. Written discourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 27-44). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -Bhatia, V. K. (1998). Generic patterns in fundraising discourse. New Directions for Philanthropic Fundraising, 22, 95-110. -Connor, U. (1997). Comparing research and not-for-profit grant proposals. Written discourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 45-64). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -Connor, U. & Wagner, L. (1998). Language use in grant proposals by nonprofits: Spanish and English. New Directions for Philanthropic Fundraising: Understanding and Improving the Language of Fundraising, 22, 59-73. -Crismore, A. 1997. Visual rhetoric in an Indiana University Foundation “Annual Report.” Written discourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 64-100). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -Frumpkin, P. (2003). Inside venture philanthropy in Society, 40 (4), 7-15.--:-Fusari, S. (2005). "Philanthropic Direct Mail in An English-Italian Perspective". Paper presented at the seminar Research on Fundraising Letters: Focus on Research Methods, World Conference of the International Association of Applied Linguistics (AILA 2005), Madison, Wisconsin, 25 July 2005. -Fusari, S. (2006). The Discourse Of Philanthropy in Italy and The United States: A Case Study Of Interparadigmatic Translation. University of Bologna at Forl Italy. http://www.immi.se/jicc/index.php/jicc/article/view/81/50 http://lirikdansair.blogspot.com/2009/07/michael-jackson-heal-word.html http://lirik.kapanlagi.com/artis/scorpions/under_the_same_sun http://www.rizkyonline.com/barat/michael-jackson/dirty-diana-lyrics.html#ixzz2VrJp9o8a

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http://ditpolkom.bappenas.go.id/basedir/Kajian%20Ditpolkom/2%29%20Peran%20Filantropi %20Untuk%20Keberlanjutan%20OMS/BAB%20II_Bappenas_Final1.pdf -Kothari, C.R. (2004). Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques. New Delhi: New Age International (P) Limited, Publishers -Lauer, J. (1997). Fundraising letters. Written discourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 101-108). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -McCagg, P. (1997). Metaphorical morality and the discourse of philanthropy. Writtendiscourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 109120). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -Myers, G. (1997). Wednesday morning and the millenium: Notes on time in fund-raising texts. Written discourse in philanthropic fund raising. Issues of language and rhetoric (pp. 121-134). Indiana University Center on Philanthropy. Working Papers, 98-13. Indianapolis, IN. -Payton, R. L., Rosso, H. A., & Tempel, E. R. (1991). Toward a philosophy of fund raising. In D. E. Burlingame & L. J. Hulse (Eds.), Taking fundraising seriously: Advancing the profession and practice of raising money (pp. 3-17). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. -Sulistyaningtyas, T. (2009) Bahasa Indonesia dalam Wacana Propaganda Politik Kampanye -Pemilu 200. Satu Kajian Sosiopragmatik in Jurnal Sosioteknologi Edisi 17 Tahun 8. Agustus

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De la violence à la névrose: Parcours de la Tunisie révolutionnaire ou l’état de lieu d’un peuple désillusionné Dorra Barhoumi Université de Kairouan, Tunisie

Abstract Tunisia is the people. Indeed, wasn’t the expression “the people want” the revolution slogan in January 14, 2011? This revolution that was extremely desired and aspired by a people that was outraged by social injustice and persecuted by the hegemony of one dominant political party. This revolution took place because of inefficiency and defective communication of the political discourse and its collapse as well. Then, we can say that Tunisia was the victim of its own disillusion. The verbal violence found in the political discourse of mainly all the political parties has created other forms of violence that were really destructive: the assassination of political figures and terrorism. Since then, the country has undergone a great division and the violence of some ones terrifies and threatens the security and serenity of the others. As a result, this violence and terrorism gave birth to the “world weariness” (the pain of being) and after the “neurosis” (la névrose) on this pacific Tunisian people. Keywords : Tunisia, revolution, communication, violence, neurosis

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Résumé La Tunisie est le peuple. ‘LE PEUPLE VEUT’, n’est-il pas le slogan de la révolution du 14 janvier 2011 ? Cette révolution, tant attendue d’un peuple indigné par l’injustice sociale et persécuté par l’hégémonie politique d’un seul parti, assiste à cause d’une communication défectueuse du discours politique, à son effondrement. La Tunisie semble être, d’emblée, victime de sa désillusion. La violence verbale des discours politiques de presque tous les partis, a engendré une violence matérielle et destructrice : les assassinats des personnalités politiques et le terrorisme. Le pays vit désormais une scission exécrable et la violence des uns terrifie la sérénité des autres. Bref, la terreur et le terrorisme suscitent chez ce peuple pacifique un « mal d’être » et donne naissance à la « névrose ». Mots clés : Tunisie, révolution, communication, violence, névrose

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I-Introduction : La communication est l’acte de savoir produire et transmettre un message. Selon Jakobson1 la communication possède un schéma constitué essentiellement de deux éléments majeurs : l’émetteur et le récepteur. L’émetteur possède une idée à émettre ; cette idée passe par un processus de plusieurs filtres ayant un encodage bien spécifique. Ainsi, se construit un message que doit recevoir le récepteur. Ce dernier décode ce message en faisant filtrer son idée essentielle pour finalement recevoir ce dont l’émetteur veut lui faire parvenir. Par ailleurs, le message est produit dans le cadre physique, appelé situation de communication ou situation d’énonciation. Cette situation de communication est définie par quatre éléments repérant le destinateur, le destinataire, le lieu de l’énonciation et le temps de l’énonciation. En outre, l’encodage et le décodage transparaît, selon le schéma de Jakobson, la suite la plus importante du développement de la communication, puisque l’émetteur encode son idée pour que le récepteur puisse la décoder afin de recevoir bel et bien le message. Or, ce dernier ne peut être bien reçu, si seulement trois conditions doivent être remplies : premièrement, le message ne doit être pas vraiment perturbé par le bruit communicationnel. Deuxièmement, l’émetteur et le récepteur doivent suffisamment être en contact pour pouvoir se voir et s’entendre. Et troisièmement, ils doivent avoir en commun le même code. Cela étant, le code est un ensemble organisé de signes qui font correspondre un signifiant à un signifié. Ainsi, s’explique la communication correcte qui pourrait se faire dans la règle de l’art de l’échange fructueux entre l’énonciateur et l’énonciataire. Cependant, la communication défectueuse se transforme en incommunication ; et les idées à transmettre, à l’origine par le destinateur, deviennent incommunicables pour le destinataire. En effet, les dégâts de ce genre d’incommunicabilité peuvent engendrer des désastres comme c’était le cas de la violence et de la désunion qui caractérisaient le peuple tunisien de la période post-révolution. Ce peuple apparaît donc la victime, par excellence, de l’effet néfaste d’une communication erronée. La communication entre les tunisiens se transmet depuis la révolution soit mal, soit faussement ou souvent aucunement, et ce à cause d’abord, d’une divergence conceptuelle de l’idée à transmettre de l’émetteur (le gouvernement et ses alliés) et à recevoir du récepteur (la majorité du peuple), puis à cause d’un mauvais processus d’encodage du message d’une part (destinateur) et d’une inacceptable tentative de décodage de l’autre part (le destinataire, par manque de confiance totale en l’énonciateur). Par ailleurs, même la situation de l’énoncé s’avère être contrariante ainsi que le référent ou le contexte de la communication : chacun des deux partis doivent communiquer dans une situation critique où chacun d’eux veut transmettre son message à sa manière selon sa propre fonction métalinguistique (code ou idéologie) sans prendre en considération la fonction référentielle et donc le cadre général du référent (le contexte : la révolution). Ainsi, le message entre les deux entités (islamistes et démocrates progressistes) ne peut plus passer, puisque d’abord leur communication est handicapée par le bruit communicationnel, ensuite chacun d’eux dénigre l’autre et évite souvent son affrontement, et ensuite les deux ne possèdent pas ou plus, le même code ni la même conception du signifiant par rapport à son signifié. De ce fait, le rejet catégorique du message du destinateur de la part du destinataire, explique le phénomène de la stérilité communicationnelle qui caractérise désormais les deux 1

Roman Jakobson, Essai de linguistique générale, Tome 1, Fondation du langage, éd. Poche, 2003.

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grands partis représentants du peuple tunisien après la révolution du 14 janvier 2014 : le gouvernement transitoire et ses partisans (la Troïka), et leurs opposants. La problématique de notre étude tourne, alors, autour de trois parties : en premier lieu, nous allons montrer à travers une étude historique, l’inaptitude du peuple tunisien par rapport au domaine de la communication et de l’échange des idées politiques opposées, ce qui a engendré, par conséquent, la violence de la communication langagière, spécifiquement dans le discours politique très médiatisé. L’effet de la violence dans le discours socio-politique est redoutable chez un peuple inexpérimenté et complètement perdu dans le labyrinthe de la liberté, excessive et inhabituelle, de l’audio-visuel, fera l’objet de la deuxième partie de notre réflexion. En troisième lieu, nous analyserons à partir d’une approche psychanalytique2 (montrant les mêmes symptômes mentaux que manifestent la plupart des tunisiens), le résultat de cette violence langagière inappropriée, sur l’individu tunisien, sur ses aspirations, sur ses ambitions et sur ses besoins qui se heurtent à la désillusion et au désenchantement. II-La Tunisie entre le mirage du passé et la réalité actuelle : La Tunisie est le peuple. « Le peuple veut »3 (renverser le régime !), n’est-il pas le slogan de la révolution du 14 janvier 2011 ? La Tunisie voulait transmettre un message et voulait que ce message soit bien reçu et que ses valeurs soient rapidement appliquer sur le terrain. Le peuple veut, en bref, passer un message à soi-même et aux autres : se confirmer et ne plus être ignoré ou opprimé afin de vivre libre et libéré de toute persécution et de toute injustice sociale et politique. Tout au long de la période d’agitation du début de la révolution, tout le peuple était soudé et tenait à concrétiser son désir le plus profond d’exister, d’agir et de réagir dignement et librement. Néanmoins, le tunisien affronte après le départ du dictateur Ben Ali, un autre ennemi beaucoup plus féroce : il s’agit de la violence langagière produite par un discours politique violent et agressif, et qui n’est inéluctablement le résultat d’une déficience au niveau de la communication entre les grands partis politiques. La violence verbale du discours politique a engendré une violence matérielle et destructrice : les suicides, les assassinats politiques et le terrorisme. Le pays vit désormais une scission entre deux catégories politiques : les islamistes et les démocrates. Des islamistes, il s’est produit le radicalisme islamiste ; et des démocrates progressistes s’est produit la gauche extrémiste. De ce fait, la Tunisie auparavant unique, tergiverse désormais entre extrémisme et intégrisme. La politique a pu en une période très courte (moins d’un an après la révolution) partager le peuple en deux partis suivant les deux grands partis politiques opposés. Ceux-ci engendrent à leur tour deux catégories sociales qui adhèrent leurs principes. Mais, l’exercice de la liberté et de la diversité qui devrait rassembler toutes ces catégories postrévolutionnaires même dans leurs différences, les dissemble. La 2

Pour Freud, le terme de « psychanalyse » désigne trois choses : Une méthode d’investigation des processus mentaux à peu près irréductible à toute autre méthode ; Une technique de traitement des désordres névrotiques, basée sur cette méthode d’investigation ; Enfin, un corps de savoir psychologique dont l’accumulation tend à la formation d’une nouvelle discipline scientifique. Voir, Sigmund Freud : Préface à Saussure (R. de), La méthode psychanalytique, PUF, 1992. 3 Voir, Gilbert Achar, Le peuple veut : une exploration radicale du soulèvement arabe, éd. Sindbad-Actes Sud, 2013. Voir aussi, Thierry Sarfin, Le peuple veut, éd. GRANDIR, 2012.

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cause principale est incontestablement leur manque de communication ou plutôt leur incapacité de pouvoir se communiquer le même message primordiale qui les a tous rassemblés avant la révolution : la liberté. En effet, ni les islamistes ni les démocrates ne possèdent non seulement le même code du concept de la liberté, leur permettant de définir le même signifiant par rapport à son signifié, mais aussi et surtout n’ont pas l’habitude de communiquer librement leurs idées politiques dans la diversité. La liberté pour les islamistes (qui gouvernaient et commandaient essentiellement le pays après la révolution) devrait être en leur faveur afin d’en profiter pour installer leur programme islamiste qui leur paraît le plus adéquat pour le bon déroulement du processus transitoire. Tandis que pour les démocrates (l’opposition), ils pensent que chaque individu doit avoir le droit d’exercer la liberté mais sous l’égide de l’étatisme et de la loi institutionnelle. Autrement dit, la liberté en tant que signifiant ne possède pas le même signifié pour les islamistes par rapport aux laïques. Dans cette perspective, le programme des uns et des autres se percute à l’impasse, et l’action politique se heurte à de sérieux et graves problèmes. La violence dans le discours politique apparaît tel le premier signe d’une crise entre les partis adversaires qui se propage insidieusement dans la société en général. Ainsi, la violence discursive dans la politique engendre la haine, suscite chez ce peuple pacifique, un sentiment de ‘mal d’être’ et donnent naissance à sa névrose. Dans quelles mesures, la violence du discours politique entraine-t-elle la division du peuple tunisien ? Et comment la communication politique très médiatisée apparaît comme la cause principale de cette division ? Huit cents ans avant Jésus-Christ, la reine phénicienne Didon ou Elyssa fondit Carthage. Trois cents ans après, Hannibal conduit trois guerres puniques contre Rome et perdit la bataille. En 146 avant JC la première colonie romaine ‘Africa’ fut installée. Rome a commandé le pays 7 siècles à peu près. De 439 à 533 après JC se sont les vandales puis les byzantins qui ont succédé les romains après des guerres et des conquêtes sanguinaires. La période de 647 à 698 marquait le début de l’ère arabo-musulmane. Le chef de l’armée arabe Oqba ibn Nafâa fit de Kairouan, au lieu de Carthage, le nouveau centre politique et intellectuel du Maghreb (670). Quatre siècles après les Almohades unissent les pays du Maghreb et l’Andalousie musulmanes. De 1236 jusqu’à 1705, la Tunisie était la terre de convoitise des Abbasides, des Hafsides puis des Ottomans, ensuite les Husseinites. De 1881 à 1956, c’était le tour de la France qui a colonisé la Tunisie soixante quinze ans jusqu’à 1957, la date de la proclamation de la République Tunisienne et Bourguiba devint le premier président de la république. Bourguiba présidait la Tunisie pendant trente ans et il a été destitué de son poste en 1987 par un coup d’état échafaudé par son premier ministre Ben Ali ; qui l’a succédé par la suite. Ben Ali, à son tour, a commandé exclusivement le pays pendant vingt trois ans jusqu’au 14 janvier 2011, la date de la première révolution tunisienne qui a renversé depuis 3000 ans un régime politique gouvernant le pays. Cela dit, depuis Carthage, les tunisiens luttaient contre les romains, les vandales, les byzantins, les arabes, les andalous, les ottomans puis contre les français. La Tunisie berbère qui devient avec ces 3000 ans d’histoire, la terre d’un richissime brassage de cultures et de civilisations luttait depuis la nuit des temps contre l’autre. Le plan de chaque lutte, bataille et http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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conquête se préparait souvent dans un huit clos qui rassemblait uniquement les décideurs et les teneurs du pouvoir. De ce fait, le peuple était toujours épargné de son sort puisque les leaders du peuple était incontestablement les plus dominants aussi bien sur le plan ethnique que financier. De Hannibal à Ben Ali, le destin social des tunisiens et l’avenir de la Tunisie se discutaient et dépendaient essentiellement des composants alliés d’un sénat (Carthage) ou d’un gouvernement. Le peuple dans tout cela passait à la deuxième position exécutive, et donc soit il participait aux conquêtes par ses soldats, soit il approuvait la victoire ou il subissait l’échec. Bref, le peuple tunisien même s’il ne voulait pas, il devait accepter. Le 14 janvier 2011, les tunisiens crient haut et fort leur vouloir devenir le seul et unique décideur de leur sort et appelle au changement catégorique de leur position politique et sociale. Le peuple, alors, revendique son droit d’être ; donc son droit de communiquer ses demandes, ses valeurs et sa légitimité. Ainsi s’explique la première phrase de l’hymne national tunisien qui n’est que la première phrase de la fameuse poésie du grand poète tunisien Abou el Qasem CHABBI : « Si le peuple veut exister et vivre, alors il faut que le destin exauce sa demande »4. Le tunisien révolutionnaire divulgue enfin son sentiment refoulé de liberté, et exige désormais que le pouvoir doit être aux mains de tout le peuple et non pas d’un seul homme.5 L’euphorie d’un tel exploit historique, stimulait l’envie irrésistible de tous les tunisiens de s’unir et d’apprendre ensemble à pratiquer la liberté et la démocratie. Seulement, cette euphorie se mue en dysphorie, le rêve tunisien se heurte à la désillusion et l’unité du peuple se dissout. Inhabituel à la politique, à ses modes d’action et au processus de son exercice de pouvoir, incapable de communiquer librement et d’apprendre à le faire correctement, le tunisien qui ignore les règles du jeu de ce domaine compliqué et fourbe, tombe dans le piège du ‘désenchantement’. Le désir de retrouver l’ère de Ben Ali, malgré sa dictature, et la nostalgie de la sécurité et du calme de la Tunisie d’avant hantent un grand nombre de tunisiens immensément déçus de la révolution. En effet, après la chute du dictateur et après avoir vécu joyeusement l’allégresse du glorieux changement populaire applaudit par le monde entier, la scène politique s’apprêtait à s’organiser et les partis politiques auparavant persécutés, commençaient à se reconstruire et d’autres nouveaux partis se préparaient pour se faire une place dans cette ère nouvelle et libre de l’histoire de la Tunisie. Chacun veut profiter de son droit d’exister et d’exercer afin de participer réellement à l’évolution démocratique de la nouvelle Tunisie unie et prospère. L’ambiance était prometteuse. Or, cette union populaire qui a renversé le régime autoritaire du pouvoir totalitariste, se détache et se disperse. Les partis politiques postrévolutionnaires censés travailler ensemble dans la diversité pour construire un pays nouveau digne de cette grande révolution, se divisent, se disputent, se détestent pour aboutir à la scission de la Tunisie en deux partis : les islamistes et les démocrates progressistes. La communication qui devrait atténuer les conflits et les divergences entre ces deux partis, participe à l’élargissement de la distance entre eux.

4

Mohamed Hassen Zouzi-Chabbi, La philosophie du poète : l’exemple d’un poète tunisien de langue arabe, Aboul Qacem CHABBI (1909-1934), l’Harmattan, 2005. 5 Voir, Vivianne Bettaieb, Dégage : la révolution tunisienne, Editions du Layeur, 2011.

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Le tunisien vierge d’esprit dans le domaine politique, qui ignore les techniques de la communication, qui aspire à vivre dans un rythme sociale propre et enrichissant lui permettant d’évoluer dans un cadre digne, assiste constamment à un débat politique pourri et dégradant où l’un insulte l’autre, l’un dénigre l’autre, l’un méconnait l’autre, l’un expédie l’autre, bref ; l’un lutte atrocement contre l’autre. Cet autre n’est, malheureusement que luimême. Le discours politique violent, acharné, agité, haineux, extrémiste voire raciste partage le peuple autrefois uni, appelle à la mort et suscite un état de panique effrayant. D’un temps ancien où les tunisiens assistaient à la décapitation des opposants, aux temps où ils entendaient parler des horreurs des tortionnaires qui pratiquaient des moyens indescriptibles pour torturer les prisonniers politiques, au temps actuel où ils entendent de vive voix les menaces de morts, les insultes les plus choquantes. Les scènes les plus affreuses se succèdent ; le tunisien assiste tantôt à l’atrocité des lynchages des sympathisants d’un tel parti politique (Lotfi Naghth, en 2012) par les opposants de l’autre part, aux carnages collectifs de ses soldats (par les terroristes) aux assassinats des personnalités politiques (Belaïd et Brahmi, en 2012) devant leurs domiciles, le jour aux vus des passants. Alors entre l’autrefois archaïque, le passé ancien et le présent, le tunisien se voit de génération en génération assisté à tous les genres de violences morales et physiques les plus déplorables. Sauf que la violence actuelle s’avère être la plus destructrice car depuis presque soixante ans (après le départ des colonisateurs français en 1957), la génération actuelle vivait dans le calme absolu des événements politiques et sociales. Depuis Bourguiba et surtout pendant l’époque de Ben Ali, les objectifs de l’état tunisien se basaient essentiellement sur le détournement du tunisien de la vie politique afin que l’état s’en occupe tout seul. Ben Ali poursuivait le système suivant : vous me donnez votre liberté je vous garantirai votre sécurité. Ainsi, pour pratiquer ce système, Ben Ali procédait stratégiquement à des formes spéciales de violence dans le but de terroriser ses opposants et donc pour prévenir implicitement les tunisiens susceptibles à se révolter. L’usage de ces formes de répression était alors approuvé et bien encadré par le soutien des structures institutionnelles, sécuritaires et juridiques encourageant ainsi la violence sous-jacente et totalitaire du régime. III-La violence dans le discours politique : dégâts et statistiques : A cet égard, après la révolution du 14 janvier 2011, ce tunisien qui espérait mettre fin à toutes ces horreurs, assiste d’ors et déjà à une nouvelle forme de violence aussi bien apparente qu’angoissante : la violence dans le discours politique. Du coup, tout le non-dit et l’interdit à dévoiler verbalement par mesure de prévention devient accessible à tout monde, courant à voir et ordinaire à entendre. Les valeurs de la révolution tunisienne à savoir ‘liberté’, ‘dignité’ et ‘justice sociale’ perdent leurs sens authentiques pour acquérir une dimension dégradante. La liberté d’expression dépasse ses limites et devient un outil de persécution qui appelle à la violence et qui incite à l’exclusion. Nous allons, dans cette perspective, recourir à une étude statistique illustrant les dégâts de la violence dans le discours politique médiatisé et qui incitent à la haine entre les tunisiens. L’organisation non gouvernementale danoise ‘International Media Support’ (IMS) en collaboration avec deux organisations tunisiennes l’ONG ‘Conseil national pour les libertés en Tunisie (CNLT) et le réseau associatif coalition pour les femmes tunisiennes, ont commandé une étude qui a été étudié par Arab Working Group for Media Monitoring http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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(AWGMM) sur les medias tunisiens. L’étude a été affectée sur les deux premiers mois de 2013 sur un échantillon de 19 medias différents : 9 journaux, 5 télévisions et 5 radios. Ses résultats sont alarmants et prouvent que la Tunisie est décidemment en prise à un climat délétère de haine et de violence. Selon cette organisation, « l’étude a porté sur 6 quotidiens : 4 arabophones (Al Maghreb, Al Chourouk, Al Sarih, Al Fajr, Attounsia) et 2 francophones (La Presse et Le Temps) et 3 hebdomadaires (Al Massaa, EkherKhabar, Al Dhamir). L’hebdomadaire Al Massaa est le journal publiant le plus un discours haineux. L’étude souligne aussi les journaux qui incitent à la haine et à la violence en Tunisie : «-

90 / des journaux arabophone contre 9/ des francophones dont :

72/ des discours de haine sont des diffamations et des insultes. 45/ des discours haineux touchent à la politique ; 14/ sont relatifs à la religion. 38/ des discours de haine sont des publications des partisans d’Ennahdha, de NidaaTounes et du Front Populaire sont le produit des journalistes. Par ailleurs, 5 chaînes télévisés ont été concernées par l’étude de ‘AWGMM’ : la 6 télévision nationale, Nessma tv, Almotawasset, Ettounsiya et Hannibal tv. »

La chaine Hannibal (tendance populiste) est au premier rang où le discours violent est le plus présent suivie par el Motawasset et Ezzeitouna (pro-islamistes), Nessma (proprogressistes) puis Ettounsia (pro-progressistes). L’étude note que les appels à la violence ou au meurtre constituent 9/ du discours de haine à la télévision. Environ 60/ des propos haineux sont ceux des responsables politiques, dont 40/ sont le produit des militants des partis Ennahdha (parti islamiste) et Watad (parti de l’extrême gauche). En ce qui concerne les radios, l’étude portée sur 5 radios : Mosaïque fm, Express fm, Radio6, Radio Kalima et la Radio nationale. Mosaïque (tendance progressiste) la radio la plus écoutée du pays est la radio où le discours de haine est le plus présent selon cette étude. 50/ des discours violents diffusés sur les ondes sont le produit des reportages. Leur proportion reste toutefois importante dans les débats entre démocrates et islamistes. Arab Working Group of Monitoring a publié un « Dictionnaire de la haine »7 où plusieurs termes considérés comme ‘violents’ ou incitant à la haine ont été recensés. Ces termes sont très utilisés dans le discours politique mais ont aussi intégré le vocabulaire quotidien des tunisiens même au sein de leurs foyers. On y trouve entre autre : « jerthène (rats), Azlème (résidus), trahison, obscurantiste, collabo, mécréant, efféminé »8 . Cela revient à dire, le discours violent devient tel un écho accessible à tout le monde, et la communication de ce langage politique agité, apparaît telle une évidence dans les médias tunisiens. Tout le monde parle de la politique et le principe essentiel des politiciens qui en parlent le plus est la violence. Cette violence n’est que la conséquence en premier lieu d’une communication verbale inexperte, exercée essentiellement par des politiciens commençants et immatures ; et en deuxième lieu elle n’est qu’une réaction inconsciente de chaque individu qui dissimule son incompétence de convaincre son adversaire par son projet politique et social. 6

Site internet « Al Huffington Post, Maghreb-Tunisie », article, « Etude : ‘Un discours de haine’ fort présent dans les médias tunisiens, date le 13/09/2013. 7 Op, cit. 8 Ibidem.

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La violence dans le discours qui sert chez les politiciens adversaires, à s’insulter et à se sous-estimer, n’est finalement que l’expression d’un malaise intérieur que vit l’homme luimême, car il se voit incapable de bien prêcher et donc de convaincre. Alors, le citoyen comme le politicien apparaissent deux victimes de leur inexpérience communicationnelle dans un contexte révolutionnaire. Le politicien sombre de plus en plus dans sa violence verbale et le citoyen succombe à cette violence, en souffre profondément et engendre progressivement sa névrose. IV-De la violence verbale à la névrose : En quête de soi-même, à la recherche d’un rempart protecteur et d’une liberté tant désiré, les tunisiens ont espéré acquérir à travers la révolution, ce dont ils ont besoin afin de retrouver l’apaisement et la quiétude. Mais leurs efforts se révèlent vains. Ils ont tout juste divulgué la peine de l’homme qui se heurte à une réalité cruelle : la désillusion. Le rêve devient cauchemar et le réel du monde reflète une vraisemblance ridicule et pessimiste. Le tunisien est ainsi amené à se muer en un être soucieux, mélancolique, angoissé, apathique. Il se cantonne dans sa solitude ou dans son désir de mort, loin du monde étrange qui pétrifie ses ambitions et annihile ses désirs les plus fougueux. L’être devient l’esclave de sa méfiance visà-vis de la société et même vis-à-vis de soi-même. La seule certitude que reconnaît désormais le tunisien désenchanté, c’est sa faiblesse face à l’intransigeance de sa société. Se retrouver devant une telle impasse après maintes tentatives de détachement d’un régime puritain, et après avoir tenté de se révolter pour changer la société ardue, les efforts du peuple se révèlent impossibles. Un bouleversement moral décourage un grand nombre de tunisiens et enfante par conséquent des dépressifs, des êtres inhibés9, des dépersonnalisés10, des angoissés, des mélancoliques, des refoulés11, des suicidaires, bref ; des névrosés. Perdu dans le gouffre de la haine et de la violence, le tunisien vivant depuis belle lurette dans le calme d’un silence politique sous forme de tabou, se heurte d’un coup à un rythme agressif de violence verbale et non verbale. Un discours grossier et bas qui se répète partout dans les medias, dans la rue et même dans les foyers ; un regard haineux, méprisant et accusateur jonché de mal et de colère qui se partage entre islamistes et progressistes. Le pouvoir d’achat atteint un effondrement incroyable, la sécurité nationale n y est plus et le tunisien pacifique et serein vit désormais sous la menace des assassinats et du terrorisme. La paix d’autrefois devient si désirable pour un individu qui se sent devenir proie au sentiment implacable de désenchantement et de désillusion. La révolution qui est censée consolider les liens entre tous les tunisiens et souder leurs efforts pour le progrès, elle les sépare.

9

Freud écrit : «En conclusion, on peut donc dire des inhibitions qu’elles sont des restrictions des fonctions du moi, soit par précaution, soit à la suite d’un appauvrissement en énergie. » Sigmund Freud, Inhibition, symptôme et angoisse, PUF, 1993, p.6. 10 En psychiatrie, la dépersonnalisation se définit comme « altération de la conscience caractérisée par le sentiment de ne plus se reconnaitre soi-même ; et souvent par le sentiment de déréalisation. » Voir le Petit Larousse, 100° Edition, 2005. 11 Freud écrit : « L’inconscient c’est avant tout le refoulé. (…) le refoulement a conduit à l’inconscient et le spécifie. (…) Pour faire bref disons que, processus inconscient, le refoulement est l’effet d’un conflit qu’il tend à solutionner. » Voir, Freud, L’interprétation des rêves, PUF, 2003, p. 21.

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Le tunisien devient après tant d’espoir et d’espérance proie au sentiment destructeur du « mal d’être ». Sentir le ‘mal d’être’12, c’est ne plus pouvoir supporter les dégâts de la désillusion de la révolution ; c’est donc ne plus pouvoir lutter contre le changement indésirable. Etre mal à cause d’une ou de plusieurs situations contrariantes et ne plus avoir la patience de supporter ce sentiment ravageur du mal est le début d’un sentiment de malaise qui pourrait toucher, dans la profondeur, la métapsychologique (l’appareil du fonctionnement psychique) de l’être. Si l’être subit un changement devient pour lui insupportable, exécrable puis impossible à le dépasser, il (l’être) pourrait sombrer dans le chaos. Ce chaos est le résultat des manifestes de la dépression latente ou apparente qui se renforce par les sentiments de l’angoisse, de la mélancolie, du refoulement pour engendrer enfin, après la présentation d’autres symptômes, un cas psychopathologique13 ou tout simplement ‘un névrosé’. Dans la névrose, du point de vue clinique, les spécialistes dégagent sept points omniprésents dans chaque cas névrotique : «

- Des difficultés relationnelles ;

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La survenue inopinée de moments d’angoisse ; Le développement de symptômes particulier ; Un sentiment amer de « mal d’être » - d’exister- ; La perception d’une conflictualité interne ; 14 La conscience de « difficultés » sexuelle. »

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En effet, la névrose est la maladie clinique qui touche d’abord le morale de l’être pour fragiliser par la suite son corps. Ses symptômes sont aussi la frustration, l’inhibition (la restriction – diminution- des fonctions de l’être : au travail ou même pendant ses rapports sexuels)15, la dépersonnalisation (ne plus se reconnaitre soi-même : se voit dépourvu des caractères dominants de sa personnalité), un sentiment constant de conflictualité, l’envie de suicide. Malheureusement, toutes ces symptômes apparaissent chez un bon nombre des tunisiens qui souffrent depuis la révolution d’un trouble psychologique dû au changement politique, social et économique du pays. Effectivement, d’après un récent sondage réalisé par l’institut Gallup et Healthways sur 133000 dans 145 pays16, concernant les pays les plus ‘heureux’, le peuple tunisien serait parmi les pays ‘les moins heureux dans le monde’. La 12

Voir, Dorra Barhoumi, « Ecrire le « mal d’être » au XIX° siècle : Chateaubriand, Constant, Maupassant », Bibliothèque de Paris VIII, 2011. 13 Freud écrit à ce propos : « Le champ des névroses se définit donc de façon différentielle par rapport aux autres champs de la psychopathologie à la fois par un degré de gravité, par l’organisation interne à laquelle elle conduit pour le sujet névrosé, et par la relation que celui-ci entretien avec l’environnement. Si la psychose marque une forme de rupture dans l’équilibre du sujet avec le monde extérieur, la névrose dénote la présence d’une situation permanente de conflit s’opposant à cet équilibre, source de souffrance pour le sujet elle témoigne donc d’une « solution » à la fois moins radicale et plus adaptée que la psychose pour faire face aux difficultés que rencontre le sujet dans sa relation avec le monde extérieur. De ce fait, ses effets psychiques demeurent pour la plupart conscients, et ils se traduisent par les symptômes qui sont des traits d’union entre le sujet et le monde, en relation ambivalente avec l’angoisse. ». Sigmund Freud, Inhibition, symptômes et angoisse, op, cit, p.6. 14 Jean Ménéchal, Qu’est ce que la névrose ?, Dunod, 1999, p.34. 15 Freud écrit dans le même contexte : « (…) des symptômes témoignant d’une régulation plus difficile au plan interne entre corps et psychisme, au terme de laquelle le monde extérieur est disqualifié dans son rôle de soutien. », Qu’est ce que la névrose, op, cit. p.45. 16 Voir, le site internet « Peps news », date du 26 septembre 2014.

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Tunisie figure à la 134° place dans ce sondage avant la Syrie, la dernière sur la liste qui occupe la 145° place17. Alors qu’en 2010, la Tunisie s’était classée 36 sur 60 pays sur l’Indice du bonheur mondial (IBM) avec 692 points. Elle se classait, donc, en la première position au monde arabe et en Afrique ; et elle était même précédée par plusieurs pays européens et certains pays du continent américain.18 Les effets néfastes de la révolution tunisienne ont largement affecté les tunisiens aussi bien explicitement ou implicitement. Certes, d’après un article publié à l’hebdomadaire tunisien Réalités, l’auteur écrit : « D’après la carte mondiale de la santé mentale, il semblerait qu’il ne fasse plus bon vivre dans le pays. Les tunisiens joyeux, heureux, tranquilles, seraient devenus mal à l’aise, mal dans leurs peaux et « dégoûtés » de tout. La mélancolie caractérise l’ambiance générale qui règne dans un pays en mode souffrance où 19 plus de 50/ des habitants sont dépressifs » .

Donc, il y a ceux qui manifestent leur mécontentement par des réactions apparentes, et il y a ceux qui refoulent leurs maux et frustrent leurs angoisses. D’après le même magazine Réalité, la Tunisie souffre d’un sentiment implacable de peine du à cette période nommée ‘post-révolution’. Une ambiance de colère et d’agressivité règne, incessamment, les tunisiens depuis la révolution. Colère, agressivité, haine, violence, division, désespoir, sentiment constant d’incertitude et de désillusion, le peuple tunisien auparavant optimiste devient pessimiste. Repenser au passé, fuir le présent et ne plus croire en l’avenir, le tunisien se retrouve saccagé par la hantise de la perdition. Cette hantise donne naissance à la névrose. Cette maladie psychopathologique passe par un processus qui va en mouvement crescendo. Celui-ci commence par le sentiment de mal d’être en passant par un sentiment de perturbation psychologique qui augmente par les sentiments de désenchantement ou de désillusion, d’incertitude, d’inhibition, de dépersonnalisation, de conflictualité, d’angoisse, de refoulement, de mélancolie pour aboutir à une dépression aigue qui suscite dans le cas extrême l’envie de se suicider et donc de la mort. Voici, à cet égard, une étude statistique effectuée par ‘l’organisation mondiale de la santé’ qui confirme ce processus, spécifiquement chez les tunisiens qui souffrent de cette maladie due à la révolution : « - 53/ des tunisiens souffrent de perturbation psychologique après la révolution contre 11/ avant. -

Le tunisien consomme 3 fois plus d’antidépresseurs après la révolution qu’avant. 37/ des tunisiens souffrant de la dépression et de l’angoisse. En 2012, le plus grand hôpital psychiatrique de la Tunisie ‘Errazi’, contient plus que de 10000 patients contre 3500 en 2009.

17

Voir, le journal électronique « Tuniscope », article « Le peuple tunisien parmi les peuples les moins heureux du monde selon le sondage de l’institut Gallup. », date 25 mai 2014. 18 Voir, le journal électronique « Bisness News », date 8 aout 2010. 19 Magazine électronique « Réalités », Voir aussi du même magazine, l’article « Santé mentale : la Tunisie en mode souffrance », publié le 16 décembre 2013.

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En 2011, 27/ des patients psychologiques sont des victimes de la désillusion de la révolution. En 2014, les spécialistes prévoient une nouvelle trouble psychologique due au stress 20 post traumatique et post élection. »

Pour finir, d’après une investigation personnelle du Docteur en psychiatrie, mr. Frikha, le revenu mensuel de son cabinet se multiplie par à peu près 5 fois, depuis la révolution tunisienne. Passons maintenant à une statistique plus menaçante qu’affolante : le taux de suicide qui enfle de plus en plus en Tunisie après la révolution. Selon une étude effectuée par le journal quotidien tunisien ‘Echourouk’ en février 2013, entre janvier 2011 et fin décembre 2012, le ministère tunisien de l’Intérieur a compté 511 cas de suicides soit 21 suicides par mois. Pour 2012 le bilan faisait 226 cas contre 285 en 2011. D’un autre côté, les chiffres du ministère de l’Intérieur ont révélé que 1557 tentatives d’émigration clandestine ont été enregistrées tout au long de 2012. Cela étant, le taux que se soit d’évasion ou de suicide a triplé au moins de 2 ans. C’est le syndrome Bouzizi (l’homme qui s’est immolé le premier à la ville de Sidi Bouzid, et a déclenché la révolution) auquel ont déjà succombé un bon nombre de tunisiens, surtout des jeunes diplômés, des policiers, ou des cadres dans le secteur financier ou autre. Autrement dit, ce sont surtout les intellectuels et éduqués ou tout simplement, les consciencieux qui se donnaient la mort ! Dernier en date d’une tentative de suicide est celui d’un banquier de 40 ans qui s’est jeté de son bureau du siège de la banque BNA de Tunis ; une professeur en chômage âgée de 23 ans s’est suicidé en septembre 2012, un agent de police âgé de 25 ans le 24 aout 2012. Donc, le suicide affecte généralement les jeunes qui ont fait la révolution dont ils espéraient beaucoup. Les uns par dégoût, les autres par culpabilisation ou par déprime de voir le pays risque de se métamorphoser en Afghanistan comme le cas de Karim Alimi, ce jeune de 29 ans trouvé mort par pendaison chez lui à l’Ariana le 16 juin 2012. Selon un rapport rendu publique par le ministère de l’Intérieur, il y a 290 cas d’immolation par le feu rien qu’en 2011. Le taux des victimes du chômage, de la misère ou des troubles mentaux enfle de plus en plus après la révolution selon cette étude. Le nombre des suicidaires augmente de plus en plus en 2013. Le journal électronique tunisien ‘Kapitalis’ écrit à cet égard : « Selon les chiffres officiels du ministère de la santé, on enregistre en Tunisie en 2013, 304 cas de suicide soit 3 cas pour 100.000 habitants. Selon le ministre de la santé Mohamed Salah Ben Ammar, qui intervenait au cours d’une réunion, lundi 22 décembre 2014, au siège de son département à Tunis, le nombre de suicides a triplé par rapport aux années 2008-2009. La progression de ce phénomène est inquiétant, a-t-il ajouté, précisant que le nombre de tentatives de suicide équivaut à 5 fois celui 21 des suicides. »

20

.Op,cit. Journal électronique « Kapitalis », article « Un phénomène en hausse : 304 cas de suicide en Tunisie en 2013. La date du 22 décembre 2014. 21

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V-Conclusion : En guise de conclusion, le sentiment du mal d’être chez les tunisiens s’exprime par la violence, l’agressivité, le déprime, la dépression, la toxicomanie, la délinquance et le suicide. Ce sentiment est issu essentiellement d’un autre sentiment, celui de la désillusion. La révolution n’a pas encore réalisé les rêves de ce peuple assoiffé de liberté ; mais bien au contraire, elle menace même leur autonomie, leur sécurité et leur paix d’auparavant. Le contexte social tunisien autrefois stable, se caractérise actuellement par une recrudescence de la violence. Celle-ci est tributaire, surtout, de la production d’une communication défectueuse, liée à un discours politique dirigeant des esprits en manque immense de liberté sociale et de formation politique décente et bienséante. Le tunisien de trois milles ans qui vivait sous l’égide de plusieurs régimes politiques absolus ou dictatoriaux, se voit incapable de s’adapter facilement aux nouveaux enjeux politiques et de se méfier de ses conséquences. L un des premières étapes de la bonne constitution appropriée et démocratique qui aiderait ce peuple à éviter la déroute, est incontestablement la révision totale du schéma de la communication du discours politique tunisien. La communication politique doit, effectivement, évoluer en faveur du progrès démocratique et non pas en faveur de la violence et de la division. Ainsi seulement, la violence change en non-violence, la haine se transforme en entente et concordance, et la névrose guérit à jamais.

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Références -

Gilbert Achar, Le peuple veut : une exploration radicale du soulèvement arabe, édi. Sindbad, Actes-Sud, 2013.

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Le petit Larousse, 100 Edition, 2005.

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Mohamed Hassen Zouzi Chabbi, La philosophie du poète : l’exemple d’un poète tunisien de langue arabe, Aboul Qacem CHABBI (1903-1934), l’Harmattan, 2005.

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Roman Jakobson, Essai de linguistique général, Tome 1, Fondation du langage, éd. Poche, 2003.

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Sigmund Freud, La méthode psychopathologique, PUF, 1992.

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Sigmund Freud, Inhibition, symptôme et angoisse, PUF, 1993.

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Sigmund Freud, L’interprétation des rêves, PUF, 2003.

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Thierrey Safrin, Le peuple veut, éd. GRANDIR, 2012.

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Vivianne Bettaïeb, Dégage : la révolution tunisienne, Edition du Layeur, 2011.

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Journal électronique ‘Kapitalis’, art. Un phénomène en hausse : 304 cas de suicide en Tunisie en 2013, 22/12/2014.

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Journal électronique, ‘Bizness News, 08/08/2013.

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Magazine électronique ‘Réalités, 16/12/2013.

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Magazine électronique ‘Tuniscope’, 25/05/2014.

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Site intenet, ‘Peps news, 26/09/2014.

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Site internet, ‘Al Huffington Post, Maghreb-Tunisie’, art. « Etude : ‘Un discours de haine’ fort présent dans les médias tunisiens, 13/09/2013.

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A Psychoanalytical Hermeneutics of John Keats’s Verse Epistle To John Hamilton Reynolds through Julia Kristeva’s Theory of ‘Semiotic’ vs. ‘Symbolic’ Orders Farhat Ben Amor University of Kairouan, Tunisia

Abstract My readings of John Keats’ s verse epistle To John Hamilton Reynolds (1819) have allowed me to gather the poet’s underlying wonder at the vertiginous number of visions his imagination induces whenever he succumbs to rest. The noticeable surfeit of these visions is suggested not simply to hinder the poet from enjoying the bodily and spiritual relaxation he needs. More importantly, the poet seems to be much perplexed and even is led to deplore the sheer remoteness of these visions from the world of reality. While enumerating these visions, the poet stresses the way they keep not abiding by the terms of logic, whether temporal or spatial. Therefore, the epistle documents, as well, the vain wrestles within the poet to subject these innumerable visions deterring his equanimity to the precepts of reason and to orchestrate them to order. This paper seeks to apply Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalysis in reading Keats’s epistle. Much concentration is going to be put on the relevance of Kristeva’s psychoanalytical views in the text of the epistle. Thus, this study requires going through the theoretical elucidations of Kristeva’s notions of the ‘semiotic’ versus ‘symbolic’ orders, where the former is prelinguistic and, therefore, maps out the child’s early life and the latter coincides with the development of language. The clash between both orders is manifested in the frequent disruption of the ‘semiotic’ (which is regulated by fluidity and absence of prohibitions whatsoever) to the seamy fabrics of the ‘symbolic’ (which is governed by the law of ‘binarism’ that requires the subject to be enlisted to a whole set of do’s and don’ts). Keywords: chora, écriture, imagination, material sublime, organic whole, semiotic vs. symbolic orders

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Introduction John Keats’s verse epistle To J. H. Reynolds (1818) is a space in which the poet is presented as a helpless victim to the innumerable visions besieging him from every corner from within. From the beginning, then, we understand that the poet’s psyche represents the pivot around which the whole texture of the epistle revolves. This means that Keats’s interior world becomes the battleground on which the fight of the poet against his visions and his wrestles with conceptualizing them are minutely staged before his readers. Such an underlying dramatization of what is going on in the poet’s psyche makes the text of the epistle constitute a concretization of what Stuart. M. Sperry referred to as “that sense of mist and clouds, the feeling of the ‘burden of the Mystery’ oppressing the poet.” (118) The sense of inability to orchestrate one’s visions ought to be read within Keats’s frequent dramatization of the destructive potential of the poetic imagination. In reality, pointing to the negative outcome of following the limitless vagaries of imagination is unconventional within a romantic mode of apprehension. Indeed, it is very common to find romantic poets extol imagination and assess its creative divine-like capacity that acknowledges no boundary whatsoever. Keats himself had written one year before this epistle: “I am certain of nothing but the holiness of the Heart’s affection and the truth of Imagination. What the imagination seizes as Beauty must be truth – whether it existed before or not.” (Appendix 6. John Keats. The Complete Poems. 535) The question which imposes itself, then, concerns the change wrought to ‘imagination’ with respect to its position for the poet. If we were to admit that the epistle marks a deviation from the romantic itinerary, we would certainly be invited to ponder over the causes, manifestations and results of such an abrupt and romantically unconventional negative view the poet comes to hold about ‘imagination.’ Research objectives The aim of this paper is to cover the following objectives: - To adopt Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalytical approach (namely her differentiation between the ‘semiotic’ vs. the ‘symbolic’ orders) while trying to delineate the causes that lead to the eventual appropriation of these visions of irritating aspects to the poet. - To stress the superseding might of these visions and their tenacious defiance against the poet’s efforts to subjugate them to the laws of reality and commonsensical logic. This is going to be read within Kristeva’s view of the supremacy of the pre-linguistic fluidity and unrestrained freedom and mobitliy governing the ‘semiotic’ order over the regularities and severe control and boundaries set around the linguistically-bound individual in the ‘symbolic’ one. - To frame the poet’s recognition of his inability to control his fecund imagination (which is constantly begetting further visions) within the context of Kristeva’s insistence on the rhetoric of the individual’s search for self-disaffiliation from the ‘semiotic’ in favor of embracing the ‘symbolic.’ Hence, this emphasis on the ‘rhetoric’ side of such an effort implies the weakgrounded nature of that disaffiliation – a deduction that is going to be shown through highlighting the pernicious role the poet’s imagination keeps playing in the epistle despite his explicit linking it with the ‘purgatory blind.’ http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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- To heighten the interspersion of both orders (the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’) in the whole texture of the epistle and the impossibility to sever each from the other. This fact is going to be studied in relation to the effects produced out of that dialectical link, while focusing on the underlying sense of indeterminacy governing the epistle and coloring the poet’s mood. Research Questions The study will concentrate on the following questions: - How is Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalysis relevant to the text of John Keats’s epistle To J. H. Reynolds? - What are the major insights we can gather into Keats’s view of imagination (which, as we said, he broached unconventionally with reference to its usual estimation among romantic poets) out of such a psychoanalytical spectrum? Research Methodology This study will be based on analysis and inference, supporting each idea from the text of the epistle and finding indices telling of the centrality of Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalytical views in it. The textual references are given as evidence to support the arguments of this research. The key Kristevian concepts of ‘semiotic vs. symbolic’ orders, along with chora and écriture are going to be studied in relation to the text of the epistle. This entails that the notion of ‘imagination,’ which represents the main controversial issue in the epistle, is going to be subjected to a Kristevian psychoanalytical hermeneutics. The list of cited sources is given under the heading of References at the end of this paper. Literature Review It is true that the verse epistle To J. H. Reynolds (1818) does not seem to achieve the same canon as Keats’s other works like his romance Endymion (1817) which precedes it and his epic Hyperion and the six famous odes (To Autumn, To a Nightingale, On Indolence, On a Grecian Urn, To Psyche, and On Melancholy), written after it (1819). This may explain the small amount of criticism the epistle has received, inasmuch as it has not been extensively written about. Still, I find that the importance of the epistle should not be devalued under the pretext of being relegated to other major works. To a considerable extent, the epistle gains its valor through the turning point it marks in the poet’s career, as far as his view of ‘imagination’ is concerned. As Walter Evert ascertains “no poetic agonist created after the Reynolds epistle succeeds in assimilating both worlds (the imaginative vs. the real) to his own spirit.” (281) Referring back to the whole body of criticism written about and on the epistle (no matter how small it may be), I found out that most of it address the intellectual and aesthetic questions the poet grapples with in his epistle. I could cite such works as Stuart M. Sperry’s Keats the Poet (1994), Albert Gérard’s article “Romance and Reality: Continuity and Growth in Keats’s View of Art” that appeared in Keats-Shelley Journal XI (pp. 17-29), Mary Visick’s article “‘Tease us out of Thought’: Keats’s Epistle to Reynolds and the Odes” in Keats-Shelley Journal XV (pp. 87-98), along with Walter Evert’s discussion of the epistle in Aesthetic and Myth in the Poetry of Keats (pp. 194-211). http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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These books and articles are very interesting in illuminating us to focal facets that need to be known about the poet, related mainly to the philosophizing tendency he reveals in this epistle (the intellectual side) and the original style he adopts in it which verges on surrealism (the aesthetic dimension). However, no psychoanalytical study is offered in these works. My Ph.D on Keats (Ben Amor 2012) makes use of psychoanalysis, but it does not delve much into Kristeva’s works and seeks, rather, to frame Keats’s view of imagination within the dialectics the poet exhibits between the ‘real’ and the ‘ideal.’ The present study undertakes the task of providing a hermeneutical reading of the epistle, using Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalysis as a reference, in the hope of deciphering new results that may complete the intellectual and aesthetic handlings of it. I.

The ‘Semiotic’: between immanence and elusiveness

In her book Desire in Language. A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art, Julia Kristeva maintains that the ‘semiotic’ “refers to the actual organization, or disposition, within the body, of instinctual drives as they affect language and its practice.” (18) Elucidating more the nature of these drives, Kristeva adds in her book Revolution in Poetic Language that “drives involve pre-Oedipal functions and energy discharges that connect and orient the body to the mother.” (27) What could be derived from these quotes are the following five points: 1 - The anchorage of the ‘semiotic’ in ‘the body,’ which highlights its close affinity to man’s biological constitution that is empirically-verifiable and, therefore, apt to be studied scientifically. 2 - The association of the ‘semiotic’ with ‘instinctual drives,’ linking it, thus, with what is innate, rather than acquired, that is, what we are born with. By implication, the world of the senses represents the bedrock of the ‘semiotic,’ which means that the ‘semiotic’ pertains to man’s ‘instinctual drives’ to grant the senses full satisfaction of all that is desired. 3 - There is a discernible effect of the ‘semiotic’ on the course of ‘language and its practice.’ This certainly serves: a + To extend the tempo-spatial appearance of the ‘semiotic’ as to be stretched beyond the pre-linguistic phase, generally considered to be lavished with unrestrained freedom from inhibitions, whether moral, social, religious, or institutional at alrge. All these forms of inhibition are usually held to fatally regulate the individuals’ lives departing from the moment they start to use language. By implication, the tempo-spatial extension of the ‘semiotic’ beyond its own phase is suggested to make that so-called ‘fatal regulation’ in the symbolic order void of sense. b + To present the ‘semiotic’ as capable of invading the internal fabrics of the ‘symbolic order’ – a fact that is clear in ‘language,’ the hitherto-held to be the most explicit indicator of one’s severance from the pre-linguistic unconfined realms of the ‘semiotic.’ Actually, the ‘practice’ of language, in itself, (including artistic productions) could be revelatory of the presence of the ‘semiotic.’ As Julia Kristeva ascertains in one of her interviews, “What we call ‘art’ is characterized by more patent immanence of the semiotic to the symbolic. Art transforms language into rhythms and transforms ‘aberrations’ into stylistic figures.” (Guberman 109) 4 - The existence of ‘pre-Oedipal’ facts within the structure of language, despite the anchorage of these facts in the individual ‘unconsciousness.’ This is what Kristeva puts http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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forward in her book New Maladies of the Soul: “within the semiotic activity, sensory vectors such as sound, color, smell carry the sense of the drive and of affect and are organized within the primary process (unconscious).” (159) What happens, after the individual enters the ‘symbolic’ order of language, is his/her retaining of these very ‘sensory vectors’ that, originally, inhabit the ‘semiotic,’ rather than the ‘symbolic.’ As Sylvie Andrea Gambaudo puts it, “Kristeva interprets the presence of semiotic contents as the marker of the subject’s reactualization of a time anterior to language, that is, a return of the subject to maternal time and a re-actualization of maternal time within the subject.” (32) 5- The metaphorical link of the ‘semiotic’ with the image of the ‘mother’ – the receptacle of all that is desired for the child in the pre-linguistic phase. Through endorsing the possibility of ‘re-actualization’ of such a phase at any time, Kristeva is implicitly sanctioning the return of pre-Oedipal contents (that is, the time before the child’s severance from its mother occurs, which is the ‘semiotic’) into symbolic production. In fact, Kristeva announces, in her book Against the National Depression, her outright commitment to the project of “rehabilitating pre-Oedipal and psychic latencies of the unconscious.” (27) This project constitute but an attempt “to return to pre-Oedipal contents in order to verbalize it again.” (Gambaudo 93) It is this attempt to ‘verbalize’ these ‘pre-Oedipal contents,’ while being immersed in the symbolic order, which proves the eventual imprisonment of the ‘semiotic’ in the darkly labyrinthine realms of inexpressibility. This is what Julia Kristeva ultimately seems to find out as a main challenge in her psychoanalytical enterprise. Rather than being a transparent medium of revealing the tacit multiple layers of the presence of the ‘semiotic’ in it, language often remains inapt to formulate the non-verbalized body’s needs and longings. As she observes in her book Against the National Depression “many do not manage to represent their conflicts psychically (in sensations, words, images, thoughts), and consequently expose themselves to vandalisms, psychosomatic disorders, drugs.” (69) As a matter of fact, no longer are ‘sensations, words, images and thoughts’ transmissible of and representative to one’s psyche. If ever a perturbed psyche that is living in ‘conflicts’ were to express itself, it would be through self-destroying neurotic forms of compensation that share in common ‘disorder.’ Implicitly, the stiff divide between the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’ is retrenched, for the ‘semiotic’ harks back to its non-expressive essence that none can get insights into. This is what led Kristeva to disagree with Freud who posited the possibility to arrive at the truth of one’s ‘unconscious’ through paying attention to one’s use of language. Confirming her disagreement with Freud in this point, while highlighting her view of the inexpressibility of the ‘semiotic’ by a psyche that is suffering, Kristeva opines: “My major disagreement with Freud in this field lies in the attention that I pay to language. In certain cases, the discourse of the melancholic is so impoverished that one wonders on what could one base an analysis. The language of the depressed is not psychotic. But it rests upon a denial of the signifier which results from the dissociation of the affect from language. It speaks, but does not touch me.” (Julia Kristeva. Aesthetic, Politics, Ethics. 16, italics mine) In front of that implied state of paralysis of expression, ‘imagination’ remains the sole soothing balm for the individual to let the ‘semiotic’ survive within the moulds of the ‘symbolic,’ despite its inexpressibility. In other words, when the imagination ‘speaks’ from within the individual, it ‘does touch’ him/her greatly now. This pertains to Kristeva’s notion http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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of the ‘chora.’ In her book Revolution in Poetic Language, Kristeva defines the ‘chora’ as “a non-expressive totality formed by the drives and their stases in a motility that is as full of movement as it is regulated. The ‘chora’ precedes and underlies figuration and is analogous only to vocal or kinetic rhythm.” (25 - 6) The space the ‘chora’ occupies may underpin, chiefly, an underlying paradox translated in its amalgamation of ‘stasis’ and ‘motility,’ dynamic ‘movement’ and ‘regulation,’ and temporal ‘precedence’ of ‘figuration’ as a sign system and its ‘underlying’ it. This may be added to the paradoxical association of the ‘chora’ with the ‘vocal and kinetic rhythm (which appeals both to the auditory and visual sensory responses) and ‘non-expressive totality’ (which is suggested to elude the auditory sense, for it transcends the scope of language altogether, out of its ‘non-expressive’ nature). The multifarious aspect of the ‘chora’ and its malleability to fit any shape may link it with the unrestrained freedom granted to the child during the pre-linguistic phase, that is, in the ‘semiotic’ order. Actually, Kristeva emphasizes the intrinsic tie that binds both the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘chora’ in her Desire in Language. A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art: “the semiotic process relates to the chora, term meaning ‘receptacle.’ It is also anterior to any space.” (6) Rather than being just another variable of the ‘semiotic,’ the specific nature of the ‘chora,’ as a ‘receptacle’ of contrarieties, ensures the ever-existent potential of the ‘semiotic’ to spread its wings and to allow it to invade the established logic and rules of the ‘symbolic.’ In other words, the ‘chora’ is a dynamism from within the individual which keeps seeking to blur the boundaries separating the ‘semiotic’ order from the ‘symbolic.’ However, far from setting a permanent bridge between both orders, the ‘chora’ is just capable of establishing a brief and intermittent union that does not exceed the subjective repertoire of ‘imagination.’ Interestingly, these ‘intermittent’ moments of union constitute the repository from which creative works feed. In fact, Kristeva considers that poets, for example, imbibe their inspiration from the ‘chora.’ In her Revolution in Poetic Language, she maintains that “the chora can transform ideation into an ‘artistic game,’ corrupt the symbolic through the return of drives, and make it a semiotic device, a mobil chora.” (53) The act of ‘corrupting the symbolic,’ which is taken as necessary for the operation of the ‘chora,’ may point to the falsification and, therefore, the fakeness of blurring the boundaries between the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic.’ By extension, any ‘artistic game,’ including the poetic imagination itself, is suggested to derive its sources from deceit. This deduction must be much perplexing to John Keats, for it seems to posit a moral dilemma for him. Keats seems to grow poignantly aware of “the devilishness of the poetic imagination” (Ben Amor 315) which casts him in an endless whirl of a vain imposing of the ‘semiotic’ on the ‘symbolic’ in his epistle To J. H. Reynolds. The relevance of the ‘semiotic’ in Keats’s epistle Originally, Keats’s purpose of writing his epistle was just “a playful attempt to provide some humorous distraction for his friend Reynolds who was ill at the time.” (Sperry 118) Actually, Keats begins his epistle with underlying that sense of ‘playfulness’ and mental and bodily relaxation he is cocooned in while composing it. This is what we gather from the first line of the epistle “Dear Reynolds, as last night I lay in bed.” His mentioning of the tempospatial context of his composition might be read as a deliberate attempt to emphasize the states of easiness and rest, which are, in Kristeva’s psychoanalytical enterprise, chief qualities http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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of the ‘semiotic’ order. In reality, stressing that measure of relaxation to which the poet peacefully succumbs is a conventional image that we find in Keats’s poetry. In his poem Sleep and Poetry, for example, the poet extols the fruitful aspect of rest: “The pleasant day, upon a couch at ease. / It was a poet’s house who keeps the keys / Of Pleasure’s temple.” (353 - 5) The capitalization of the initial letter of ‘Pleasure’ may pertain to the completeness it possesses and, therefore, its perfection, which certainly holds much echo to the infinite and unrestrained pleasure that Kristeva grants to the ‘semiotic’ order. Inhabiting the same semiotic-like ‘temple of Pleasure,’ the poet establishes, in the epistle, a close connection between his rest and the profuseness of images coming to his mind: “as last night I lay in bed, / There came before my eyes that wonted thread / Of shapes, and shadows, and remembrances.” (1-3) Inferably, there is built an ‘organic whole’ between ‘pleasure,’ ‘rest’ and ‘imagination,’ while all are tinged with a sacred aura since they are made to share the same ‘temple.’ Accordingly, the poet seems to begin his epistle with underlining the boon he was in ‘last night.’ We may even derive that such a boon provides him with enough stamina and the needed impetus to write his epistle. In Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalytical hermeneutics, the poet’s perfect rest represents a moment in which the ‘chora’ exercises its presence and the poet hastens to profit from it through documenting his experience. In fact, the main levels associated with the ‘chora’ (receptivity, unity and creativity) are strongly suggested in these first three lines of the epistle. Receptivity can be derived from the poet’s self-lavishing of the set of images passing ‘before his eyes’ while succumbing to rest. Unity may be insinuated from the amalgamation of ‘shapes, shadows and remembrances’ that, despite their differences, seem to visit him all at once in a ‘wonted thread.’ Meanwhile, ‘creativity’ is suggested through the poet’s implied subjection of all these images to an artistic context whereby his simple act of ‘laying in bed’ enshrines that ‘thread’ of associations and gives free rein to his ‘imagination’ to weave it. What is shared, throughout, is to voice the unrestrained realm of the ‘semiotic’ the poet is psychoanalytically retrieving thanks to his being visited and lulled by the ‘chora.’ The loose structure of the epistle, in itself, may be telling of the ‘semiotic’ anchorage of its genesis. As Stuart M. Sperry observes, “the poem as a whole seems strangely disjointed and even at times incoherent.” (117) Through its immersion in the ‘semiotic,’ the ‘unity’ that is achieved in the epistle is not structural, but mental, for the poet manages to relate between discrete objects and put them in the same bundle, transgressing, thus, the commonsensical order. Sylvie Andrea Gambaudo, while expounding on Kristeva’s differentiation between the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic,’ summarizes it in the following formula: “language is made of two dimensions, symbolic and semiotic, the one classifiable, the other exceeding order.” (38) Becoming a ‘semiotic’ space in which the poet ‘exceeds order,’ the epistle possesses different turns that keep resisting orchestration and, therefore, take the poet’s imagination far into idyllic realms that are highly etherealized. His imagination leads him, for example, to envision “the Enchanted Castle – it doth stand / Upon a rock, on the border of a lake / Nested in trees.” (26 - 8) The qualification of this ‘castle’ as ‘enchanted’ may serve to highlight its imaginary aspect, as if the poet were narrating a fairy-tale. Moreover the use of capitalization of the initial letters of ‘Castle’ and ‘Enchanted’ may point to its uniqueness and therefore its mystery. Psychoanalytically, that measure of mysterious singularity might have to do with the real nature of the ‘semiotic’ which “breaks the repressive laws of phallo-centric logic at the http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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level of the subject.” (C. W. 84) The poet, while undergoing such a semiotic-like affiliation, affirms his ‘breaking’ of any ‘repressive logic’ through anchoring the castle his imagination induces in a dream-like context while underscoring the highly inexpressible superb ‘enchantment’ of it. Invoking his muse (in the name of the god Phoebus), the poet says: “O Phoebus! that I had thy sacred word / To show this castle, in fair dreaming wise, / Unto my friend, while sick and ill he lies!” (30 - 2) The essence of the poet’s wish to share his semiotic-like attachment to the eminent singularity of the ‘Castle’ his imagination envisions is to heal his friend, Reynolds, who ‘sick and ill he lies.’ Hence, the therapeutic retreat to the ‘semiotic’ order is highlighted. In the words of Julia Kristeva, “in a sense, the semiotic order is pure musicality. It is rhythm, tonal difference, phonic change, movement of the body and of the limbs. This semiotic area, characterized as enigmatic indifferent to language, is a sort of orchestration of primary movements and functions.” (Revolution in Poetic Language 29) The healthy aspect of the rehabilitation of ‘primary movements and functions,’ which imagination when shielded by its ‘semiotic’ affiliation can ensure, is made an innate and, therefore, a universal boon which can be recovered by anyone. Thus, the poet addresses his ill friend, Reynolds, in the following terms: “You know it well, where it (‘the Enchanted Castle’) doth seem / A mossy place, a dream. / You know the clear lake, and little isles.” (33 – 5, italics mine) The reiteration of the cognitive verb ‘to know’ implies that the illness wrought to Reynolds is ascribed to his estrangement from the ‘semiotic’ – expressed metonymically through the image of the ‘enchanted castle’ – which is deep-seated within him and hence, he ‘knows’ it very well instinctively. Implicitly the poet is making a plea to his friend to heed to the voice of the ‘semiotic’ inhabiting him from within if he wants to be recovered from his illness. Actually, the high measure of idyllic presentation of what we might call ‘semioticized castle’ is telling of the reinvigorating and, therefore, therapeutically healthy aspect of the poet’s call. The sensually appealing verdure suggested from ‘a mossy place’ and the ‘lake’ coupled with the metaphorical comparison of the castle to ‘dream’ may highlight the poet’s inscription of it in a pastoral-like context where there is a powerful overflow of imagination. Delineating the chief virtues of the ‘pastoral’ as “a literary form idealizing the lives of shepherds,” Edward Quinn notices that “implicit in the idea of ‘pastoral’ is the identification of happiness with simple, natural existence, associated in classical times with the Golden Age, and in modern times with images such as ‘the little house in the prairie’ or ‘Grover’s Corners,’ the locale of Thornton Wilder’s play Our Town (1938).” (240) The effect of this tacit metaphorical equation of the ‘semiotic’ voice from within to such a pastoral-like setting is to highlight the poet’s centralization of what is innate and, therefore, natural, as a healing agent to diseases that are, as the epistle suggests, made and constructed due to one’s alienation from one’s essence. What is innate, here, corresponds, in Kristevian psychoanalysis, to the ‘semiotic’ and what causes alienation from it (which effects illnesses, like the disease that is suggested to haunt Keats’s friend, Reynolds) corresponds to the ‘symbolic.’ In positing affiliation to the ‘semiotic’ as an efficacious cure to the diseases that plague the ‘symbolic’ (which are suggested to be mostly psychological), the poet seems to grow restless to find ways of expressing to Reynolds the real nature of such a ‘semiotic healing.’ At this juncture, the poet’s invocation of the god, Phoebus: (“O Phoebus! that I had thy sacred word / To show this castle, in fair dreaming wise, : Unto my friend, while sick and http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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ill he lies!” (30 - 2)) casts the wish in a ‘fair dream’ that, despite its inexpressibility, is qualified ‘wise’ since it defines the very locus of healing. However, as the epistle proceeds, we remark that the desire to verbalize dreams seems to assume a manic dimension. It leads the poet to hanker for extending the unrestrained pleasure, which dream may offer, to the objective world of reality in order to ensure the ever-healing process of psyches. In Kristeva’s psychoanalytical model, this desire pertains to her project of “rehabilitating pre-Oedipal and psychic latencies of the unconscious” (Against the National Depression 27), that is, of reconciling the ‘semiotic’ with the ‘symbolic. This involves the daring attempt to‘rehabilitate’ the ‘pre-Oedipal’ within the fabrics of the ‘symbolic,’ which requires the poet, who engages in a lethal fight with expression to inscribe the ‘wise dream’ in his friend’s mind, “to return to pre-Oedipal contents in order to verbalize it again.” (Gambaudo 93) In other words, the poet’s desire consists in extending that measure of infiniteness, which characterizes the complete sensual link that organically links the baby to its mother in the semiotic order, to the finiteness that corresponds to the ‘symbolic’ order where the gratification of the senses is highly controlled and framed within a phallocentric context. Deemed to be therapeutically beneficial, that desired extension of the ‘semiotic’ to the ‘symbolic’ which the poet seeks to verbalize as a ‘wise dream’ is reminiscent of Kristeva’s ‘chora’ in its vibration and dynamism. We might recollect, here, Kristeva’s view that “the process and practice of signification seeks to make the symbolic less opaque and ‘real’ by returning to the process of the semiotic. The chora returns to the point of the semiotic creation and to the seed crystal of polarity to find semiotic renewal.” (Revolution in Poetic Language 66) This ‘semiotic renewal,’ which operates through ‘making the symbolic less opaque and real’ than it really is, points to the duplicitous mechanisms underlying that idealized process of ‘returning to the pre-Oedipal’ in order to be capable of doing such as acts as verbalization of dreams, an act which signifies the extension of the ‘semiotic’ to the ‘symbolic.’ In the epistle, that process of mystifying the ‘symbolic’ through infusing it with traits typifying the ‘semiotic’ could be derived from the poet’s asking his friend, Reynolds, to “see what is coming from the distance dim.” (55) The procession of sensually apprehensible phenomena the poet mentions afterwards are made, due to their subjection to such ‘dimness,’ hardly recognizable and, therefore, much etherealized as if they belonged to a dreamy, rather than tangible world. Among the things that Reynolds is pleaded to ‘see’ it ‘coming from the distance dim’ is the ‘galley’: “A golden galley all in silken trim” (56) where “three rows of oars are lightening” (57) side eventually “towards the shade, under the castle wall” (59) to cause the whole sight he seeks to envisage to be “hidden all.” (60) Symbolically, the movement of the scene from clarity to imperceptibility may echo the course the Kristevian ‘chora’ follows while making the ‘symbolic less opaque’ in the process of its being ‘semioticized.’ The same itinerary towards unclarity and difficulty of sensual apprehension characterizes the poet’s description of the enchanting music: “An echo of sweet music doth create / A fear in the poor herdsman … / He tells of the sweet music, and the spot, / To all his friends – and they believe him not.” (62 - 3 / 65 - 6) There is a high measure of mystification surrounding this ‘music’ which causes it not to be ‘believed.’ Chiefly, its instilling of ‘fear’ and ‘sweetness’ renders it the locus of contrarieties to the extent that it is introduced as being an enigmatically unidentifiable music that is hardly apprehensible acoustically, thus resembling the ‘dimness’ of shapes Reynolds is asked to heed. In reality, this amalgamation of ‘fear’ and ‘sweetness’ could be read in connection to Kristeva’s http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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construction of the workings of the ‘chora,’ namely in the waning and waxing in the degree of its inducing the senses to apprehend objects properly. Such an implied instability attached to the ‘chora,’ from which the poet’s ‘imagination’ feeds, is confirmed by Kristeva: “margins and boundaries will become less transparent, and anomalies will be more and more present. As this happens, the chora becomes more and more available, more and more mobile. It vibrates with instability and takes the role of meta-communication.” (Revolution in Poetic Language 67) Essentially, the meta-communicative basis of the ‘chora’ might be ascribed to its metaphorical link with all that is sensually elusive in the world. Such elusiveness seems to pertain, not primarily to discarding the senses from the orbit of the poet’s connection to the physical world, but to the fleetingness of the sensual stimuli which constantly dupes him into believing them to be a settled form, while they never stop changing. Actually, the definition of prefix ‘meta’ in dictionary is “a combining form of change, used in words like ‘metamorphosis,’ ‘metabolism’ etc.” (O.A.L.D) Hence, the assumption of the ‘chora’ of ‘the role of meta-communication’ may signify the endless metamorphosis of the sensually apprehended objects into a state of inapprehensibleness that can cause ‘fear.’ The metacommunicative basis of the ‘chora,’ then, may indicate the inextricable moment when “the illusion of mythic oneness is dissolved in the awareness of change.” (Sperry 267) Being caught in such a poignant ‘awareness of change,’ the poet seems to be led to question the generally-considered perfect oneness of the ‘semiotic’ order (as a site not only of complete satisfaction of desires without restraint, but also a healing mine to be taken from whenever faced with annoying disturbances in the symbolic order). What mostly could nourish the poet’s questioning of the ‘semiotic’ is his discernment of its remoteness from the idealized ‘whole,’ inasmuch as the ‘chora’ which bestows it energy never ceases evading the senses and thus keeps dangling between the ‘sweet’ and the ‘fearful.’ This is what might make the limitations of the ‘symbolic’ order more preferable to the duplicitous enticements of the ‘semiotic.’ II.

The Symbolic: between impoverishment and appropriation

In Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalytical enterprise, the ‘symbolic’ order maps out most of the subject’s life, since it marks its presence right from the emergence of language use. In her book, Strangers to Ourselves, she defines the ‘symbolic’ as being “the proper of language, of its signs and its syntax.” (26) However, while embarking on delineating the specificities of the ‘symbolic’ order, Kristeva comes up with several flaws in its composition that have to do mostly with its bases and methods of operation in relation to the pre-linguistic ‘semiotic’ order which precedes it. These ‘flaws’ deter considerably the working of the ‘symbolic’ and despicably shackle its mechanisms, affording thus much psychoanalytical space for Kristeva to reveal its fragile essence and its exposure to ‘semiotic’ transgressions. The following points will summarize the diverse difficulties facing the individual once s/he enters the ‘symbolic’ order. 1) The association of the ‘symbolic’ with repression. This means that the whole body of language used in communication is based on hiding facets of reality, problematizing, thus, the whole scope of communicability altogether. As a matter of fact, Kristeva discerns a stark dissociation between conscious representations of reality and what Sylvie Andrea Gambaudo

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calls “the expression of affects.” (30) In Kristeva’s own words, “affect remains in suffering, so all I can do is weep.” (Julia Kristeva. Aesthetic, Politics, Ethics. 16) 2) The production of language without ‘affect’ draws attention to the incomplete nature of the ‘symbolic’ and its sheer deracination from the individual’s self-expression. Falling short of expressing real affective sides the individual lives entails the impoverished character of the ‘symbolic’ and, hence, the incapacity of language to provide an exhaustive account of some inner truths that are psychoanalytically speaking fundamental for understanding one’s motives and reactions. This means that “although many adults have successfully entered the symbolic sphere, an increasing number have done so at the expense of a disconnection language/affect.” (Gambaudo 34) 3) Once they enter the ‘symbolic’ order, individuals are made to indoctrinate a whole set of do’s and don’ts that have to be internalized prescriptively. In other words, one’s psyche is made to constitute a perpetual space of negotiation of what can be shown and said (conscious representation of reality) and what should remain hidden (unconscious repression of other facets of reality). In this respect, Kristeva insists on the necessity of the superiority of ‘unconscious repression’ over one’s ‘conscious representation,’ which implies the imminence of one’s laying bare of some sort of what is being repressed, no matter how much one tries to keep it immune from the ‘symbolic’ order. Thus, the layers of language in the ‘symbolic order’ remain not thick enough to hide what is sought to be repressed. For example, Kristeva finds in “pitch, intonations, silences, while conversing, proofs of the disruption of the symbolic chain.” (Lechte 60) 4) The ‘symbolic’ regularities remain, nevertheless, a prerequisite for being acknowledged socially as a member with whom to communicate, determining thus one’s identity as a social being. By implication, “for the individual, socialization means coming to terms with the loss of the pre-social or instinctive world of the infant and consenting to socio-cultural demands.” (Gambaudo 89) The essence of such ‘consent to socio-cultural demands’ pertains to the will to appropriate prescriptively the norms and etiquettes of society that are made, rather than born with. According to Kristeva, this is one form of containment of oneself in a false selfrepresentation that gears towards achieving what we may call ‘social’ rather than personal ‘identity.’ The matter is verbalized in the following terms by Kristeva: “I am not contained in the symbol. ‘I’ do not connect what I am with its representation.” (Strangers to Ourselves 24) 5) One’s appropriation of the ‘symbolic,’ despite its divorce from ‘what I am,’ begets for Kristeva the psychic ills of modern life. Kristeva describes how one is led to speak a readymade discourse “where dreams and fantasies have been replaced by operative fantasies.” (Power and Limits of Psychoanalysis. 126) These formulaic reductive ‘operative fantasies’ are presented as lethal to the innate creative potential of the individual, giving birth to what Kristeva chooses to label as “somatic body” which “is automatic, mindless and entirely imprintable, a diseased body from which the ability to represent unconscious drives has been suppressed, and which produces non-organic diseases as an alternative ‘language’ to language which no longer carries individual desires.” (New Maladies of the Soul 69) In front of such a deadlock where ‘language no longer carries individual desires,’ while being blindly yearned for in order to gain ‘social identity,’ there occurs a hazardous split within the individual’s psyche translated in an overwhelming incapability of compromising between the instinctual drives of the ‘semiotic’ and the prescriptive dictates of the ‘symbolic.’ According to Kristeva, the perpetuation of this implied irreconciliability between both orders yields eventually an exclusive discourse that is sanctioned scientifically http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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just to warrant the scale of normalcy built even in the use of language. As a consequence, “the investigation of an a-symbolic, that is, semiotic reality tends to be symbolically described as madness.” (Gambaudo 102) This means that even though it is paid attention and analyzed, any trace of the ‘semiotic’ in the fabric of the ‘symbolic’ (which represents for Kristeva an undeniable underlying truth) is judged negatively and sought to be remedied from through effacing it. In other words, the scale of normalcy demands that ‘semiotic’ characteristics be totally absent in order for the individual to be admitted as fit socially. The ultimate result of that unanimous construct of what we might call ‘socially healthy identity’ is the fall of the individual into psychotic forms of illnesses. Here, it is worthmentioning that psychotic signs are identifiable by “the subject’s keeping of what he knows it to be a truth from others.” (Cavell 67) According to Kristeva, there develops a double discourse from within the individual: one is a cover and serves to appear socially acceptable (which defines the ‘symbolic’), the other is severely muffled and subjected to invisibility through all means in order to evade being referred to as ‘mad’ in the constructed scale of normalcy. Implicitly, added to psychosis, there is built also neurosis which consists in “trying to have reason and strength to keep what one knows from oneself.” (Cavell 67) These psychotic and neurotic forms of disease wrought by one’s attempt to bury the ‘semiotic’ and to grant visibility only to the ‘symbolic’ result in drastic changes of certain mechanisms within the individual. Kristeva cites, in an interview, the example of the transformation of ‘phantasy’ into ‘fantasy’: “With language (that is the emergence of the ‘symbolic’ order), phantasy gives way to fantasy. ‘Fantasy’ is the metaphoric incarnation of ‘phantasy,’ a substitute where the combination sensation/affect with an object is now represented in a symbol.” (Guberman 110) Kristeva seems well-aware that “the need to capture the symbolic identity” (Gambaudo 65) is an inevitable fact and a sanctioned necessity. Yet, she never seems to endorse such an exclusive discourse which engenders psychotic and neurotic forms of illnesses. Rather than contenting herself with just pinpointing to the way “the symbolic character of the human collapses into chaos” (Strangers to Ourselves 40), Kristeva works to find an outlet from that despicable solidification of modern life into formulaic moulds, or symbols regulating one’s conduct. Essentially, Kristeva’s corrective approach seems to operate from within the status quo, that is to depart from the result wrought to the world in the aftermath of subjugating it to ‘symbolic’ representations whereby to determine the scale of normalcy. With respect to ‘fantasy’ (which takes over ‘phanatsy,’ on the passage from the ‘semiotic’ to the ‘symbolic’ order), Kristeva works to grant it more representativeness in the ‘symbolic’ sphere. In her Power and Limits of Psychoanalysis, she complains: “the new maladies of the soul are characterized notably by a slowing down, if not a destruction of the faculty of fantasy. We are swamped with images, some of which sound like our own fantasies and appease us, but which, due to a lack of interpretive discourse, did not liberate us. Moreover, the stereotypy of those images deprives us of the possibility to create our own imagery, our own imaginary scenarios.” (125) What is being called for implicitly is to enliven and mobilize the workings of fantasies and to locate them in a private ‘interpretive discourse’ that is really ‘our own’ and free from ‘stereotypical’ ready-made fabrications. Thus there is a tacit mating, on Kristeva’s part, of symbolic activities (which are used to be approached as exclusive of the ‘semiotic’ in order to http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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translate a ‘socially-healthy identity’) and ‘semiotic’ aspects as regards the call for the nonstereotyping and, by implication, the non-standardization of ‘the faculty of fancy’ and its presentation to be ideally a private constitution. With that move, Kristeva works to rehabilitate the importance of the ‘semiotic’ in the make-up of the ‘symbolic’ and considers it as a healthy sign for the individual. As she argues, “the work of the analyst is to reconnect language and affect.” (Julia Kristeva. Aesthetic, Politics, Ethics. 16) To effect that ‘reconnection’ between ‘language and affect,’ that is between the ‘symbolic’ and the ‘semiotic,’ Kristeva emphasizes their mutual interdependence as an ineluctable fact that is essential in the fabrics of each. As she remarks in her Revolution in Poetic Language, “because the subject is always both semiotic and symbolic, no signifying system s/he produces can be either exclusively semiotic or exclusively symbolic and is instead necessarily marked by indebtedness to both.” (24) This ‘indebtedness’ to both orders could be envisaged in writing, écriture. “Ecriture can be defined as a type of literary practice which defies discursive pretensions, on the writer’s part, to omniscience and neutrality; to the contrary, écriture carries within its own discourse the heterogeneity particular to human experience.” (Gambaudo 84) Certainly, the challenge écriture bears against ‘omniscience and neutrality’ includes a complete refutation of the belief in the possibility of building a social identity that can be sheltered from the intruding visitations of the ‘phantasies’ of the ‘semiotic’ that tend to be associated within the symbolic order with ‘madness.’ Being the locus of ‘heterogeneous discourse particular to human experience,’ écriture is a method of ensuring and recognizing the organic link binding the ‘symbolic’ to the ‘semiotic’ and, by implication, ‘fantasy’ to ‘phantasy.’ In this way, écriture, as Kristeva points out in an interview, is but an attempt “to put the neutral surface of abstract words into contact with a whole dynamic of recollection of the most archaic sensations experienced at a pre-linguistic level.” (Guberman 55) In a nutshell, then, écriture aims at producing a language that is, thanks to its inclusive thrust, ‘speaks and touches me,’ rather than a stultifying one, which Kristeva deplores, that ‘speaks, but does not touch me.’ The Relevance of the Symbolic in the Epistle In the epistle, ‘imagination’ is introduced negatively as a disruptive force that slyly victimizes its pursuer, mainly through enticing profuse and infinite gifts while detaining them. The series of ‘shapes, shadows, and remembrances’ which pass before the poet’s ‘eyes’ as he ‘lay in bed’ keep “every other minute vex and please.” (4) As such, the contradictory effect of ‘imagination’ on the poet is highlighted, since just as it is apt to ‘please’ him, it can also ‘vex’ and irritate him and, therefore, deter the equanimity he succumbs to ‘in bed.’ This double effect may inscribe ‘imagination’ in a context similar to the ‘symbolic’ order, where desire fulfillment alternates with desire frustration, rather than with the ‘semiotic’ one, in which there is just desire fulfillment. Psychoanalytically, this implied displacement of ‘imagination’ from the ‘semiotic’ to the ‘symbolic’ might serve to anticipate the poet’s adoption of a repressive discourse of the ‘semiotic’ effusive inducement of infinite ‘thread’ of ‘shapes, shadows, and remembrances.’ In the meantime, the corollary of repressing the ‘semiotic’ fabrications is the poet’s appropriation of the lens of the ‘symbolic’ order while broaching ‘imagination.’

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Adopting ‘symbolic’ lens, the poet seems to do his utmost in the epistle to regulate the workings of ‘imagination.’ For this project to succeed, he sets out to ironize the essential fabrics of the ‘semiotic’ through parody, “imitation of a particular style or discourse for the purpose of satirizing it.” (Quinn 239) If that parodic method of reading were to be followed, the epistle’s purport would be understood, then, to show what Umberto Ecco says about the ‘semiotic’ as being “in principle, the discipline of studying everything which can be used in order to lie.” (7, italics mine) Of course, within a Kristevian psychoanalytical spectrum, such an underlying incrimination of the ‘semiotic’ is but a vain attempt to cut all ties with it, while seeking to build strong bonds with the ‘symbolic’ regularities even for ‘imagination.’ The poet’s parodic thrust of ‘satirizing’ an imagination which chooses to feed from the ‘semiotic’ is envisaged in the playful style he adopts in the process of introducing its inducement and all that it begets. What we might call ‘semioticized imagination’ is conducive to a whirl of postulations that, despite their remoteness from reality, affect the sensory responses of its pursuer to such a considerable extent that the latter grows unable to maintain a usual enjoyment of the sensually-appealing objects in reality as they are. Actually, it is out of his pursuance of the vagaries of imagination that all graspable (and, therefore, real) elements of ‘beauty’ are distorted in the epistle and, eventually, metamorphosed into sensually appalling, rather than appealing. While inducing “things all disjointed (that) come from North and South” (5), such a ‘semioticized imagination’ bludgeons the poet into envisioning “two witch’s eyes above a cherub’s mouth.” (6) The image of the ‘witch’s eyes’ confers a tint of profanity on the sanctity of the ‘cherub.’ More importantly, the sharp dissonance between the ‘cherub’ as an angelic child with wings and the witch messes with the orderly nature of the chain of being and produces, ultimately, a sensually appalling image that denudes the cherub from its sensual appeal. As a matter of fact, the face, which that form of imagination begets, serves just to dislocate the implied ‘beauty’ of the cherub that is, by virtue of its angelic anchorage, the incarnation of ultimate form of perfection. The direct effect of such dislocation is the metamorphosis of the cherub in the epistle into a frightful image appalling the senses. Elliot Gilbert goes even further to hold how “the face of the cherub is fraught with the grotesque.” (25) Delineating the characteristics of the ‘grotesque,’ Edward Quinn affirms that “it refers to a work in which abnormal or macabre characters or incidents are presented in a mix of comedy and pathos or horror. The incompatibility of this mix creates in the reader the kind of conflicted response that one makes to a ‘sick joke’: on the one hand funny; on the other, nauseating or horrifying.” (142) There is, actually, a sense of ‘abnormality’ mingled with contradictory effects on the reader’s response in the image of the cherub. The distorted image of the cherub not only resists unification, but also alludes to Dionysus, the mythical figure who “is cut to pieces by the Titans.” (Brunel 309) In the epistle, the face of the cherub seems to be ‘cut to pieces,’ too, by the poet’s ‘semioticized imagination’ – pieces that bundle the divine with the beastly ‘witchy.’ Such a satirized form of imagination is further mocked in the epistle through the image of the so-called ‘Enchanted Castle’ it envisages. In its overall shape this ‘castle’ is introduced as a composite of dissociable structural components that yield a very queer setting which is no less grotesque than such a sensually-appalling face of the cherub. Although it is qualified as being “a chosen see” (41), that is, a perfect place (which might induce the reader to ascribe that to its being made by divine-like powers), this castle is peopled by evil forms, putting to the forefront the idea of bestiality instead. In this castle “the doors all look as if they http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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oped themselves, / The windows as if latched by fays and elves.” (49 - 50) This gothic-like image might transform this ‘Enchanted Castle’ into a prison that derives its specificity (got from the capitalization of its initial letters) from its being guarded by ‘fays and elves.’ Hence, the element of the ‘macabre,’ which is based on intensification of ‘horror,’ is strongly suggested and, consequently, helps nullifying the so-called ‘enchantment’ of this castle. The responsibility of such a ‘semioticized imagination’ in sustaining ‘horror’ is envisaged more palpably in the scene of the sacrifice dramatized in the epistle. In this scene, the thrilling aspect of death is highlighted in a pitiless context through the image of the heifer being forcibly taken to the sacrifice in the altar, which brings the sensually appalling to its extreme degree. The spectacle of the “pontiff knife (which) / Gloams in the sun” (20 - 1) is followed by that of “the milk-white heifer lowing” (21), creating a sense of threat induced by the imagination, with respect to the awaited death of the heifer. Indeed the whole spectacle stimulates the imagination to envision the brutal slaughtering of the heifer. The expectation of the brutality of such an act may be accentuated by the modifiers attached to the ‘knife’ and the ‘heifer.’ Its ‘gloaming in the sun’ may stand for the knife’s being so honed that it sparkles on being exposed to the sun. Meanwhile, the adjectival modifier ‘white,’ attributed to the heifer, may personify that animal as an innocent victim who is about to meet a cruel torture. What is important, in this context, is the way the sensually appalling aspect of this scene is kept built up even before its actual occurrence. Certainly, this form of anachronism is ascribed to the unrestrained workings of imagination. Underlying that unrestraint of imagination is its infusion of pain effect before its time, including the experience of death. That form of ‘semioticized imagination’ engenders what Roland Barthes calls ‘scenography of waiting’ which he dramatizes as follows: “I organize it (the waiting of a scene from certain external stimulants), manipulate it, cut out a portion of time in which I shall mime the loss of the loved object and provoke all effects of a minor mourning. This is, then, acted out.” (37) Through ‘acting out’ a scene before its occurrence, this form of imagination transgresses the limitations of reality. It leads the poet to “experiment with death while alive” (Ben Amor 336), though through the empathetic thrust with the heifer. This ‘experimentation with death’ prior to its time, seems to place imagination in a floating space which resembles the unrestrained freedom the semiotic order is said to grant. From thence comes the poet’s outright denunciation of that form of licentiousness set for the imagination. Through a rhetorical question, the poet assaults that form of ‘semioticized imagination’ in the following terms: “Or is it that imagination brought / Beyond its proper bound, yet, still confined, / Lost in a sort of purgatory blind, / Cannot refer to any standard law / Of either earth or heaven? (78 - 82) It is inferred, then, that the poet is demonizing the infinite space of imagination. This demonization implies a correlative thrust of repudiating one’s retreat to the ‘semiotic’ while being caught in the ‘symbolic’ which, by implication, defines ‘the proper bound’ of imagination. In other words, there is built a tacit contrast between what we might call ‘semioticized’ and ‘symbolized’ forms of imagination whereby the former’s superabundant fecund potential leads just to labyrinthine ‘purgatory blind,’ whereas the latter, through its restriction to reality, ensures balance and ‘clear-sightedness.’ D. G. James goes a step further as he implies the necessity of having an imagination that is bound to the restriction of reality, in the way the ‘symbolized’ form of imagination operates: “imagination seeks to pass beyond http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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its ‘proper bound’ within the world, to try to see the world from outside, to see, as Keats says, in The Fall of Hyperion (I.303), ‘as a God sees.’ But it cannot succeed. It is still confined to its ‘proper bound.’”(20) That ‘proper bound,’ set for the imagination, imposes on it to see ‘as man sees,’ not as ‘God sees.’ Implicitly, the poet might be seen as providing a corrective reading to the role of the imagination using logic and suggesting his predilection of an imagination that has been disciplined by the regularities of the ‘symbolic’ order to a ‘semiotic’ one that remains, inferably, indulgent and therefore impetuous in its operation. Following the poet’s logic, then, the imagination which places itself in an unlimited space is that which is duped into believing its ability “to impose eternity on the temporal; to reveal miracles by performing them.” (Murry 131) Yet, the mere act of effecting that ‘imposition’ contains the seeds of its own destruction, for it leads to maiming the whole scheme of things and, ultimately, to one’s alienation from the present moment. Indeed, the poet provides an explicit answer to his rhetorical question which deplores the ‘semioticized’ form imagination as ‘a sort of purgatory blind’ due to its operation ‘beyond its proper bound.’ This explicit answer takes the form of a general truth: “It is a flaw / In happiness to see beyond our bourne - / It forces us in summer skies to mourn; / It spoils the singing of the nightingale.” (82 - 5) The last two lines of the quote above provide tangible analogies to an unrestrained form of imagination that retards one’s positive response to the present moment. The first image is that of someone who is ‘mourning’ and unable to apprehend the superb beauty and enchanting ‘summer skies.’ That despicable sort of dissonance between mood and reality is accentuated in the second image of the inability of acoustically enjoy the ‘singing of the nightingale.’ Following Kristeva’s psychoanalysis, these forms of depressive moods with seemingly no external warrant pertain chiefly to the way the ‘semiotic’ profuse energy is kept denied and not provided representations in the ‘symbolic’ order. As Sylvie Andrea Gambaudo puts it, “in Kristeva, ‘mood’ is present within the symbolic, it is not an act of identification: it is not a symbol (that is, it is not represented and thus has not owned yet linguistic icons to represent itself). In the case of melancholia/depression, the presence of sadness (voice, gesture, etc) points to the thing of loss which does not evolve into its representation.” (144) By implication, all of the poet’s attempts to distance himself from the ‘semiotic’ (whether through satirizing it or via demonizing it through logic) are the very causes of such an inexplicable disjuncture between his own moods and the external world of reality, despite his full awareness and total conviction of the necessity to content himself with the regularities and confinements of the ‘symbolic.’ In other words, the poet’s appropriation of a ‘symbolized imagination,’ which is based on excluding its ‘semioticized’ counterpart, engenders a depressive mood that remains inexplicable and, therefore, not capable of being represented through language, the supposedly distinguishing feature of the ‘symbolic’ order. So, rather than being hushed and buried, the poet seems to be led to acknowledge that the ‘semiotic,’ despite its going ‘beyond the bounds’ of reality, should be received as an essential component in the highly-restrained nature of the ‘symbolic’ order. Essentially, that acknowledgement of the ‘semiotic’ while seeking to fully adopt the tight regulations of the ‘symbolic’ is ascribed to the tenacious anchorage of his moods in an a-symbolic context that resists any sort of logic which governs the ‘symbolic’ order that the poet targets, initially, to fully inhabit himself in.

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In reality, the burgeoning acknowledgement of the ‘semiotic’ within the fabric of the ‘symbolic,’ which entails the poet’s gradual succumbing to a ‘semioticized and symbolized’ form of imagination, precipitates the presence of the Kristevian écriture in the epistle. Through its search to voice the pre-linguistic ‘archaic energies’ in the materials of writing, “écriture is not a totalizing mode of writing pretending to arrest its progression at perfect meaning; rather, it is an endless process in which homogeneity and heterogeneity interact in the production of a renewed identity, that is to say, an identity of multiplicity rather than sameness.” (Gambaudo 86) Certainly, this ‘identity of multiplicity’ which écriture ensures defies the poet’s hitherto search for elaborating a mere ‘social’ identity that builds its constructed scale of normalcy on hierarchical basis, whereby all that belongs to the ‘semiotic’ is excluded from the texture of the ‘symbolic.’ In the epistle, the manifestation of écriture is interspersed in instances like: “Things cannot to the will / Be settled, but they tease us out of thought.” (76 - 7) This touching avowal may help present a poet who stands flabbergasted in front of the workings of imagination and its diverse pulls that escape his ‘will’ to orchestrate them to order. Implicitly, this statement includes the poet’s recognition of the impossibility of subjecting imagination to representation, in the same way moods are presented previously, which highlights the tenacious inscription of imagination in the ‘semiotic,’ too. Out of that inextricable anchorage of his moods and imagination in the ‘semiotic’ and after the effort he exhibits in the epistle to give upper hand to the ‘symbolic,’ the poet seems to find nowhere to go but to cult what he calls “something of material sublime.” (69) Granting ‘sublimity’ to the ‘material’ may represent an oxymoronic harnessing of conventionally dissociable entities. However, when read within the context of the inclusive thrust of Kristeva’s écriture, the effect of that oxymoron would be thwarted and replaced, rather, by that of the underlying harmony between the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’ in shaping the poet’s imagination and determining his moods. As Stuart M. Sperry observes, “a key phrase for elucidating Keats’ meaning is ‘material sublime,’ expressing as it does the desire of the imagination to possess at once the best of worlds, the ethereal and the concrete.” (126) The ‘ethereal,’ here, corresponds metaphorically, to Kristeva’s ‘semiotic’ order, whereas, the ‘concrete’ to the ‘symbolic’ one. Both ‘worlds’ are kept given voice till the end of the epistle and remain intertwined together as to form ultimately an interwoven fabric resembling, to a large extent, the romantically idealized motif of ‘the organic whole’ that embodies perfect unity and beauty. Perhaps, the fruitful aspect of Kristeva’s écriture, which underlies the eventual formation of that ‘organic whole’ between the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic,’ is best translated by the end of the epistle when the poet is suggested to move from the state of perplexity at the interconnection between both ‘worlds,’ or, in Kristevian model, ‘orders’ to that of jovial elation on gathering the ‘beauty’ of such an intertwinement of them. The poet rounds off his epistle thus: “I’ll dance, / And from detested moods in new romance / Take refuge.” (110 - 12) Certainly, the ‘new romance’ in which the poet will ‘take refuge’ is going to derive its specificity from his self-willed immersion in the gleeful ‘jouissance’ Kristeva’s écriture promises to achieve thanks to its inclusion of the ‘semiotic’ and ‘symbolic’ in its vessel. Conclusion This study has shown the relevance of Julia Kristeva’s psychoanalysis in the text of John Keats’s verse epistle To J. H. Reynolds. Namely, Kristeva’s notions of the ‘semiotic’ http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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versus ‘symbolic’ orders are chartered theoretically and their applicability in the epistle is evidenced afterwards. In either cases of enumerating the specificities of the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’ evinces the whole gamut each concept covers, from one extreme to its opposite: from immanence to elusiveness for the ‘semiotic’ and from impoverishment to appropriation for the ‘symbolic.’ This reveals the subjection of each of the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’ to contradictions from within its structure that influences to a large extent its operation and manifestation in reality and in the text of the epistle. In fact, the ‘immanence’ of the ‘semiotic’ order is shown to predicate mostly on the ‘chora’ as an inner mechanism allowing for the ever-regenerative potential of the poet’s imagination. Yet, it is also the ‘chora’ which, due to its swift switching between opposites, begets that sense of ‘elusiveness’ whose tormenting effect on the poet is envisaged in his inability to maintain an adequate sensory response to objects as they are, which results in shattering the poet’s imagination that becomes, eventually, unable to building any form of ‘organic whole’ the poet tends to idealize. When it comes to the ‘symbolic’ order, its paradoxical structure could be revealed from its association with repression of deep-seated truths within the individual which, despite its impoverished impact on the individual’s essence, remain a desired path to be appropriated. While seeking to appropriate the symbolic ‘repressive’ laws, there is built a mistaken belief in the possibility to bury the ‘semiotic’ in the shade of forgetfulness. This is envisaged in the clear-cut disaffiliation of the poet from what we have called ‘a semioticized form of imagination’ at the expense of adopting ‘a symbolized’one, that is, to appropriate an imagination that is bound to the restrictions of reality. As this study reveals, the inexpressibility of moods and the poet’s awareness of being ‘teased out of thought’ by the floating of imagination prove the impossibility to maintain such a division between both orders. As a matter of fact, the poet seems to endorse eventually Julia Kristeva’s notion of écriture that purports to be inclusive of the ‘semiotic’ and the ‘symbolic’ within the same canon.

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References -Barthes, Roland. (1990). A Lover’s Discourse. Fragments. Trans. Richard Howard. London: Penguin Books. -Ben Amor, Farhat. (2012). The Dialectics of the ‘Real’ and the ‘Ideal’ in John Keats’s Poetry: Desire of Convergence and Tenacity of Divergence. PhD Dissertation. Department of English. The University of Manouba. -Brunel, Pierre, ed. (1998). Companion to Literary Myths. Trans. Wendy Allaston. London: Routledge. -C. W. Spinks. (2001). Semiosis, Marginal Signs and Trickster. London: Macmillan. -Cavell, Stanley. (1996). Must we Mean what we Say? Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. -Ecco, Umberto. (1999). A Theory of Semiotics. Ed. Thomas A. Sebeok. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. -Evert, Walter. (1995). Aesthetic and Myth in the Poetry of Keats. Princeton: Princeton University Press. -Gambaudo, Sylvie Andrea. (2004). Subjectivity in the Work of Julia Kristeva: The Crisis of Identity in Contemporary Society. PhD Dissertation. Department of Sociology and Social Policy. The University of Durham. -Gilbert, Elliot. (1995). The Poetry of John Keats. New York: Monarch Press. -Guberman, Ross Mitchell. (1996). Julia Kristeva. Interviews. New York: Columbia University Press. -James, D. G. (1993). The Romantic Comedy. An Essay on English Romanticism. London: Oxford University Press. -Keats, John. (1988). “Appendix.” John Keats. The Complete Poems. Ed. Christopher Ricks. London: Penguin Books Ltd. 535 - 54. ----------------------. “Sleep and Poetry.” 82 - 93. ----------------------. “To John Hamilton Reynolds.” 235 - 8. -Kristeva, Julia. (1998). Against the National Depression. Paris: Textuel. ----------------. (1984). Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art. Ed. -Leon S. Roudiez. Trans. Thomas Gora, Alice Jardine et.al. New York: Columbia University Press. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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---------------. (1998). “Dialogue with Julia Kristeva.” Julia Kristeva. Aesthetics, Politics, Ethics. Vol 4, no 3, pp 5 - 16, Taylor & Francis Ltd. --------------. (1993). New Maladies of the Soul. Paris: Fayard. -------------. (1996). Power and Limits of Psychoanalysis. Paris: Fayard. -------------. (1984). Revolution in Poetic Language. Trans. Margaret Waller. New York: Columbia University Press. -------------. (1988). Strangers to Ourselves. Paris: Arthème Fayard. -Lechte, John. (1991). Julia Kristeva. London and New York: Routledge. -Murry, John Middleton. (1998). Keats and Shakespeare. A Study of Keats’s Poetic Life. London: Oxford University Press. -Quinn, Edward. (1999). A Dictionary of Literary and Thematic Terms. New York: Checkmark Books. -Sperry, Stuart M. (1994). Keats the Poet. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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La communauté arabo-musulmane aux Etats-Unis : entre rêve et réalité

Lanouar Ben Hafsa Université de Tunis, Tunisie

Abstract This paper aims to give an overview of the way Arab-American Muslims adapt to the United States and its institutions. In effect, despite their growing numbers over the last few decades, and despite the role they could play if, like other ethno-religious groups, develop a distinct and cohesive identity, Americans of Arab and Muslim descent are still striving to unify their ranks and consolidate their efforts in a changing socio-political context. The September 11, 2001 attacks on the twin towers of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon not only destroyed any hope to achieve their goals, but also reinforced the stereotype which makes of them the members of an “alien” creed that preaches hatred and supports terrorism. Keywords: Arab-American Muslim community, immigration, Islam, assimilation, American New Right

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Résumé Ce papier tente d’offrir un aperçu sur la façon dont les américains d’origine arabomusulmane s’accommodent au système des Etats-Unis et s’adaptent à ses institutions. En effet, en dépit de leur croissance spectaculaire au cours des dernières décennies et malgré leur « récente » prise de conscience du rôle qu’ils peuvent jouer s’ils réussissent à se forger une identité distinctive et autonome à l’instar des autres groupes ethno-religieux, les américains d’origine arabe et musulmane n’arrivent toujours pas à consolider leurs efforts et surtout à retrouver leurs repères dans un environnement socio-politique qui ne cesse de changer. Les événements du 11 septembre 2001 ont accentué leur détresse et ont plus particulièrement brisé tout espoir leur permettant de rayer cette image qui leur colle à la peau et qui fait d’eux les membres d’un groupe fortement lié à une croyance « incommode » qui prêche la haine et soutient le terrorisme. Mots clés : communauté arabo-musulmane assimilation, Nouvelle Droite américaine

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américaine,

immigration,

Islam,

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Rappel historique Bien que les Américains d’origine arabo-musulmane soient devenus plus visibles notamment sur la scène politique, ils sont peu ou mal connus aux Etats-Unis. En fait, le nombre infime d’études qui leur a été consacré ne révèle que peu d’informations, sinon des données imprécises quant à leur statut socio-économique et spécialement leur degré d’adaptation aux structures américaines. L’on se heurte d’emblée à la difficulté de les recenser. Car, faute de statistiques officielles (vu que le gouvernement ne recense pas les citoyens selon leur appartenance religieuse), les estimations leur concernant proviennent essentiellement d’instituts de sondage privés ou d’organisations non-gouvernementales. En effet, contrairement aux idées reçues, la majorité des Arabes établis aux Etats-Unis ne se déclarent pas Musulmans. Selon une enquête conduite par Zogby International en 2005, seulement 24 pour cent des Arabes américains se revendiquent de l’Islam, contre 63 pour cent qui se déclarent Chrétiens, et 13 pour cent n’appartenant à aucune religion.1 Selon le rapport 2010 du Census Bureau2, l’organe officiel de recensement, il y a aujourd’hui 1 967 212 Américains de descendance arabe qui résident aux Etats-Unis, mais le très connu groupe de pression, Arab American Institute, basé à Washington D.C. et dirigé par le docteur James Zogby, avance le chiffre de 3 665 789 qu’il estime plus proche de la réalité.3 Au niveau de la communauté musulmane américaine dont on estime le nombre entre deux et sept millions, la diaspora arabe (dont le nombre s’est considérablement accru après le Seconde Guerre mondiale), s’avère relativement minoritaire face aux Afro-Américains qui constituent environ le quart des Musulmans établis aux Etats-Unis. D’autant plus que la population musulmane américaine se distingue par sa grande diversité nationale et ethnique par rapport à leurs coreligionnaires européens. Selon le Pew Research Center, 30 pour cent parmi ses membres se décrivent comme blancs (Egyptiens, Palestiniens, Irakiens, Jordaniens, Marocains, Algériens, etc.), 23 pour cent comme noirs et natifs des Etats-Unis, et 23 pour cent provenant d’Asie du Sud (Pakistanais, Indiens, Bengalis, etc.).4 Sans doute la religion qui progresse le plus rapidement à travers le monde, où une personne sur quatre est musulmane5, l’arrivée de l’Islam dans le Nouveau Monde s’est faite en trois étapes. Les premiers Musulmans qui ont foulé le sol américain étaient des esclaves importés dès 1501.6 Mais comme ils n’avaient systématiquement aucune chance de pratiquer 1

Arab American Institute (www;aaiusa.org/pages/demographics ou en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Arab_American_Religious_background ). 2 U.S. Census Bureau, 2010 American Community Survey 1-year Estimates (https://www.factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?src=bkmk). 3 2012 Arab American Institute Foundation (b.3cdn.net/aai/fcc68db3efdd45f613_vim6ii.pdf). 4 Pew Research Center, Section 1: A Demographic Portrait of Muslim Americans, August 30, 2011 (https://www.people-press.org/files/2011/08/muslim-american-report.pdf). 5 Michael Lipka & Conrad Hackett, Why Muslims Are the World’s Fastest-Growing Religious Group. (Disponible sur htps://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/04/23/why-muslims-are-the-worlds-fastestgrowing-religious-group/). 6 Ceci malgré que certains linguistes, historiens ou archéologues datent l’arrivée des premiers Musulmans dans le Nouveau Monde au VIIe siècle. Venus d’Afrique du Nord, ces Musulmans étaient notamment des commerçants. Non seulement des pièces de monnaie islamiques datant des IXe et XIe siècles ont été trouvées en

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leur foi, leur héritage religieux n’a pu se transmettre de génération en génération et a fini par disparaître dans les années 1860, au lendemain la Guerre civile qui a aboli l’esclavage aux Etats-Unis. La deuxième grande vague d’immigrants musulmans qui avait commencé à affluer dès 1880, provenait essentiellement du Levant, à l’époque une province de l’Empire ottoman. En majorité des Chrétiens, malgré la prédominance des Musulmans dans la Grande Syrie, ces Arabes arrivaient des montagnes libanaises pour fournir une main d’œuvre à bon marché à l’industrie lourde américaine. Mais comme ils étaient moins nombreux par rapport aux autres immigrants qui arrivaient notamment d’Europe de l’Est et du Sud (Polonais, Italiens, etc.), ils s’étaient vite dispersés sur le territoire américain et avaient pu se fondre sans difficulté dans la culture dominante.7 La loi de 1965 sur l’immigration et la nationalité (The Immigration and Nationality Act) qui avait mis un terme au système discriminatoire des quotas (établi dès le Johnson-Reed Act de 1924), et qui visait la diversité en matière de nouveaux-venus, avait déclenché la troisième vague d’immigrants arabo-musulmans. Ceux-ci commençaient à s’installer dans le pays de l’Oncle Sam vers dès la fin des années soixante et venaient notamment de pays d’Asie du Sud, mais également d’Iran, d’Iraq, de Turquie et d’Egypte. Parmi les facteurs qui avaient déclenché ces mouvements, on évoque surtout des raisons d’ordre : politique (sentiment général de frustration après l’humiliation des la Guerre des Six Jours en 1967) ; économique (croissance et prospérité au pays d’accueil coïncidant avec l’allègement des lois sur l’immigration en 1965) ; ou éducatif (nombre croissant d’étudiants arabo-musulmans ayant choisi de s’inscrire dans les prestigieuses universités américaines). Mais l’histoire de l’Islam aux Etats-Unis ne s’est pas faite au nom des seuls immigrants musulmans. Elle s’est également construite autour de ceux qui ont choisi de se convertir à l’Islam, notamment les Afro-américains qui, dès les années 1930, ont fondé leur mouvement, Nation of Islam (dirigé à l’époque par le très controversé Elijah Muhammad), comme forme de combat pour lutter contre les inégalités raciales. Ainsi, plus que toute autre nation, les Etats-Unis constituent aujourd’hui un microcosme du monde musulman. Partie intégrante de la grande mosaïque socioculturelle, l’actuelle communauté musulmane comprend toutes les races, toutes les nationalités et toutes les ethnies. Par-delà sa diversité ethnique et culturelle, la communauté musulmane américaine est une communauté qui réussit. Selon les experts américains, elle réussit parce qu’elle a non seulement gagné le pari de l’intégration en s’incrustant harmonieusement dans le paysage multiculturel américain, mais également parce qu’elle a su faire face aux défis imposés par une conjoncture défavorable qui met sérieusement en doute son américanité. Ainsi, contrairement à leurs coreligionnaires d’Europe qui, le plus souvent, vivent cantonnés dans des banlieues pauvres en proie à la criminalité, les Musulmans des Etats-Unis se trouvent répartis sur l’ensemble des Etats qui forment l’Amérique avec une très forte concentration Amérique, mais également des noms et autres mots islamiques ont été gravés sur des rochers au Nevada depuis 650. (Zahir Uddin, « Muslims in America », World and I, March 1st, 2002). 7 Cela s’est produit lorsque les défenseurs de l’héritage anglo-saxon essayaient de renforcer la théorie du Melting Pot et d’assimiler les nouveaux immigrés dans la culture dominante.

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dans les grandes métropoles, telles que New York, Houston, Los Angeles, la Baie de San Francisco et Dallas. Banlieue ouvrière de Detroit au Michigan, Dearborn, où un habitant sur trois a des racines au Proche-Orient, est considérée aujourd’hui comme la capitale araboaméricaine. Par ailleurs et sans commune mesure avec leurs partenaires d’Europe, les Musulmans américains sont très instruits et jouissent de meilleurs avantages économiques. D’après un rapport publié par le Center for American Muslim Research and Information (CAMRI), le Musulman moyen possède à son compte trois ans d’expérience universitaire (soit deux ans audelà de la moyenne nationale)8. De surcroît, alors que les Musulmans résidant en Europe souffrent soit du chômage ou, dans leur immense majorité, occupent des métiers peu valorisants qui n’offrent aucune perspective d’avenir, ceux qui ont misé sur le rêve américain semblent en avoir largement tiré profit, puisqu’ils ont atteint des niveaux d’instruction et de revenus qui dépassent même la moyenne nationale. A en croire une étude menée par Zogby Poll en 20129, 89 pour cent des Arabes américains (Chrétiens et Musulmans) ont déjà leur Baccalauréat, 45 pour cent une Licence ou diplôme équivalent, contre une moyenne nationale de 27 pour cent ; 18 pour cent ont un Master ou un Doctorat, pratiquement le double de la moyenne nationale (soit 10 pour cent).10 Les niveaux respectables atteints par la diaspora arabo-américaine au niveau éducatif, reflétant selon plusieurs études une forte adhésion au rêve américain qui persiste depuis le débarquement de la première vague en1880, leur ont permis d’entrer par la grande porte dans le domaine des affaires et des métiers fortement rémunérés. En effet, 14 pour cent de ces diplômés sont aujourd’hui employés dans le secteur des services. Ils exercent comme dirigeants d’entreprise, ingénieurs, avocats, médecins, etc., et le revenu médian de leurs ménages (56 331 dollars pour l’année fiscale 2008)11 dépasse également celui des ménages américains en général qui est de 51 369 dollars pour la même année.12 Enfin, sur le plan politique, en dépit des contraintes auxquelles ils se sont souvent heurtés et les nombreux obstacles qui se sont dressés sur leur chemin depuis qu’ils sont devenus visibles (en raison notamment de l’arrivée massive d’immigrants musulmans dès la fin des années soixante), certains dirigeants arabo-musulmans ont su profiter d’un environnement propice aux initiatives individuelles pour bâtir leurs niches dans les rouages du pouvoir. Certains ont grimpé tous les échelons et se sont même vus propulser au plus haut niveau de l’Etat grâce essentiellement à leurs efforts individuelles et sans compter sur le moindre appui de leurs coreligionnaires ou instances dirigeantes de leurs communautés respectives. En témoigne l’élection de cinq parmi eux au Sénat fédéral américain, neuf à la 8

Zahir Uddin, « Muslims in America », op .cit. 2012 Arab American Institute Foundation, op. cit. 10 Ibid. 11 Dernières statistiques fournies par l’Arab American Institute jusqu’à présent. 12 Zahir Uddin, « Muslims in America », op. cit. Parmi les PDG des grandes firmes industrielles, on cite Farooq Kathwari de l’Ethan Allen Furniture, Ray Irani de l’Occidental Petrolium, et Safi Qureshi de l’AST Computers. De grands noms de Musulmans travaillent également dans l’industrie cinématographique et dans les médias. Les plus connus sont Mustapha Akkad et Assad Kelada, producteurs de films et séries télévisées, et Fareed Zakaria, éditeur du Newsweek International. En 1999, Ahmed Zewail, professeur à la California Institute of Technology, avait reçu le Prix Nobel en chimie. 9

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Chambre des Représentants, trois ont été élus comme gouverneurs, etc. Deux d’entre eux ont même exercé dans des cabinets présidentiels, à l’instar de Donna Shalala qui était Ministre de la santé sous l’ère Bill J. Clinton, et Spencer Abraham qui a occupé le poste de Ministre de l’énergie durant le premier mandat de George W. Bush (2000-2004).13 Modèle d’intégration ou de marginalité? Contrairement à la plupart des autres immigrants qui ont successivement débarqué sur le sol américain, les Américains d’origine arabo-musulmane souffrent de l’absence de cohésion identitaire, notamment de repères communs qui les unifient et les distinguent en tant que groupe ethnique et/ou religieux. C’est ce qui explique, en partie, la négligence, voire la marginalisation de cette communauté qui, jusqu’à une époque récent, était presque invisible et n’a fait l’objet que de rares études et enquêtes. Mais l’arrivée, dès la fin des années 1960, de nouvelles vagues d’immigrants musulmans, aux origines les plus diverses, a suscité un très vif débat donnant lieu à de nombreuses mises en garde quant à leur volonté d’intégration et d’assimilation dans le melting pot américain. Bref, la grande question était de savoir si les Musulmans, en général, sont solubles dans le rêve américain. Quoiqu’ayant incontestablement réussi sur le plan professionnel, leur intégration sociale n’a pas été aussi rapide que leur succès économique, tout au moins en ce qui concerne la dernière vague d’immigrants musulmans arrivée après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Par de-là le problème de « double identité » ou ce que certains dénomment « loyauté partagée » (entre mère-patrie et pays d’accueil), ce repli communautaire n’est nullement surprenant puisque, selon certains, il s’explique par une tendance générale et spontanée à développer des liens plus étroits avec leurs coreligionnaires ou les membres de leur groupe ethnique. S’ajoute à ceci le caractère extrêmement hétérogène des nouveaux expatriés arabo-musulmans et surtout leur crainte d’être figés dans des stéréotypes de réfugiés politiques. C’est ce qui démontre, à l’évidence, pourquoi certains parmi eux ne peuvent toujours pas s’intégrer ou simplement ne sont pas décidés à le faire.14 En général, contrairement à leurs coreligionnaires d’Europe qui, faute peut-être de structures favorisant leur intégration, se sentent écartés du système malgré leur nombre croissant, les Musulmans des Etats-Unis semblent mieux implantés et font partie intégrante du paysage socioculturel américain. D’ailleurs, 65 pour cent d’entre eux se revendiquent Américains avant d’être Arabes ou Musulmans, contre seulement 45 pour cent en Europe qui ressentent la même fierté pour leur pays d’accueil.15 Ce sentiment d’être américain à part entière, en dépit de la conjoncture du 11-Septembre qui avait ressuscité les vieux démons islamophobes, s’explique par le fait que non seulement les Musulmans américains s’adaptent mieux aux standards de la société américaine, mais aussi parce que celle-ci leur a fournis les moyens indispensables à leur absorption, à savoir des libertés politiques garanties par la 13

The Roster of Arab Americans in Public Service https://www.aaiusa.org/index_ee.php/pages/arab-american-roster).

and

Political

Life.

(Disponible

sur

14

Andrzej Kulczycki & Arun P. Lobo, « Deepening the Melting Pot: Arab Americans at the Turn of the Century », The Middle East Journal, June 22, 2001. 15 Léon Hadar, « Migrants Musulmans ? Oubliez le vieux continent, place au rêve américain », (i24 News, 3 février 2015). Disponible sur www.i24news.tv/app.php/fr/opinions/59753-150202-analyse.

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Constitution, des avantages économiques incontestés, et notamment la possibilité de pratiquer leur foi sans la moindre crainte d’être persécutés par une quelconque autorité. « Notre communauté musulmane se sent américaine », déclarait récemment Barack Obama, insinuant l’échec de l’Europe à intégrer ses populations musulmanes, « et ce processus incroyable d’immigration et d’assimilation qui fait parti de notre tradition est probablement notre grande force ».16 Mis à part le sentiment de sécurité ressenti à travers l’existence depuis des générations d’une communauté arabo-chrétienne bien intégrée et de plus en plus présente dans les circuits décisionnaires du pays, le contexte multiculturel et pluriconfessionnel américain permet d’offrir une occasion unique aux immigrants musulmans qui ne peuvent que la saisir au pays que l’on décrit comme Promised Land (terre promise) ou Land of the Free (terre des Hommes libres). Comme le souligne fièrement Anne Wortham, sans doute l’un des sociologues les plus éclairés des Etats-Unis, qui considère que : « Contrairement aux autres pays, l’Amérique se définit par ses valeurs humaines et spirituelles, et non par son héritage ethnique. Nous sommes le seul vrai pays laïc au monde ».17 Il faut rappeler d’ailleurs que d’après une étude effectuée en 2001, le nombre de Musulmans américains qui vivent strictement en conformité avec la loi islamique est plus ou moins égal à celui de ceux qui ont choisi d’adopter un mode de vie « à l’occidentale ». Vingt pour cent des jeunes musulmanes scolarisées portent le voile et seulement dix pour cent des Musulmans qui fréquentent les mosquées participent à la prière du vendredi. Quant à la consommation d’alcool, elle demeure très répandue notamment parmi les jeunes musulmans, aussi bien d’ailleurs que la sexualité en dehors des liens du mariage. Toujours selon le même rapport, certaines élèves musulmanes vont même jusqu’à s’interdire d’afficher publiquement leur appartenance religieuse. Du coup, jeûner pendant le mois de Ramadan devient aux yeux des autres un régime alimentaire pour perdre du poids, alors que refuser d’accompagner leurs camarades au centre commercial est justifié par des heures de baby-sitting qu’elles doivent effectuer pour arrondir la fin du mois. D’autres se débarrassent tout simplement de leur voile et de leurs vêtements longs aussitôt qu’elles quittent le foyer parental.18 Mais le mouvement inverse existe également. Contrairement à la deuxième génération arabo-musulmane en Europe qui, souvent tiraillée entre le monde traditionnel des parents et le mode de vie occidental, n’arrive plus à retrouver ses repères, la plus jeune génération aux Etats-Unis redécouvre l’Islam et se trouve, à plusieurs degrés, responsable et déterminée à préserver cet héritage transmis par la vieille génération.19

16

Ibid. Nous traduisons: « Unlike any other country, America is defined by its spirit and human values, not by its ethnic background. We are the only truly secular country in the world ». (Anne Wortham, «The Melting Pot, Part 2: America’s Cultural-Institutional Core », Modern Thought, November 2001). Disponible sur https://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-79409994.html. 18 Daniel Pipes & Khalid Duran, « Faces of American Islam », Policy Review, August 1st, 2001 (https://www.danielpipes.org/441/faces-of-american-islam-muslim-immigration). 19 Ibid. 17

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Choc de civilisations, Guerre d’icônes ! Doit-on considérer l’Islam comme un ennemi de l’Occident ? Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre, 2001, même avant, cette question demeure au cœur d’un débat houleux et très controversé qui divise profondément ceux qui pensent que la confrontation entre l’Islam et l’Occident est irréversible, et ceux qui sont convaincus qu’il s’agit là d’un phénomène conjoncturel étroitement lié aux orientations américaines en matière de politique étrangère, et qu’aussitôt la paix établie entre Palestiniens et Israéliens, tout rentrera naturellement dans l’ordre. Pour mieux cerner le débat autour de cette question et donner un aperçu clair et objectif des Arabes et des Musulmans établis aux Etats-Unis, notamment l’exercice de leur foi en milieu pluriconfessionnel mais majoritairement chrétien, il s’avère tout d’abord nécessaire de tenter de répondre aux questions suivantes : Qui sont réellement les Musulmans américains? Qu’est-ce qui les caractérisent et les distingue des activistes islamistes qui prônent la haine et la violence? Sont-ils représentatifs de la majorité des Musulmans à travers le monde? Comment ont-ils réagi aux attentats du 11 septembre, lesquels ont déclenché une vague d’actes racistes et xénophobes et ont tenu comme principaux suspects tous les Arabes et tous les Musulmans sans distinction aucune? Enfin, pourrait-on considérer l’Islam comme foncièrement anti-américain ou anti-démocratique? Ou, à l’inverse, pourrait-on conclure qu’en dépit de la résurgence d’un Islam radical et intolérant, représenté par de mouvances obscurantistes telles qu’Al-Qaïda et le soi-disant Etat Islamique, l’Islam s’adapte harmonieusement au contexte américain? Mais avant de percer le mystère autour des islamistes et de leur idéologie radicale, faudrait-il peut-être situer leur réaction dans un contexte plus vaste de mutations globales. Il n’en demeure pas moins que, retranchés derrière 1400 ans d’histoire de l’Islam et refusant parfois de voir la réalité en face, les précurseurs de la mouvance islamiste n’acceptent plus de poser les problèmes dans leur contexte conjoncturel et à la lumière des changements structurels qui ne cessent de transformer le monde. Ainsi, comment pouvaient-ils concevoir la désintégration de l’empire musulman qui, pendant au moins un millénaire après l’avènement de l’Islam en 622, avait régné sans partage dans plusieurs parties du monde?20 Qui pourrait croire que pas plus tard que le XVIè siècle, l’état le plus influent au monde était musulman avec cet Empire ottoman qui s’étendait des Pyrénées jusqu’en Indonésie? Enfin, qui pourrait croire que pas plus tard que 1683, Vienne, assiégée par les troupes ottomanes, risquait de tomber et de basculer, dans sa chute, toute l’Europe sous contrôle islamique? Mais le vent a tourné.21 Eprouvant un profond malaise devant le démantèlement et le déclin de leur civilisation qui, à leur avis, mérite de jouer un rôle majeur, comme dans son passé lorsque l’Islam connaissait ses heures de gloire, et jugeant que la modernité n’est qu’une forme d’occidentalisation du monde, les radicaux islamistes croient que s’ils 20

Au début du précédent millénaire, les grandes cités de la culture, de la science et du savoir étaient Cordoba, Bagdad et autres métropoles arabes et musulmanes. 21 L’évènement qui sans doute a été ressenti comme une grande humiliation pour le monde arabe, s’était produit en 1798 lorsque Napoléon Bonaparte a conquis l’Egypte avec moins de 40.000 soldats.

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pratiquent un Islam pur et dur, ils peuvent récupérer «l’âge d’or» et surpasser l’Occident.22 D’autant qu’avec leurs pays d’origine qui traînent encore loin derrière l’Occident, presque à tous les niveaux (distribution des richesses, infrastructures de santé et d’éducation, développement économique et libertés individuelles), ils n’ont d’autre choix que de rejeter la faute sur l’Occident, en attribuant tous les maux au «Grand Satan», les Etats-Unis. Pire encore, déçus par les Américains qui se sont servis d’eux pour vaincre «l’Empire du mal», l’Union Soviétique, et contrecarrer son influence en Afghanistan et dans l’espace musulman, et pourchassés sans relâche dans leurs propres sociétés par des régimes qui ne leur laissent guère de chance pour agrandir leurs rangs, les activistes islamistes trouvent un moyen pour charrier toute sorte de fantasmes. Ils considèrent ainsi que la modernité occidentale s’est faite aux dépens de l’intégrité politique de l’Islam, et mettent directement en cause les régimes arabes en place qui, selon eux, veillent à ce pillage. Pour eux, malgré tous les progrès que l’Occident réalise tant sur le plan technologique que scientifique, il est intrinsèquement faible, non pas parce qu’il est chrétien, mais parce qu’il a perdu toutes ses valeurs morales et spirituelles, et a fini par devenir une terre de mécréants, comme en témoigne d’ailleurs le divorce consommé entre l’Eglise et l’Etat au sein des sociétés européennes et américaines.23 Plus particulièrement, aveuglés par les excès du matérialisme et la course effrénée derrière le profit et l’argent, les « infidèles » occidentaux sont devenus, non seulement incapables de discerner le bien du mal, mais essayent encore d’entraîner avec eux dans cette «spirale infernale» tout le monde arabo-musulman. Sur un autre plan, comme d’ailleurs c’est le cas pour un nombre de Musulmans modérés, les activistes islamistes se sentent écoeurés par la politique américaine du «deux poids, deux mesures» au Proche-Orient et son soutien inconditionnel à l’Etat hébreu. Ainsi, relèvent-ils les contradictions des gouvernements successifs américains qui, en même temps qu’ils exercent leur pression, cherchant à instaurer la démocratie dans le Monde arabe, continuent à apporter leur soutien aux régimes corrompus en place. A leurs yeux, ces dictatures continueront d’exister aussi longtemps qu’elles recevront la bénédiction des EtatsUnis et ne disparaîtront que lorsque la puissance américaine sera contrainte de les abandonner. Il n’en demeure pas moins que, profondément enraciné dans l’idéologie islamiste, l’anti-américanisme est également ressenti dans les milieux islamiques modérés, ou ce qu’on appelle la majorité silencieuse. Comme le précise Mark Tessler, Professeur à l’Université du Michigan qui souligne que : « Si vous les interrogez sur la démocratie américaine, sur les valeurs américaines, sur la science américaine, les pourcentages augmentent… Si vous leur

22

La lecture que fait Ben Laden de l’Islam s’inspire d’une idéologie vieille de 200 ans. Fondé par Ibn AbdalWahhab (1703-1792), le Wahhabisme prêche le retour à un Islam primitif et radical qui repose sur une interprétation littérale du Coran et ne tient compte d’aucun des mouvements culturels qui ont fait la gloire du XVIIIe siècle dans les domaines de la philosophie, de l’art et de la musique. 23 Hillel Fradkin, « Why They Hate Us? », Editorial, The American Enterprise, December 1st, 2001.

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demandez leur avis quant à la politique étrangère américaine et l’administration américaine en général, ils en expriment une opinion défavorable ».24 C’est ce qui ressort, à peu de choses près, d’un sondage Gallup rendu public en 2002 et qui montre que 53 pour cent des Musulmans à travers le monde détestent les Etats-Unis, alors que 22 pour cent en ont une opinion favorable. Même au Kuwait, seulement 28 pour cent ont une image positive de la superpuissance américaine, alors que 41 pour cent en pensent le contraire et 63 pour cent ont exprimé un avis défavorable à l’encontre de George W. Bush, le fils du président qui, quelques années auparavant était venu les extirper des griffes de l’envahisseur irakien.25 Cependant, malgré sa poussée spectaculaire aux Etats-Unis et à travers le monde, l’Islam reste assez largement mal connu, notamment au pays de l’Oncle Sam, et ne peut se dégager du cadre dans le lequel il a été figé, telle une croyance mystérieuse, incompatible avec le contexte américain, voire représentant un véritable danger pour l’héritage «judéochrétien». En effet, les tentatives dédaignant l’Islam comme étant un «culte étranger» et décryptant les Musulmans américains tels des éléments «séditieux, dangereux et totalement incompatibles avec la vie américaine,»26 voire une sorte de «cinquième colonne» menaçant le pays de l’intérieur, ont existé bien avant les attentas du 11 septembre 2001. Quelques années auparavant, des intellectuels néoconservateurs tels que les professeurs Samuel Huntington de l’Université Harvard et Bernard Lewis de Princeton, et des personnalités très connues tels que les chroniqueurs Daniel Pipes et Steve Emerson, dépeignaient l’Islam comme une religion congénitalement intransigeante, et envisageaient même une inéluctable confrontation entre l’Islam et l’Occident. « La guerre froide est finie », mettait déjà en garde Karina Rollins, éditrice de la revue néoconservatrice The American Enterprise, « mais la bataille du bien contre le mal est lancée comme jamais auparavant. A un certain moment dans le futur, la soif des humains pour la liberté et l’autodétermination pourrait envahir le monde islamique. Mais aujourd’hui, un nouvel ennemi est à la porte de la civilisation, et il 27 est temps de le reconnaître ».

Par ailleurs, il est important de souligner que depuis la diffusion, en 1994, sur la chaîne PBS du fameux documentaire, Jihad in America, du journaliste Steven Emerson, les Musulmans américains, plus particulièrement ceux d’origine arabe, n’ont cessé de faire l’objet de tentatives visant à les stigmatiser et à les transformer en suspects potentiels prêts à tout pour atteindre leurs objectifs. En témoignent les prises de position souvent très violentes du néoconservateur Daniel Pipes, directeur de l’organisation Middle East Forum et auteur de 24

Nous traduisons: « If you ask about American democracy, American education, American values, American science, the scores go up… If you ask about US foreign policy and the US administration – overwhelmingly people will have negative views ». (Sydney J. Freedberg, Jr., « The War Within Islam », The National Journal, May 10, 2003). 25 Kaplin, Motan A., « September 11 and the Unpopularity in the Muslim World », World and I, June 1st, 2002 (connection.ebscohot.com/c/articles/7048249/September-11-american-unpopularity-muslim-world). 26 Cité à plusieurs reprises sur le site www.cair.com. 27 Nous traduisons: « The Cold War is over, but the battle of good vs. evil rages stronger than ever. At some point in the future, the human thirst for liberty and self-determination may sweep even the Islamic world. But today, a fresh enemy is at civilization’s gate, and it’s time we recognize him ». («Why They Hate Us? » op. cit.)

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plusieurs publications à connotation anti-islamique.28 Dans l’un de ses articles intitulé « America’s Muslims against America’s Jews »29, Pipes tente d’alerter ses compatriotes sur le « danger intérieur » que représentent l’Islam militant aux Etats-Unis et va même jusqu’à insinuer qu’il n’y a aucune différence entre la minorité islamiste radicale et la majorité des Musulmans dite modérée. D’après lui, tous les Musulmans constituent un bloc monolithique, intrinsèquement antisémite et animé par la haine d’autrui. Critiquant sévèrement les organisations musulmanes américaines qui, à son avis, s’obstinent à se démarquer du terrorisme et des sentiments anti-américains qui sévissent dans leurs pays d’origine, Pipes n’hésite pas à alerter ses compatriotes sur le caractère « missionnaire » et « universalisant » de la foi musulmane, notamment le «danger» que celleci représente pour la liberté de foi et le pluralisme confessionnel aux Etats-Unis. Il rétorque: « L’ambition de conquérir les Etats-Unis n’est pas nouvelle. Les premiers missionnaires de l’idéologie islamiste, qui sont arrivés de l’étranger dans les années 1920, ont déclaré sans gêne, ‘Notre plan est de conquérir l’Amérique’ ».30 D’ailleurs, c’est ce qui justifie, à ses yeux, la présence de Musulmans « en terre d’infidèles » car, selon lui, faute de « s’américaniser », les Musulmans établis aux Etats-Unis n’ont qu’un seul objectif: convertir tous les Américains à l’Islam. Certes, les atteintes à la foi musulmane et les tentatives de réinventer la Guerre froide en désignant l’Islam comme le nouvel ennemi du monde libre, ne sont pas les objectifs déclarés des seuls idéologues néo-conservateurs. Ils font également partie d’une vaste campagne lancée par les dirigeants de la Nouvelle Droite chrétienne qui, en l’occurrence, ne manquent aucune occasion pour mettre en doute la compatibilité de l’Islam avec les valeurs américaines. Bien qu’implicitement dénoncés par le président Bush au lendemain des attaques du 11 Septembre, qui parle plutôt d’une large majorité de Musulmans pacifique et qui admire les Etats-Unis, il n’en demeure pas moins que de tels propos n’ont fait qu’exacerber les tensions dans le monde musulman et raviver les vieux démons faisant de l’Amérique « l’Empire du mal » et de la perversité satanique. Des propos qui visent notamment à souiller l’image de l’Islam, comme, par exemple, ceux de Franklin Graham, fils du célèbre prédicateur télévisuel Billy Graham, pour lequel l’Islam est « une religion du mal », viscéralement en conflit avec les valeurs américaines, ou ceux du révérend baptiste Jerry Vines qui décrit le prophète Mahomet comme étant « un pédophile possédé par les démons ».31 S’adressant enfin à ses compatriotes juifs, massivement représentés par le très puissant lobby pro-israélien, AIPAC (Comité américain pour les Affaires publiques israéliennes), Daniel Pipes s’échine à démontrer que le vrai danger pour la démocratie américaine et la liberté de foi ne provient pas de la Droite chrétienne, acquise d’office à la cause d’Israël, mais plutôt des organisations musulmanes qui continuent, selon lui, à opérer en toute impunité sur le sol américain. A son avis, ce n’est que perte de temps et d’énergie pour les organisations 28

Notamment son livre Militant Islam Reaches America, New York: W.W. Norton, 2002. Daniel Pipes, “America’s Muslims Against America’s Jews”, Commentary Magazine, May 1st, 1999 (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/americas-muslims-against-americas-jews/). 30 Nous traduisons « The ambition to take over the United States is not new. The first missionaries for militant Islam, or Islamism, who arrived from abroad in the 1920s, unblushingly declared, ‘Our plan is we are going to conquer America’ ». Ibid. 31 Freedberg, S.J., « The War Within Islam », op. cit. 29

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juives américaines que de consacrer autant d’efforts pour combattre la Coalition chrétienne32 et virtuellement ignorer ce qu’il appelle «fascisme islamiste». Il affirme à ce propos: « Le vrai et actuel danger ne provient en aucune manière de la Coalition Chrétienne acquise à la cause d’Israël mais de l’antisémite ‘Muslim Arab Youth Association’ ; il ne provient pas de Jerry Falwell mais du Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman ; il ne provient pas de ceux qui, au pire des cas, souhaitent convertir les Juifs mais de ceux qui, par tous les moyens à leur disposition, cherchent à faire du mal, ceux qui ont déjà agi selon des intentions violentes, et ceux qui, non contrôlés, le feront 33 certainement encore ».

Sur un plan plus général, les tentatives visant à démoniser l’Islam en le considérant comme une religion qui prêche la violence, et à diaboliser les Musulmans en les figeant dans des stéréotypes d’êtres culturellement incapables d’accéder à la modernité et ayant une propension naturelle à la barbarie, tout ceci au nom d’une pseudo-thèse qui préconise le « choc des civilisations », ont atteint des sommets sans précédent au lendemain des attaques du 11 Septembre. Les deux derniers livres de la journaliste et écrivain italienne, Oriana Fallaci, La rage et l’orgueil34 et La force de la raison35, en sont peut-être le meilleur exemple. Selon Fallaci, contrairement aux idées reçues, les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre ne sont pas l’œuvre d’une minorité de pervers islamistes, désillusionnée et prête à aller jusqu’au bout pour assouvir sa rage contre l’Occident. Ces attentats seraient les conséquences directes ou indirectes de « cette montagne (la religion musulmane) qui pendant 1400 ans n’a pas bougé, n’a pas resurgi des bas-fonds de l’aveuglement, n’a pas ouvert ses portes à la conquête de la civilisation, et a rejeté tout ce qui a un lien avec la liberté, la justice, la démocratie et le progrès ».36 Vers la fin de son essai, Fallaci met clairement en garde contre tout Musulman et souligne que 32

Fondée en 1988 par le prédicateur télévisuel, Pat Robertson, la Christian Coalition of America est un groupe de pression politique américain qui réunit près de 1 200 000 membres. Visant dès le départ à s’emparer du Parti Républicain, son objectif principal consiste à restaurer les valeurs traditionnelles de la famille judéo-chrétienne et surtout lutter contre l’homosexualité et le droit à l’avortement. 33 Nous traduisons: « The real and present danger is by no means the pro-Israel Christian Coalition but the rapidly anti-Semitic Muslim Arab Youth Association; not Jerry Falwell but Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahmman ; not those who wish, at the very worst, to convert Jews but those who, with every means at their disposal, intend to do them harm, who have already acted on those violent intensions, and who if unchecked will surely do so again.» D. Pipes, « American Muslims Against American Jews », op. cit. A noter que les dirigeants de la Nouvelle Droite chrétienne ont toujours été de fervents partisans de l’Etat d’Israël. Ne reposant aucunement sur un sentiment de culpabilité envers les Juifs en raison de persécutions passées, cet engagement émane notamment d’une doctrine théologique très répandue dans les milieux pentecôtistes et fondamentalistes, connue sous le nom «Dispensationalist Premillennialism». D’après celles-ci, l’instauration d’un Etat juif viable et sécurisé en Israël, y compris la construction du Temple de Jérusalem, est une condition préalable au retour sur terre de Jésus Christ pour régner en maître pendant mille ans. 34 La rage et l’orgueil, Paris: Plon, 2002. 35 La force de la raison, Monaco: Editions du Rocher, 2004. 36 Nous traduisons: « this mountain that for 1,400 years has not moved, has not emerged from the abyss of blindness, has not opened its doors to the conquest of civilization, and has wanted nothing to do with liberty and justice and democracy and progress ». Voir Christopher Caldwell, «The Fallaci Affair», Commentary Magazine, October 1st, 2002 (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/the-fallaci-affair/).

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« Les Fils d’Allah se multiplient comme des rats ». Elle poursuit : « Je n’ai aucune intention d’être châtiée pour mon athéisme par les Fils d’Allah. C’est-à-dire par ces jeunes hommes qui, au lieu de contribuer au progrès de l’humanité, passent le temps 37 avec le c… dans l’air, pour prier cinq fois par jour!”

Fallaci ne se contente pas de proférer toutes sortes d’injures contre l’Islam et ses principaux fondements. S’adressant directement aux femmes musulmanes, elle n’hésite pas à se moquer effrontément de leur sexualité. Ainsi leur demande-t-elle : « Etes-vous tombées amoureuses d’Osama Ben Laden, avec ses grands yeux Torquemada, avec ses grosses lèvres, et avec tout ce qui est en dessous de sa sale tunique? Le trouvez-vous romantique? Croyezvous que c’est un héro? Rêvez-vous d’être violées par lui? ». Quant aux hommes arabes, son message est sans équivoque. Elle souligne: « Dieu merci je n’ai jamais eu de relation avec un Arabe. A mon avis, il y a quelque chose chez les hommes arabes qui est révoltant pour toute femme au goût raffiné ».38 Conclusion En guise de conclusion, nous nous permettons de citer le Professeur Abdallh Hammoudi, un Américain d’origine arabo-musulmane qui, dans un entretien publié dans Le Monde du 8 janvier 2002, raconte son expérience des Etats-Unis, mais offre surtout une image des deux mondes, musulman et occidental, très contrastée certes, mais semble-t-il très proche de la réalité. M. Hammoudi considère que « l’ignorance et le fantasme sont les choses les mieux partagées, et qu’il faut toujours se méfier de sa propre innocence ». Il estime que, comme d’autres êtres humains, les Arabes et les Musulmans sont des produits de l’histoire et qu’il est faux et dangereux de les figer dans des stéréotypes ou des pseudo- «constantes culturelles» qui les prédisposeraient à la violence et à l’irrationalité. Car, selon lui, la haine nourrit la haine et la violence nourrit la violence. Plus les Arabes et les Musulmans se sentiront diabolisés, plus ils tiendront à démoniser l’autre. La seule issue, à son avis, resterait sans doute la concertation et le dialogue de façon à ce qu’on puisse démontrer que le démon n’est pas toujours de l’autre côté. Mais les faits sont là. Malgré les prises de position apaisantes du Président Bush et de son successeur, Barack Obama39, qui considèrent l’Islam comme une religion de paix, et que

37

Nous traduisons: « The Sons of Allah are multiplying like rats… I have no intention of being punished for my atheism by the Sons of Allah. That is, by the gentlemen who, instead of contributing to the progress of humanity, pass the time with their rumps in the air, praying five times a day! ». 38 Nous traduisons: « Have you fallen in love with Osama bin Laden, with his big Torquemada eyes, with his fleshy lips, and with whatever is under his dirty tunic? Do you find him romantic? Do you think him a hero? Do you dream of being raped by him? »... « Thank God I’ve never been involved with an Arab man. To my mind, there is something in Arab men that is revolting to women of taste». L’édition française de The Rage and the Pride n’a pas seulement suscité des réactions passionnées dans les milieux intellectuels, elle a fait également l’objet de poursuites judiciaires de la part d’organisations antiracistes telles que le MRAP (Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peuples), la LICRA (Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l’antisémitisme), ou encore la Ligue des droits de l’homme qui accusaient son ton haineux et injurieux. 39 Lors d’un sommet récemment organisé au sujet des moyens nécessaires pour combattre le terrorisme, Obama avait déclaré: «Nous ne sommes pas en guerre contre l’Islam. Nous sommes en guerre contre les gens qui ont perverti l’Islam. (Nous) devons travailler pour discréditer la thèse que nos nations sont déterminées à supprimer l’Islam.» Nous traduisons: « We are not at war with Islam. We are at war with the people who have perverted

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la très grande majorité des Musulmans sont des « gens modérés », une large partie de leurs concitoyens estime toujours que les membres de cette foi ne sont pas des Américains à part entière, et que l’Islam est incontestablement la religion la plus susceptible de promouvoir la violence. Une attitude qui à l’évidence demeure toujours très ancrée dans les gestes et les esprits malgré les énormes efforts déployés par les dirigeants musulmans pour éradiquer cette image désuète de la pensée de leurs hôtes, eux dont la plupart ignorent presque tout de l’Islam et du Coran.

Islam. (We) need to do more to discredit the notion that our nations are determined to suppress Islam”. (Disponible sur https://www.edition.cnn.com/2015/02/18/politics/obama-speech-extremism-terror-summit/).

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Références -2012 Arab American Institute Foundation (https://www.b.3cdn.net/aai/fcc68db3efdd45f613_vim6ii.pdf). -Arab American Institute (https://www.aaiusa.org/pages/demographics & https://www en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Arab_American_Religious_background). -Caldwell, Christopher. “The Fallaci Affair”, Commentary Magazine, October 1st, 2002 (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/the-fallaci-affair/). -Fallaci, Oriana. La rage et l’orgueil, Paris, Plon, 2002. -Fallaci, Oriana. La force de la raison, Monaco, Editions du Rocher, 2004. -Fradkin, Hillel. “Why They Hate Us?” Editorial, The American Enterprise, December 1st, 2001 (https://www.aei.org). -Freedberg, Sydney J., Jr. “The War Within Islam”, The National Journal, May 10, 2003. -Hadar, Léon. «Migrants Musulmans ? Oubliez le vieux continent, place au rêve américain», i24 News, 3 février 2015 (https://www.i24news.tv/app.php/fr/opinions/59753-150202analyse). -Kaplin, Motan A. “September 11 and the Unpopularity in the Muslim World”, World and I, June 1st, 2002 (connection.ebscohot.com/c/articles/7048249/September-11-americanunpopularity-muslim-world). -Kulczycki, Andrzej & Lobo, Arun P. “Deepening the Melting Pot: Arab Americans at the Turn of the Century”, The Middle East Journal, June 22, 2001. -Lipka, Michael & Hackett, Conrad. Why Muslims Are the World’s Fastest-Growing Religious Group, May 7, 2015 (pewresearch.org). -Pew Research Center. Section 1: A Demographic Portrait of Muslim Americans, August 30, 2011 (https://www.people-press.org/files/2011/08/muslim-american-report.pdf). -Pipes, Daniel & Duran, Khalid. “Faces of American Islam”, Policy Review, August 1st, 2001 (https://www.danielpipes.org/441/faces-of-american-islam-muslim-immigration). -Pipes, Daniel. “America’s Muslims Against America’s Jews”, Commentary Magazine, May 1st, 1999 (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/americas-muslims-against-americasjews/). -The Roster of Arab Americans in Public Service (https://www.aaiusa.org/index_ee.php/pages/arab-american-roster).

and

Political

Life

-U.S. Census Bureau. 2010 American Community Survey 1-year Estimates (https://www.factfinder.census.gov/faces/tableservices/jsf/pages/productview.xhtml?src=bkm k). -Uddin, Zahir. “Muslims in America”, World and I, March 1st, 2002. -Wortham, Anne. “The Melting Pot, Part 2: America’s Cultural-Institutional Core”, Modern Thought, November 2001 (https://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-79409994.html). http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Pre-Colonial Security System in Akungba-Akoko, South-West Nigeria

Famoye Abiodun Daniels Adekunle Ajasin University, Nigeria Abstract There is no doubt that security has always remained one of the major pillars on which the development of any human society is built. In fact, it is doubtful if any society has prospered in the absence of security. This is because it is only under a secured atmosphere that all machinery of development can perform effectively and bring about the desired goals. Even in pre-colonial Yorubaland, the people recognised the significance of security to their well-being and as such, they had in place various mechanisms aimed at the maintenance and sustenance of their security. It is on this basis that this paper identifies and examines the main features of internal security system of Akungba-Akoko prior to colonialism. It is observed and argued that a major reason why the system was effective was the fact that it was built around the existing socio-political structure of the society, which closely involved the people and made them to see themselves as major stakeholders. The study is pursued through the historical methodologies of narration and critical analysis of data, while the concept of African socialism is used as the framework for analysis. The paper, therefore, concludes that there are lessons in the pre-colonial security arrangements that the contemporary Nigerian society can lean from and which may go a long way to address some of its existing security challenges. Keywords: Nigeria, Yorubaland, Akungba-Akoko, Security, African Socialism and Development

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Introduction The centrality of security to the progress of human society, big or small, cannot be over emphasised since it is only when human beings are secured that they are more likely to come up with great ideas and engage material resources in their disposal towards the development of their society. Even in the contemporary times, security remains one of the most important national interests of all members of committee of nations. This partly explains why these nations have continued to spend heavily on the maintenance of their security. In fact, on several occasions nations have justified their actions and inactions as security measures. For instance, the United States of America has severally justified its decision not to inform the Pakistani government before invading the latter’s territory in the incident that led to the killing of Osama bin Laden 2011 as informed by its security interest.1 Despite the fact that a UN principle says that member nations should respect the territorial jurisdiction of one another,2 nations have continuously violated this principle all in the name of national or international security. The ability to understand the significance of security to development has never been restricted to a race or an era. In other words, human beings, irrespective of their racial background and time of existence, have always understood the importance of security to their progress. Akungba-Akoko people were also conscious of the importance of security to their development and as such evolved a system aimed at ensuring and sustaining it. The Akungba are Yoruba people found presently in the Akoko South-West of Ondo State, South-western Nigeria. The community is located between Longitude 5’44’ east and Latitude 7’28’north of the Equator.3 It is about an hour drive from Akure, the state capital and about five hours drive to Lagos, the ‘commercial capital’ of Nigeria. Akungba-Akoko is the host community to the Adekunle Ajasin University. However, it important to clearly state that the scope of our discourse is restricted to the maintenance of internal security of the pre-colonial community. In other words, the work does not cover the personal efforts of individuals to protect their households. It also does not cover the security measures against external aggressions. In fact our findings have, shown that pre-colonial Akungba-Akoko never suffered any notable external security attacks, if there was any at all. 4 Even in the late 19th century when many Akoko communities suffered direct attacks as a result of the prolonged inter-state wars in Yorubaland, Akungba-Akoko was never attacked directly.5 Data for the study were largely collected from oral sources, though not limited to them. This is due to the fact that Akungba-Akoko, like many communities in Africa did not acquire early enough the art of documentation of their history through writing. Furthermore, the precolonial past of Akungba-Akoko, like the whole of Akoko region, has been largely neglected by historians and other researchers. Consequently, there is paucity of literature on the history of the community. Thus, oral sources remain one of the best means to reconstruct the history of the people mainly because it was one of the most popular methods used by the people to preserve their past. This explains why the significance of oral sources to the study of Africa’s past cannot be overemphasised. Jan Vasina seemed to have recognised this fact when he argued that in “those parts of the world inhabited by people without writing, oral tradition forms the main available http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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source for a reconstruction of the past, and even among peoples who have writing, many historical sources, including the most ancient ones, are based on oral traditions”.6 Theoretical Framework for Analysis The theoretical framework for analysis adopted for this work is African socialism. Several attempts have been made by scholars in the past to define African socialism. While some attempt to discuss it in view of the propagandas of African leaders in the 1960s, others tried to view it from the perspective of Marxist socialism. Consequently, these two schools of thoughts have been denied the opportunity of appropriately understanding the meaning of African socialism. It should be noted that most African countries got their independence from foreign dominations in the 1960s. Eventually, many African leaders, who wanted to win the political patronage of their people, adopted and coloured their manifestos with the slogan, ‘African socialism’. Popular among these African leaders were Kwame Nkruma of Ghana, J.K. Nyerere of Tanzania, Tom Mboya of Kenya, Obafemi Awolowo of Nigeria, etc.7 Later events and actions of many of these leaders, however, suggested that they had little or no touch with African socialism. Also, African socialism and Marxist socialism are two parallel lines both in meaning and features. In the first instance, Marxist socialism developed in Europe and was alien to Africa; however, African socialism developed in Africa and formed the basis for the society existence and survival, at least before the influx of Westernisation.8 Secondly, while Marxist socialism involves struggle among the socio-political classes of the society, African socialism is otherwise built on the co-operation of such existing socio-political classes in the society.9 Thus while the proletarians are viewed in Marxist socialism as the revolutionaries that will subdue the capitalists, the absence of real working class and massive inequalities in traditional African societies, also made class struggle missing in African socialism. It is this feature of collective social responsibility that significantly differentiates African socialism from Marxist socialism. In fact, understanding African socialism substantially rests on ones understanding of the principle of collective responsibility or mutual social responsibility. According to G.C.M Mutiso and S.W. Roho for instance: Mutual social responsibility is an extension of the African family spirit...It implies a mutual responsibility by society and its members to do their very best for each other with the full knowledge and understanding that if society prospers its members will share in the prosperity and that the society cannot prosper without the full co10 operation of its members.

It can be deduced from the foregoing that, African socialism suggests that the society is for all men and all men for the society. In other words, African socialism implies that that since it is through the society that members live and attain their different aspirations (politically, economically and socio-culturally), all members, young and old, have it as a duty to work for the progress of the society. Although there are constituted political authorities with the mandate to use all available resources at their disposal to steer the affairs of the society and ensure peace,

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stability and development, however, the level of success that will be attained by these authorities is largely subjected to the amount of the support they receive from the society at large. Subsequently in the context of African socialism, the extent to which a particular society is developed is a product of the willingness of its members to work together for the progress of such a society. Thus if the society prospers, the prosperity should be accredited to all its members, not only to its political class or elite. The underline factor here is that no society can prosper without the willingness, effort and cooperation of its members. This is why in many African traditional societies there were established socialisation structures such as the age grade system aimed at inculcating in the younger generations the societal values and acceptable behaviour. These are usually driven towards ensuring development both in the present and future. Ultimately, members of the society see one another as related by blood, though there are many family units, and the community as a physical binding force. All the families and their members are seen as products of offspring of their ancestors. Thus, members are expected to perform their responsibilities towards the uplift of the society without being compelled to do so. They simply acknowledge and are willing to perform their duties because of the belief and conviction that whatever one does to the society is reversibly to oneself. Security Strategy in Pre-colonial Akungba-Akoko Pre-colonial security system of Akungba-Akoko can best be described as ‘communal strategy’ because it involved the sharing of responsibilities by the members along the sociopolitical structure that existed in the society. This was in line with the mutual or collective responsibilities of African socialism explained above. In the absence of state owned or sponsored security institutions such as the police or army, what evolved was a system where every member was a stakeholder in the management of the security of the land. Since it was culturally mandatory for any member of the society at any point to belong to at least a socio-political group, the responsibilities of individual member of the society were, therefore, built around such a group. It should be noted that the day-to-day administration of the community rested on these groups, most prominent being the Alala (the monarch), Ijoye Adugbo (quarter or divisional chiefs), age grades (egbe olorijori) and professional guilds such as the hunters (ode), etc. Consequently, the people were not only conscious of their security but also committed to the efforts aimed at its maintenance. The Alale as the Chief Security Officer of the Land At the apex of the community administration and security strategy was the Alale, meaning the king or owner of the land. Although theoretically, the monarch had absolute power, in the real sense, he did not enjoy any absolutism because there were a body of traditions in place meant to check his excesses. For example, his chiefs and the people could boycott his palace or disobey his orders to protest his arbitral use of power.11 The Alale, therefore, ruled through the advice and assistance of a council known as Igbimo Ilu or Ajo (Town Council).12 Many members of Igbimo http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Ilu were quarter chiefs (Olori Adugbo), who represented the authorities of the Alale in their domains.13 As the king, he was automatically the chief security officer or the commander-in-chief and as such, the last command on security matters resided in his office. Therefore, he was responsible for the coordination of other bodies within the system and his office was the last destination of all intelligence/security reports.14 Thus, he was expected to act appropriately, depending on the nature of the reports brought to him. For instance, in cases of crimes such as murder, he would initiate all investigation machineries to uncover the crimes and bring the culprits to book. And in cases of intending crimes or security threat, he would exploit all means to avert them.15 The ability of an Alale to thwart a security threat before its actualisation was crucial to his popularity and reign because the public viewed and ranked his tenure as good or bad largely on the level of security and prosperity they enjoyed during his reign.16 For instance, the reign of Alale Ajigbale in the early 19th century has been celebrated as a good period in the history of Akungba-Akoko mainly because it was highly peaceful and prosperous compared to the tenures of his predecessors.17 Intelligent reports usually came to the palace from the quarter chiefs. Reports could also come from other relevant groups, or even an individual in the society, depending on the exigency of the matter involved.18 Even though he was the chief security officer, he knew he could not do the job alone. He strongly needed the support of his chiefs and even the community to succeed. As a tradition, the king had regular meetings with the Ijoye Adugbo (Igbimo Ilu) and occasionally with the other socio-political groups and the whole community (Ajo Ilu) on security and other matters crucial to the development of the community. These offered him the opportunity to be up-to-date on security situation in the community and also such occasions were used to discuss and strategise on the best means of ensuring the security of the community.19 Thus, it can be deduced from the foregoing that the role of the Alale, was more of coordination and decision-making. This can be related with the roles of a modern chief security of a country. It should, however, be noted that, the most sensitive part of any security plan is decision-making since any decision is cable of making or marring the society irrespective of the quantity and quality of the available human and material resources. The fall of Napoleon, for instance, has been traced to his ability to make bad decisions, chiefly among them being the Moscow Campaign. Having expended huge human and material resources to raise an army of 600,000 soldiers, with contingents got form across Europe, he deployed all of them to Moscow with the hope that Russia would be quickly defeated. The Russians, however, did avoid major military engagements with France as they did not desert their villages, but also destroyed their building, crops and livestock. Subsequently, in the midst of starvation and cold, the almighty French soldiers became easy prey for the Russian soldiers who had adopted the guerrilla warfare. And by the end of the Campaign, he had lost about 580,000 men and recovered from this disaster.20 Thus while Napoleon’s decision destroyed him, the decision of the Russian leadership, largely represented by Alexander, to avoid major confrontations with France seriously paid off.

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The Security Roles of the Quarter Chiefs The responsibilities of the Ijoye Adugbo, who were next to the Alale on the hierarchy of authority, were restricted considerably to the maintenance of internal law and order in their quarters. Akungba-Akoko in pre-colonial times had seven main quarters: Ibaka, Okusa, Ilale, Akua, Igbelu, Akunmi and Okele. While Ibaka was administered by Olubaka, Okusa by Olokusa, Ilale by Alagure, Akua by Alakua, Akunmi by Alakunmi, Okele by Olori, and Igbelu was administered by Alakun the most referred among the chiefs and next in authority to the Alale.21 Like the king, the chiefs also met regularly with the major stakeholders (most important being the minor chiefs, olori ebi (family heads), headers and youth leaders) in their domains, discussing and planning on security and other development related matters. They relied on these people in taking decisions.22 There was also a general meeting of all residents of a quarter (Ajo Adugbo). This came up occasionally and it was a period to deliberate on issues of concern including security.23 Serious crimes, such as murder and so on were to be transferred to the palace of the Alale.24 These people could be likened to the contemporary divisional or district police officer, with the power to use the resources under their control to ensure safety of life and property in the localities. Although, they enjoyed a level of autonomy, they had to report to the king virtually on all of their official actions, even those issues considered to be within the jurisdiction of their authorities25. This was to ensure transparency and accountability and to avoid abuse of power by any of these quarter chiefs. By and large, the roles of these people could be summarised as coordination of efforts relating to the maintenance of law and order within their territorial jurisdictions. The Security Roles of the Age-Grades As a major basis for cultural socialisation and transformation, age grade system was very important to the development of Akungba-Akoko. It was under this structure that everybody was involved since one must belong to an age grade at any point in life. For the males, there existed four age grades or egbe: Agbagba Ilu (the elders) from age sixty and above; Okunrin Ilu (men), between ages fifty and forty; Odo Ilu (the youth), between ages thirty and fifteen and Omoweere (the boys), from fifteen downward.26 The females were divided into two age grades: Adelebo (the married women) and Omoedan (the unmarried).27 Age and sex were the main prerequisites for membership into any of the egbe. Generally, each age grade was to keep a close eye on its members and through its leadership counselled and advised them on the acceptable practices. They were also informed them about the possible punishments for different offences as a way of deterring them from committing crimes. At their regular meetings, in different quarters, they discussed several developmental issues including security related matters and brain stormed on how best to ensure the security of the community.28 However, the most significant age grade within the context of this discussion was the Odo Ilu. One of the areas where their impact was well-felt was in the maintenance of law and order in the streets (adugbo) or markets (oja), etc.29 Markets in pre-colonial Akungba involved mainly women because men were expected to be engaged in more energy-required economic activities http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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such as farming and hunting.30 Each quarter, except Igbelu and Okele had its market; Oja Eleyewo, belonging to (Ibaka), Oja Atiba (king’s market) at Ilale Quarter and Oja Okusa, belonging to Okusa Quarter were the most prominent.31 The market usually came up every five days rotationally. The Odo Ilu were empowered to arrest anybody or a group of person that wanted to disrupt the peace in the areas mentioned above. For example, for the sacred nature of markets, it was forbidden to fight in the market and on the streets. The Odo in such locations had the responsibility to end the fight, arrest offenders and hand them over to the appropriate authority for sanctions. The punishment for this form of public disturbance was usually a fine of a goat.32 Thus, the youth had no power to pass judgement on the offenders. They can best be viewed as the community police officers, though without a formal training. The Agbagba, therefore, performed the role of advising the youth. The implication of this is that the youth were steadily built into taking up responsibilities and leadership positions in the community. The Security Roles Professionals Guilds The popular economic activities of pre-colonial Akungba-Akoko people were farming, hunting and trading. There were also artistic professions such as clothe weaving, blacksmithing, etc. Though without well-organised structured, members of these professions usually formed themselves into guilds primarily for the protecting and promoting their interests. However, the guilds of hunters (Ode) and diviners (Awo) played significant security roles. Although the hunters were generally well-respected persons in the society, especially for their bravery, however, the size and type of animals one killed considerably determined one’s status among other hunters. These people were headed by an Oluode (chief hunter).33 For instance, if a corpse was discovered in the farm, the hunters were the preferred set of people to be sent to bring the corpse and find out if the fellow died naturally or was murdered or killed by an animal. They would discover whichever case it was by physically and sometimes spiritually examining the corpse. If the fellow was killed by an animal, the hunters would go in search of the animal and kill it to prevent further attacks. If it was a murder, the authority would have to unravel it by consulting the gods of the land through the spiritualists.34 In another instance, if strangers were spotted at strategic places and considered to constitute security threats to the community, the king would call on the hunters to go in search of the strangers. If arrested, they would be interrogated and necessary actions would be taken, depending on the outcome of the interrogations.35 Furthermore, if a person was missing, it was the hunters that would go into the bush and other relevant places to search for such a person. And in cases of riots, it was the hunters that were expected to quell it, make arrest and handover the arrested persons to the appropriate authorities.36 Also, the hunters lacked the power to pass judgement on any arrested offender, such a person must be brought before the appropriate authorities for trial and sanctions if found guilty. The hunters also served as police the markets and other important public places. Their duties also involved the maintenance of peace and order at important communal festivals, such as odun eku (masquerade festivals). Another very important role of the hunters was night patrol. When a suspect is arrested during a night patrol he or she would immediately be handed over to superior authorities for interrogation and further actions.37

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Another significant professional guild was that of the Awo. These were secret societies with strong spiritual powers and influence. There were different types of secret societies, the Ogboni, however seemed to be the most popular and influential. Security wise, they were, perhaps, most relevant in the area of crime investigation. Thus, when reports were made to the appropriate authorities and suspects were identified, investigations were expected to be launched. It was the duty of the Awo to use their spiritual powers to uncover all the miseries surrounding the matters being investigated.38 They employed different methods such as making the accused person to swear to an oath or placing curses (epe) on the culprits. Although, the efficacy of these spiritual exercises cannot be scientifically proved, it was widely believed that if the accused person was guilty, terrible happenings such as death, curable or incurable diseases, depending on the nature of the crime committed and the deity consulted, would befall him/her.39 It is said that the effect of curses could be generational, which means that even the unborn members of the culprits’ families could possibly be afflicted. Similarly, the gods of the land, most import among them being Oroke, could be invoked to help unravel a crime. All that was needed was a ritual (oro). It is said that Oroke and other gods were incorrupt and so, their judgements were never doubted by the people.40 Thus, the knowledge that one could hardly committee a crime without being caught reasonably reduced the rate at which crimes were committed. This is not to claim that pre-colonial Akungba-Akoko was crime free, but the efficacy of the system of investigation, hseriously discouraged criminal activities. Of course, no human society is crime free, but effective system of crime detection and judgement delivery will help reduce crime rate in any society. Conclusion This paper has attempted a discourse of the pre-colonial ways of maintaining community security in Akungba-Akoko. It is observed that the absence of specially trained institutions saddled with the responsibilities of security management made communal participation the most convenient approach to ensuring peace and securing life and property. As such, duties associated with crime detection, prevention and control were distributed among the socio-political classes in the society. Consequently, what evolved was a situation where there was a strong involvement of the people in the security business of the community. While one recognises the fact that is not realistic in the contemporary society for all the citizens to be employed as security agents, building of public trust in the nation’s security system and agencies will go a long in assisting to reduce crime rate and ensure public safety. Events all over the world have demonstrated that no crime has occurred without at least a member of the society having useful information about it or the culprit(s) before, during or after the crime. However, such individuals can only be comfortable enough to divulge their information to the appropriate authorities if only they trust such authorities would protect their lives and make good use of the information. No matter how attractive the prize promised people with leading information on any crime, they may not willingly give information if they do not believe in the abilities of the authorities to make good use of such information and ultimately protect their lives, their families and properties.

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Endnotes Hannah Strange.‘US Raid that Killed bin Laden was an Act of War ’, says Pakistani Report’. 2013> www.telegrah.co.uk> accessed 19 February, 2015; Abbottabad Commission Report, May 2011. 1

2

Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice.

3

Ehinmowo, A. A. and Eludoyin, O. M. (2010), ‘The University as a Nucleus for Growth Pole: Example from Akungba-Akoko, southwest, Nigeria’, International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology: 2 (7), p. 150.

4

Rufus.A.E Orisha (1961), Itan Isedale ti Akungba-Akoko: Akun Ma Wo No-Ere Ro: Apa Kini, Lagos: Eniayemo Publishers, p. 15. 5

Rufus.A.E Orisha. Itan Isedale ti Akungba-Akoko:...p. 4.

6

Jan Vansina (1965), Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology, Translated by H.M. Wright London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, p. 1. 7

Thompson, A. (2000), An Introduction to African Politics. London: Rutledge, pp. 38-39.

8

Thompson, A. (2000), An Introduction to African Politics...p. 37-39.

9

Thompson, A. (2000) An Introduction to African Politics...

10

G.C.M. Mutiso and S.W. Roho (1987), Readings in African Political thoughts. London: Heinemann, pp. 506-507. 11

Olamitoke A, aged 50, interviewed at her residence at Akunmi Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on November 21, 2014.

National Archives Ibadan (NAI), CSO 26/2: ‘J.H Beeley’s Intelligence Report on Akoko’. Sulaimon S., aged 60+, interviewed at his residence at Igbelu Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on February 23, 2013. 12 13

14

Abodunde M., aged 66, interviewed at No. 34, Okedogbon Street, Owo, February 26, 2013.

15

Asefon A., aged 60+, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on January 05, 2010. 16

Asefon A., ...

17

Rufus.A.E Orisha. Itan Isedale ti Akungba-Akoko:...

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18

Saliu A., aged 60, interviewed at his residence at Okele Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on November 20, 2014. 19

Iwasokun N., aged 60+, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on April 20, 2005. 20

Norman Davids (1997), Europe: A History, London: Pimlico, pp. 742-747; Herbert L. Peacock (1977), A History of Modern Europe, London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, pp. 70-71; H.A.L Fisher (`1961) A History of Europe, London: Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd, pp. 861-866. 21

Olotu W., aged 63+, interviewed at No. 80, Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on March 11, 2014.

22

National Archives Ibadan (NAI), CSO 26/2...

23

Famoye C., aged 65, interviewed at Plot 52, Gimbia Street, Area 11, Abuja on July 16, 2014.

24

Muniru A., aged 45, interviewed at his residence at Ilale Quarters, Akungba-Akoko on September 23, 2013. 25

Asefon A., ...

26

Olotu W., ...

27

Ologunowa L, aged 69, interviewed at her residence at Akunmi Quarter, Akungba-Akoko, September 22, 2013; Famoye R., aged 58, interviewed at No 80, Ibaka Quarter, AkungbaAkoko on January 02, 2015. 28

Asefon A., ...

29

Famoye C., ...

30

Orungbemija I., aged 70+, interviewed at his residence at OkusaAkure, Akungba-Akoko on December 26, 2012.

31

Adepoju K., aged 63, interviewed at his residence at Ilale Quarter, Akungba-Akoko, September 26, December 2013. 32

Ojo O., aged 71, interviewed at No. 20, Okorun Street, Ikare-Akoko, on July 10, 2014.

33

Agbi O., 70+, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on January 11, 2010. 34

Orunkoyi O., 57, interviewed at No. 20, Okorun Street, Ikare-Akoko, on July 10, 2014.

35

National Archives Ibadan (NAI), CSO 26/2... Adelegan A., interviewed at his residence at Ibere, Akungba-Akoko, 13 February 2014.

36

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37

Adelakun B., interviewed at No 15, palace road, Oke Oka-Akoko, February 16, 2014.

38

Ojo O., ...

39

Origbemisuyi A., interviewed at Olori-Awo Origbemusiyi Compound at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko, April 22, 2012. 40

Origbemisuyi A., ...

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References -Abodunde, M., 66 years, interviewed at No. 34, Okedogbon Street, Owo, February 26, 2013. -Adelegan, A., interviewed at his residence at Ibere, Akungba-Akoko, 13 February 2014. -Adelakun, B., interviewed at No 15, palace road, Oke Oka-Akoko, February 16, 2014. -Adepoju, K., 63 years, interviewed at his residence at Ilale Quarter, Akungba-Akoko, September 26, December 2013. -Agbi, O., 70+ years, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on January 11, 2010. -Asefon, A., 60+ years, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on January 05, 2010. -Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice. -Ehinmowo, A. A. and Eludoyin, O. M. (2010), ‘The University as a Nucleus for Growth Pole: Example from Akungba-Akoko, southwest, Nigeria’, International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology: 2 (7), 149-154. -Famoye, C., 65 years, interviewed at Plot 52, Gimbia Street, Area 11, Abuja on July 16, 2014. -Famoye, R., 58 years, interviewed at No 80, Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on January 02, 2015. -Fisher, (`1961) A History of Europe, London: Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd. -Hannah, S., ‘US Raid that Killed bin Laden was an Act of War ’, says Pakistani Report’. 2013> www.telegrah.co.uk> accessed 19 February, 2015; Abbottabad Commission Report, May 2011. -Iwasokun, N., 60+ years, interviewed at his residence at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on April 20, 2005. -Muniru, A., 45 years, interviewed at his residence at Ilale Quarters, Akungba-Akoko on September 23, 2013. -Mutiso, G.C.M. and Roho, S.W. (1987), Readings in African Political thoughts. London: Heinemann. -National Archives Ibadan (NAI), CSO 26/2: ‘J.H Beeley’s Intelligence Report on Akoko’. -Norman, D., (1997), Europe: A History, London: Pimlico. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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-Herbert L. P., (1977), A History of Modern Europe, London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, -Ojo, O., 71 years, interviewed at No. 20, Okorun Street, Ikare-Akoko, on July 10, 2014. -Ologunowa, L., 69 years, interviewed at her residence at Akunmi Quarter, Akungba-Akoko, September 22, 2013; -Olotu, W., 63+ years, interviewed at No. 80, Ibaka Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on March 11, 2014. -Olamitoke, A., 50 years, interviewed at her residence at Akunmi Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on November 21, 2014. -Origbemisuyi A., interviewed at Olori-Awo Origbemusiyi Compound at Ibaka Quarter, Akungba- Akoko, April 22, 2012. -Orisha, R.A.E (1961), Itan Isedale ti Akungba-Akoko: Akun Ma Wo No-Ere Ro: Apa Kini, Lagos: Eniayemo Publishers. -Orungbemija I., 70+ years, interviewed at his residence at OkusaAkure, Akungba-Akoko on December 26, 2012. -Orunkoyi O., 57 years, interviewed at No. 20, Okorun Street, Ikare-Akoko, on July 10, 2014. -Saliu A., 60 years, interviewed at his residence at Okele Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on November 20, 2014. -Sulaimon, S., 60+ years, interviewed at his residence at Igbelu Quarter, Akungba-Akoko on February 23, 2013. -Vansina, Jan (1965), Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology, Translated by Wright, H.M. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

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The Dynamics of Palm Kernels Marketing in Igala Area, Nigeria 1920-1956 Abah Danladi Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria Victor, Chijioke Nwosumba Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria Abstract This paper examines the development of palm kernel marketing initiatives in Igala land, 19201956. It notes that the British trade policies in Igala land were quite rapacious, exploitative and suffocating to the native producers of palm kernels. Although the native producers who were mostly women, produced palm kernels in large quantities, they were unfortunately hapless, and unable to determine the prices or even bargain properly with the buyers of their produce. This was because; palm kernel prices were fixated by British trading firms. The prices of palm kernel were skewed in favor of the trading firms and usually fluctuated. Reasons for fluctuations in prices were hardly explained to the native palm kernel producers and even when they are being poorly informed by buying agents, they had no powers or choices to influence or determine favorable prices for the produce. The trading firms had buying stations strategically located in different parts of Igala land. The trading companies in turn employed licensed buying agents who penetrated remote areas to buy palm kernels from the natives. the licensed buying agents were given money by their European employers and in some cases bicycles to ease their movement and transportation of palm kernels from interior hinter land of Igala land., in fact, this study discovers that the activities of the indigenous licensed buying agents further exploited the women and emasculated them by reducing the economic powers of the producers as they further paid lesser prices for palm kernels to natives in rural Igala land. The introduction of taxes by the colonial authority meant that the natives must continually produce cash crops in order to pay. Thus, this paper argues that the British Palm kernel marketing initiatives provided the opacity and conduit pipes for the smooth economic exploitations of Igala land of Nigeria in the 20th century. The research adopted the multidisciplinary approach while primary sources of data (archival and oral interviews) synthesized with extant literature were utilized. Keywords: palm kernels, colonial rule, marketing, Igala,

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Introduction Palm produce comprising of palm oil and palm kernels were the principal commodities exported from West Africa to Europe during the halcyon days of European colonialism in Africa. It is estimated that ‘between 1865 and 1910, export of palm produce doubled from West Africa while Nigeria took the lead’1 the increase in export of palm produce especially palm kernels in particular was as a result of the growing industrialization in Britain which was stimulated by the industrial revolution. Furthermore, the abolition of the horrendous transatlantic slave trade in 1807 following the Lord Mansfield law and the subsequent entrenchment and consolidation of legitimate commerce also created the fecundity for the meteoric increase in trades especially in palms produce between West Africa and Europe.2 Palm kernel was highly needed in Britain because of its multifaceted industrial, economic, military and pharmaceutical potentials. For instance, palm kernels were used in the manufacturing of margarine, soaps, detergents, creams, and drugs. It was also converted into biscuits which many Europeans enjoyed consuming. In fact, palm kernel oil was used for cooking and also for making war equipments; the chaff was used as animal feeds.3 Apart from this, the growth of British nationalism in West Africa and desire to wade off trade competition with other European countries entails that Britain must have effective trade monopoly of the Nigerian colony. This was also in fulfillment of the agreements reached at the Berlin West African Conference of 1884/5 that laid down the parameters for effective claim of ownership of a colony by a European power. These factors provided the foundation for the growth and developments of British palm kernel trade in Nigeria and Igala land in particular. Thus, by 1900, adequate measures began to be made in order to ensure steady supply of palm kernel to Britain from Nigeria, adequate facilitative legislative, administrative and economic measures needed to be put in place.4 Although the development of palm kernel marketing initiatives in Igala predates the emergence of British colonialism, it was shortly after the consolidation of British imperialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that its exchange became internationalized.5 The trades in Igala palm kernels were facilitated by the British trading companies in collaboration with their government. It was the trading companies that established buying stations. The buying stations were seasonal and located in few strategic centers in Igala land. By 1926, five British trading firms had established buying stations in different parts of Igala land.6 To an uninformed observer, the increase in number of trading firms would mean an increase in the economic development of the producers and Igala land in general. However, from this study, this was never the case. It is lamentable to note that these trading firms with support from indigenous middlemen/ licensed buying agents exploited the women, who were the major producers of palm kernels in Igala land. This exploitation was perpetrated through the arbitrary fixing and deliberate fluctuations in prices of palm kernels, monopolization of trade and taxation. Apart from these, further exploitation of Igala palm kernel producers were achieved through legislative fiats especially the restriction of trade in palm kernel Order of 1940 and the subsequent enactment of Palm produce ordinance of 1948. It is worthy to note that Igala land contributed greatly to the global palm kernel industry but this industry has not received scholarly attention. Although Noah Attah Echa pioneered a research on Igala palm plantations, his works did not cover this aspect7. It is hoped that this study will fill this perceived lacuna and also compliments other literature in Nigeria palm kernel trade http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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and economic history in general. The paper is divided into four sections, namely; the introduction which is on-going, geographical features and origin of palm kernel trade, section three examine the nature and dynamics of palm kernel marketing in Igala land and a conclusion. Geography and Historical Background to Palm Kernel Trade in Igala Land The Igala are located at one of the natural crossroads in North Central Nigeria, at the Niger-Benue confluence, they inhabit the entire triangular tract territory on the bank of Niger and Benue rivers8. Geographically, Igala land is located between longitudes 6’30 0 and 7 0 50’ East of the Greenwich meridian and on Latitudes 6’30’ and 8’ 0’ North of the equator covering an area of about 13,150 square kilometers9. Furthermore, Igala land is located in a transition belt region of Nigeria oscillating between the high forest conditions of the coastal belt and the drier and more open savannah belt. It has an annual average rainfall pattern of 50 inches and this favorable weather and climatic conditions provides the fecundity for agricultural production and the growth of economic trees especially luxuriant palm trees in all parts of Igala land.10 The strategically location of Igala has also engendered inter group relations with her Neighbors. These relations date to the pre-colonial era, and cut across economic, socio-cultural and political strata. The impact of geography on the history of Igalaland and North central Nigeria has been addressed by Nyitse and thus need not detain us here11. What is left to be stressed is the fact that trade in palm kernel in the area under survey was and still, is necessitated by geography. Historically, the precise origin of palm produce especially palm kernel in Igala land and West Africa is generally problematic. This is due to the paucity of literature. However, few existing extant literature hold that palm trees had been in existence in Igala since the pre-colonial period.12 During this epoch, palm wine and the use of palm fronds for building of houses were its principal usefulness. People could not use palm kernels for any major economic or commercial purpose at this time except as snacks or chewed alongside with maize. This is contrary to what was obtainable in the Niger Delta region were palm kernels were used as a requirement for paying bride price.13 Also, another version of oral tradition holds a counter view to the less usefulness of palm kernels during the pre-colonial era. According to Audu Abah and Andrew Samuel, before the arrival of white men, they native had independently developed the idea of extracting palm kernel oil through frying with locally made pots. The oil extracted is locally called ekpo uno or enu in Akpanya. This type of oil was used in making local creams and for traditional medical practitioners who used it a kind of ointment. In fact, it was an indispensible baby care lotion used by nursing mothers for `new born babies. It is interesting to note that this is still practice in many parts of Igala land up to this contemporary era. With the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade in 1807, there began a transformation in the Igala economy which further altered the trade patterns between Igala and Europe. The emergence of legitimate trade in cash crops like palm oil and kernel, cotton, ivory, and other precious mineral thus replaced the hitherto opprobrious trade in humans. Consequently, there was a massive demand for palm kernels by European companies especially those located in British industrial complexes in Liverpool, Manchester, Newcastle, and Bristol and in other places. According to Abdullahi Y.Musa, the entire Niger-Benue confluence areas including the Igala http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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experienced intense trade exchanges with European countries by the close of the seventh decades of the nineteenth century. The need to have a secured source of supply and a ready market even culminated to stife trade competitions and economic wars among the various trading companies. For instance, by 1832, the first European steamers named ‘Quora’ and ‘Alburkah’ had reached Idah. This trade expedition was led by Captains Macgregor Laird and Richard Landers. Upon arrival, they saw the economic potentials of the region especially in palm produce14.In order to ensure that British economic interest was realized; four British trading firms namely, West African Company, the company of African merchants, Holland Jacques and the miller brothers were amalgamated to form the United African Company (UAC) in I879 and placed under the Sir George Goldie Taubman15. These companies among other things traded mainly in palm oil and palm kernels in Igala. The United African Company shortly after this, entered into signing of treaties with Local rulers to help stimulate good various trade relations with the natives. By 1879, Sir Goldie visited Idah to see the Atta Igala and supervise the nature of affairs in the area. Palm kernels were exchange with made in Europe products like mirrors, jack knives, cigarettes, and guns while efforts were also made towards the promotion and production of cash crops. The company swiftly obtained certificates of occupancy in order to establish buying station.16 By 1900, the entire Igalaland and Nigeria communities came under effective British colonial administration which also heightened the tempo of trade in palm kernels. With the emergence of effective British colonial administration palm produce began to receive greater attention from both the Colonial administrators and natives. They began to stress the high prospect of palms especially in transforming the economic fortunes of the people. In this perspective, attempts were made to develop palm plantation whereby the dividends associated with economies of scale could be enjoyed. The natives who had hitherto paid less attention to their wide palm grooves began to reconsider their attitudes. Traditionally, palm oil after been processed belongs to the head of the family (man) while the palm kernels were an exclusive preserve of the wife or wives. The men rarely had any say in palm kernel issues. In Akpanya area, it was a taboo to see a man processing palm kernels.17 Thus, palm kernels had immense effects on the wellbeing of Igala women. The used the money generated from the sale of palm kernels to buy creams, cloths, pay thrift dues, medicals and in some cases, buy food ingredients. The Nature and Dynamics of British Palm Kernel Marketing in Igalaland: Exploitation without Redress or Exchange? The need for a steady supply of palm kernel from Igala land to Britain was anchored upon an efficient and unhindered trade system.18 However, achieving this goal depended on a lot of interconnected factors. These were among others, a good transport network, a secured environment where laws and order are maintained, legislative and administrative factors were equally germane and imperative to the production and transportation of the produce to Europe. 19 An efficient transport system was needed especially in the movement of people and palm kernel. Although rivers, head porter-age and packed animals had been major means of http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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transports since the pre-colonial era, they were not adequately used especially in penetrating interior land locked parts. This further spurred the British colonial authorities to initiate steps towards the development of road networks. By I926 the number of earthen roads in Igalaland had increased to nine. Communal labors were used. In the same year, the 29 miles Etobe-EjuleAkpanya road was reconstructed.20 By 1927, the Idah-Adoru-Nsukka road and one mile IdahOnale roads were constructed.21 The eleven miles Ankpa-Adoka road was improved upon and made motor able. Forced and communal labors were employed. Both the British and native authority police were charged with the onerous task of maintaining consistent peace and tranquility along these roads and all parts of the region. Palm kernel marketing in Igala land during the period under survey was spearheaded by imperial interests and designs. By 1926, the trading firms in Igalaland include John Holt and Niger Company at Idah, John Holt and Niger Company at Itobe, John Holt at Mozun, Niger Company at Bagana and John Holt at Amagedde. These firms monopolized trade in palm kernels and other cash crops. This monopolization affected the natives because it denied them the power to bargain effectively and was tied to the whims and caprices of the limited buyers. In order to penetrate remote parts of Igalaland, the trading firms established buying stations. They also employed the services of indigenous middlemen and licensed buying agents. The indigenous middlemen were usually few individual with adequately financial standings who have established links with the trading firms to be supplying them with palm kernels these middlemen were locally called Achanyama. They purchase palm kernels at prices lower than the fixed buying prices at the buying stations. They often claimed that the cost of transportation from their houses or stores had to be paid for by the producers. Most of the early middlemen in palm produce in Igalaland were mainly non-Igala and because of the excessive profits made through exploitation emerged as a capitalist class of their own. They had trade union and new members were admitted after paying a stipend for registration. By 1955, the middlemen paid 24 pounds per tons for palm kernel instead of 28 pounds paid at Onitsha. They claim that the average cost of transporting a ton from Ankpa to Onitsha is 3 pounds. This profit is not small considering the large quantities been exported Apart from the Achanyama, the licensed buying agents who traversed and penetrated the most remote parts of Igala land were registered ad-hoc employees of the trading firms. They moved from house to house making inquiries about the availability of palm kernels. They are known as Faactors in Igaland or Ndi Awuru aku in Akpanya area where Igbo language is predominant. The faactors make advance payment to trust worthy customers. Some of the faactors who move with bicycles usually provide market information to the native producers especially when there is s abysmal fall in prices of kernel. If the achanyama were perpetrators of exploitation in Igala land, the licensed buying agents were smooth conduit pipes for exploitation of the highest order. They achieved this through the use of much more high measurement tool. It should be recalled that scale was only introduced in Igala land in 1929. Before the introduction of scale and weight system of measurement, the licensed buying agents used baskets and plates for measuring or weighing the volume and prices of palm kernels and other grains. Oral sources across Akpanya area claim that they usually forcefully expanded the size of the plates (this http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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special basket or plate using for measuring palm kernels is called ochupu uno/elikwo). The essence of this forceful expansion was to ensure that more than normal volumes of kernels were purchased at lower prices. They also paid lesser prices to customers especially those who may solicit for advance payment. This introduction of scale as a standard of measurement in Igalaland was rejected at inception by the native palm kernel producers. They resented the idea because of the age long exploitation of the British trading firms and their internal collaborators ( achanyama and faactors) besides, due to the high level of illiteracy and ignorance in colonial Igala land, majority of the palm kernel producers did not understand the readings of the scales and equally doubted the sincerity of the readers or operators of the scale-buyers. In fact, a way out of this ruse was to measure the volume with local plates and baskets before taking it to the market for sale. This accounts for the high resentment that greeted the introduction of scale in Igala land. During the era of great depression, 1929-1930s, the prices of palm produce and other economic crops dropped globally. Claude Ake had sufficiently adumbrated the consequences of the economic depression and should not detain us here; however, it is imperatively to briefly state that the European firms in Africa reacted to the depression by reducing competition amongst them by dividing the market and reduction of trade investment in Africa.22 The depression further culminated to cash squeeze. There was massive scarcity of British currencies in circulation in Africa and Igala land in particular. This unsavory scenario led to reduction in the prices of palm kernels which majority of the women depended on as a major ancillary source of income. A report from John Holt to the district officer, Idah division on 23rd December 1929 states that the reason for “the lower price paid for produce has we, think resulted in rather less cash being available”23.similarly at Ankpa, Captain Mercer, a touring officer reported in I933 that: There is a very shortage of currency in Ankpa and trade is conducted almost solely by means of barter and the substitution of brass rods for currency. These rods which had been hoarded for years are being dup and can be use in all the markets in the area; but it is noteworthy that a rod is worth only one penny now compared with five pence five 24 years ago

This affected negatively the revenue drive of British colonial authority. Many people could not pay their taxes. Commenting on the poor tax return from Igala land in 1933, the district officer wrote that” the catastrophic fall in the value of palm produce and the lack of alternative crops is the chief reason for an estimated £3,600 uncollectable tax. Within in the three or four years, the prices of a ton of kernels has fallen from €3 to £4.I0.0 at the latter price, it is not an economic proposition to prepare the nuts and carry them any distance for sale. In Adoru (odolu) market, a petrol tin of palm oil that fetched 5/ pence twelve months ago, today its value is 1/Id”25 The world economic depression affected the economy of Igala land negatively. The native palm kernel producers out of frustration over the sudden demise of their major source of income coupled with the unending threats of arrest and detention of tax defaulters by the colonial administrators in Igala land, the women began to add palm kernel shells and debris to the kernels to increase the quantity. This affected the quality and quantity of purchases by trading firms. John Holt, the dominant palm kernel trading company at Idah lamented thus” we are still getting a large percentage of shell and dirt which necessitates extra picking to bring the percentage within http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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our purchasing limits. We would be glad if instructions could be given to District Heads that the produce be better picked before bringing in for sale.”26 In fact, the slash in global palm kernel prices made some women to abandon their palm kernels and palm oil for months with hope that the prices would pick up. Many owners of palm trees in Akpanya would do not know how to climb palm trees but paid Igbo tenants to do climb had to abandon their palm fruits to wroth away in the farm.27 The prices paid for Igala palm kernels during the 1950s were poorly fixed by the Northern Nigeria regional marketing board. The board prices oscillated between £34, £36, £34 and £34 per tons in 195I, 1952, 1953 and 1954 respectively. According to Atta Noah, due to the activity of licensed buying agents in Igalaland and the northern region marketing board, there was an increase in quantities of palm kernels exported from Igala land to Britain. Thus, from an average of 6,000 tons per annum in I945, the figure increased with a small fluctuation to 8,000 tons in 195I and rose to 14, 467 tons in the entire Igala land by 195528. Although, data are hard to come by, the tonnages of palm kernel at Ankpa reveal preponderance in quantity between January and June. This was due to the buying agents who entered remote hinterland to purchase palm kernels. In fact, the European trading had no information on who the native producers were and how they were paid by their agents for their produce. They only remained at the evacuation centers and wharf to monitor and grade palm kernels before been exported. The table below shows the quantity of palm kernels bought by Licensed Buying Agents, Ankpa-in tons

Jan Feb March April May June July August Sept Oct Nov Dec

1951 50½ 99 122 244½ 372 360½ 190½ 97½ 83½ 100 97 47 1,864

1952 96 130½ 224 287½ 439 407 317½ 2I7 207½ 167 117 132½ 2,738½

1953 66½ 102½ 103½ 260 271 321 326 326 126I½ 118 73 65½ 57

1954 57 152½ 165 230 220 162 98 68½ 43 49 33 19½ 1,896

1955 17 60 106

1,298

SOURCE: NAK/LOKPROF/ 1580 In addition to the opprobrious activities of the Middlemen and Licensed buying agents, the trading firms contributed immensely to the disequilibrium in palm kernels trade between Igala and Britain. They provided the safety valves that sustained the exploitation of the palm kernel producers who were mostly women. Trading companies in Igala land by this era lobbied their http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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government to provide them with monopoly rights over the buying of palm kernel in Igala land. This was to wade off competition from trading companies from other European countries. The British government positively swiftly yielded to their request following the Gazette No.36I83/S.9/24 entitled Restriction of Trade in Palm kernels. The effects of the order include: declared the whole of the colony and the Abeokuta and Oyo provinces and the greater part of the Ijebu and Ondo provinces to be prohibited areas,…to prohibit the purchase of palm kernels for export in a prohibited area, except under permit; to prohibit the movement of palm kernels within a prohibited area, or from prohibited area to any other areas, except with permit; in all places outside the prohibited areas to limit the purchase of palm kernels during each month by firms and individuals to the average purchases by 29 each in the corresponding months of last three years

These prohibitions were part of the usual arbitrary fluctuations that the colonial administrators used to manipulate and exploit the native palm kernel producers. In Kabba province which covers Igala land, the British authority reasoned that it was necessary to control the quantities of palm kernels purchased in different parts of Igala land. Adequate instructions were issued to the agents of trading companies and native authority administrators to ensure that strict adherence to this order are perpetually observed. The impact of this monopolization on the Igala cannot be overemphasized. The order led to a drastic reduction in prices of palm kernels in the entire Kabba provinces especially by John Holt. The table below shows the Average Monthly Palm Kernel Purchases over a three year period of I937, I938 and I939 by John Holt. John Holt Buying Stations: September 1939 October “ November December January I940 February March April 17 May 40 June 24 July 13 August 7 Total 232

Kabba 5 4 2 4 56 42 18

Ajaokuta 23 25 21 18 24 24 30 36 62 47 42 27 380

Source: NAK/LOKPROF/1580

Non- Inspection Buying Stations (UAC Buying Points) Months Etobe September 1939 28 http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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1940

39 43 31 27 24 27 55 68 57 43 36 478

20 24 28 40 44 65 127 145 97 62 40 7I6

Source: NAK/LOKPROF/1580 This measure reduced the bargaining power of women and limited their economic choices. The problem associated with the rising incidences of taxation further blighted the economic prospects of the native producers. Because of the poor returns on prices of palm kernels, many women could pay their taxes. The economic hardship imposed on Igala was greatly responsible for the tax revolts and other civil disobedience movements in Igala land during the era of British colonial administration. For instance, the tax revolts at Ojoku, Ogugu, Dekina and Akpanya by 1926-1956 was due to the fall in prices of economic crops. Although the economic depression of 1929-1940s and the world wars played their own roles, it was the deliberate fluctuations caused by the trading firms that pitched the natives against the British government. Commenting on the incessant fluctuations, the secretary of John Trading company of Liverpool at Idah acknowledged the staggering proportion of this fluctuations when he stated that, “ the palm prices has fluctuated between £10-10-0 and £10-0-0. The bulk of the palm kernels at Idah come in from Ajaka and Adoru districts”30 besides, while the prices fluctuated, the quantities supply seldom responded. This is because, unlike the palm oil that had a well established local market especially in northern Nigeria, the palm kernels had none or was at best limited. Thus, whether in good or bad times, native producers had to sell their palm kernels to the foreign firms agents in order to meet up their basic financial needs.31 For instance, by 1953 for instance, a total of 2I86 tons of palm kernels were shipped from Idah wharf by John Holt while 5,208 tons was also shipped by United African Company to Britain. It is important to note that the supply of palm kernels from Igala land remained relatively high in spite of poor prices offered by trading firms. The reason for this was because of the unavailability of a viable local market kernels and the monopolization of palm kernels trade by British which nipped in the bud any form of fair competition. With the restrictions of trade in palm kernels in Kabba provinces, the tons of palm kernel placed for export dropped. In fact, some women began to abandon palm kernel processing for other economic ventures like farming, gathering of sylvan produce, ivirgia and prosopis Africana. Etobe Buying station was closed down in because of poor tonnage. This however, culminated to an increase in palm kernels tonnages graded at Ajaokuta to be increased but the http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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tonnage at Ajokuta never exceeded the combined totals of the two stations during the month I939. The table below shows a comparative picture of palm kernels trades’ trade in Kabba area as at November, I940 Month January February March April May June July August September October November December Total

Kabba -6 10 17 14 7 2 L L 58

Okene 24 43 3l 8 2 1 6 4 7 126

Ibillo 11 28 3 4 5 11 I5 9 40 126

Ajaokuta 13 38 32 41 24 14 17 17 14 2I0

Etobe 21 62 69 40 28 29 39 51 27 366

Lokoja 25 59 93 42 33 17 21 17 21 328

NAK/LOKPROF/1580/ In addition, the growth quantities of palm kernels exported to Onitsha from Igala land by the middle at Ankpa in the 1950s increased because of their dissatisfactions with the poor prices offered by the Nigerian Palm Produce Marketing Board established in 1949 and later replaced in the 1954 by the Northern Nigerian Regional Marketing Board.32 Although the board was created to help in price stabilization, it ended up exploiting the local palm producers. The marketing board arrangement was overwhelming exploitative. This is primarily true because the board in collaboration with its buying agents paid the peasant producers a small fraction of the value of their products in the world market.33 The board accumulated enormous profits through exploitation of the palm kernel producers which were used in the development of the northern towns of Kaduna and Kano to the neglect of the Igala land which was hitherto the largest palm producing zone in Northern Nigeria.34 The capitalist system has an inbuilt mechanism which is often manipulated by bourgeoisies to exploit the proletariats. The analysis above on the Igala is a classic example of exploitation the native palm kernels producers by British colonial trading companies with effective support from the British government. This scenario depicts clearly, from the caboose of history that development under colonialism was characterized by contradictions of unequal exchange and atavistic exploitations in all ramification, Conclusion The development of palm kernels marketing initiatives in Igalaland during the halcyon days of British colonialism helped in the exploitation of the native women who constituted the http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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major producers of palm kernels. Through the integration of the economy to the global capitalist market, the prices of Igala palm kernels were tied to the vagaries of British market stagemanaged by trading firms that had middlemen and licensed buying agents whose activities further retarded the economic prosperity of palm kernel producers. The impact of the great economic depression of I929-30s and the World War II affected the prices of Igala palm kernels because of the workings of the imperial agents. This study asserts that with the monopolization of trade by the expatriate buying companies of John Holt and United African Company (UAC), the palm kernels in Igalaland were evacuated to Britain. At Britain the kernels were used in the manufacturing of numerous industrial, pharmaceutical, military and agro-allied products and exported to Nigeria at exorbitant prices. The production of Igala palm kernels in Igalaland during the era of British colonial administration did not translate into industrial development of the Igalaland because the philosophy of British colonialism was to create a ready source of raw materials for British industries and a haven for finished industrial goods. The dynamics of palm kernels marketing as dissected in this paper demonstrates from the caboose of history, the gimmicks and systemic capitalist mechanism that undergirded the production and marketing of cash crops in colonial empires.

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Endnotes 1

SO Aghalino, “British Colonial Policies and the Oil Palm Industry in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria”, African study monograph,21(1), 19-33, 2000, p18 adapted from www.africa.kyotou.ac.jp/I9-33.pdf. accesesd 9/9/20I4, 6:02pm 2

Peter Kilby,” the Nigerian Palm Oil Industry”. Adapted from, www.ageconsearch.umn.edu/bitstream/1349, accessed 23/9/20I4, 3:07pm 3

SO Aghalino, “British Colonial Policies and the Oil Palm Industry in the Niger Delta…..p19

4

O.N Njoku, Economic history of Nigeria I9th and 20th centuries. Enugu: Margret publishers, 2000. p 5

A.A , Danladi, “The colonial economy in the lower Niger Region “arabian journal of business and management review,(Oman chapter) vol 2 no.7, 20I3, p47-48 adapted from www.arabianjbmr.com/../5.pdf , 20/I2/20I4, 4:09pm 6

NAK/LOKPROF/157/1926, p12

7

N.E Attah,“Plantation and Oil Industry in Igalaland of Nigeria 1951-1965” African Journal of Economy and Society, vol. II. No. I, 20II pI87 or see also, N.E Attah,” the Emergence, Growth and Challenges of Oil Palm Mills in Igalaland, Nigeria, 1951-1965” Benue Valley Journal Of Humanities, Vol.9 No1& 2, 2010. P183 8

N.E. Attah, ‘Igala Sculpture’, in R.A. Olaoye (ed) History of Indigenous Science and Technology in Nigeria, Ibadan:2009, p 9

T.A Miachi, The Incarnate being phenomena among the Igala of North Central Nigeria, Ibadan: Krapft publishers, 20II p. 10

JS Boston, The Igala Kingdom, London: OUP, 1968, pp2-4

11

H.J. Nyitse, “The Impact of geography on the history of North central Nigeria since precolonal”, paper presented at the first international conference of the historical society of Nigeria, North Central Zone, held between 4-6th November,20I4 at Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. P2 12

NE Attah, “Plantation and Oil Industry in Igalaland of Nigeria 1951-1965” African Journal of Economy….p200 13

See S.O Aghalino, “British Colonial policies and the Palm ….p4

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14

V.O. Edo, and N.E. Attah,” Cash crop Production and Trade in Igala land of Nigeria,19001960”, African Journal of Economy and Society, Vol.12No.2, 2014. P66 15

M.Y. Abdullahi, “Trade and Conflicts in the Niger-Benue Confluence Areas.C.1884-1896”, African Journal of Economy and Society, Vol.12No.1, 2013, p.19 16

V.O. Edo, and N.E. Attah, “Cash crop Production and Trade in Igalaland of……pp67-68

17

Oral Interview, Ejiga Audu, Akpanya, Ex-Palm kernel buying agent, 96+, 23/12/20I4

18

O.N Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria….p

19

Oral interview, PE Okwori, Retired Civil servant and writer, Idah, 68 , 8/9/20I4

20

NAK/LOKPROF/15/1926

21

NAK/LOKPROF/19/1927

22

C. Ake, Political Economy of Africa, England: Longman Group, I98I, p.70

23

NAK/ LOKPROF/104/ p22

24

NAK/LOKPROF/ 366/p2

25

NAK/LOKPROF/366/p5

26

NAK/LOKPROF/104/p 24

27

Oral Interview, Audu Abah, Farmer, II0+yrs, Akpanya, 20/9/2014

28

V.O Edo and N.E ATTAH, “Cash crop production and trade in Igala land….p76

29

NAK/LOKPROF/1580/

30

NAK/LOKPROF/ 104. P24

31

Oral Interview, Momoh Sani, ex Palm Kernels buying Agent, Adoru, 85+, 9/11/2014

32

C. Ake, Poltical Economy of Africa, England: Longman, 1981, p64

33

C. Ake, Political Economy of …..p64

34

NE Attah, “The emergence, growth and challenges…….p190

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References -Abdullahi,M.Y.(2013) “Trade and Conflicts in the Niger-Benue Confluence Areas.C.18841896”, African Journal of Economy and Society, 12(1) -Aghalino,S.O.(2000)“British Colonial Policies and the Oil Palm Industry in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria”, African study monograph,21(1) -Ake,C.(1981), Political Economy of Africa, England: Longman - Attah, N.E. (2011) “Plantation and Oil Industry in Igala land of Nigeria 1951-1965” African Journal of Economy and Society, 11(1) -Attah, N.E.(2010),” the Emergence, Growth and Challenges of Oil Palm Mills in Igala land, Nigeria, 1951-1965” Benue Valley Journal Of Humanities, 9(1) -Boston, J.S. (1968) The Igala Kingdom, London: OUP - Danladi,A.A, (2013) “The colonial economy in the lower Niger Region “Arabian Journal of Business and Management review,(Oman chapter), 2(7) -Edo,V.O & Attah,N.E(2014)”Cash crop Production and Trade in Igala land of Nigeria,19001960” African Journal of Economy and Society, 12(2) -Kilby,P(1969). Industrialization in An Open Economy: Nigeria, 1945-66, London: Cambridge University Press -Njoku,O.N.(2000) Economic history of Nigeria I9th and 20th centuries. Enugu: Margret publishers, -Polanyi, K (1957) Trade and Markets in the Early Empire, Glencoe Archival Sources: National Archive Kaduna (NAK), Lokoja Province (LOKPROF) Reports

NAK/LOKPROF/15/1926 NAK/LOKPROF/19/1927 NAK/ LOKPROF/104 NAK/LOKPROF/366 NAK/LOKPROF/1580

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A study of the Portuguese-Benin Trade Relations: Ughoton as a Benin Port (1485 -1506)

Michael Ediagbonya Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria

Abstract The study examined the Benin – Portuguese Relations: Ughoton as a Benin Port (1485 – 1506). It further examined the coming of the Portuguese through the Benin port, Ughoton to Benin City. It also analyzed the articles of trade to Ughoton. It accounted for the factors responsible for the decline of Portuguese trade in Benin and Ughoton and the significance of the relationship to Benin and Ughoton. The study relied on both oral interviews and documentary data. The oral data were based on unstructured interviews with the Odionwere (Oldest man in Ughoton), Ohen –Okun (The Chief Priest of Olokun temple) and other elders in Ughoton. The documentary data were sourced from intelligence reports, divisional reports, colonial letters, dispatches, government reports and correspondences. The data were subjected to internal and external criticisms for authentication and then to textual and contextual analyses. The study found that Prince Ekaladerhan, the only child of ogiso Owodo, the last Ogiso of Ogiso dynasty was the founder of Ughoton in about the eleventh century. The study also found that from the fifteenth century Ughoton was the port of Benin kingdom during the period of Benin Portuguese trade relations. The study demonstrated that this trade brought a lot of benefits to the people of Ughoton, Benin kings and the Europeans. It was discovered that, the trade declined due to bad climatic conditions, the Benin’s refusal to accept Christianity fully and that the trade did not bring the expected returns. Keywords: Trade, Diplomacy, Relations, Port, Decline

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Introduction The international relationship between Benin and the Europeans started in a 15th century. Nation needs other nations for exchange of ideas, for the promotion of trade and for diplomatic purposes. No country is an island unto itself and no country or kingdom can provide all the resources it needs for development within her territorial borders. Every country is therefore relevant in the exchange of goods and services provided in the international system. The needs of states have therefore created an interdependence international system that affords countries of the world the opportunities of securing from other countries what they lack themselves. S.E. Orobator sees international relationship as constituting the sum total of the relationship between two or more sovereign nations at both governmental and non-governmental levels.1 The main purpose of this international relationship between Benin and the Portuguese, British French, Dutch was trade. Other reasons include diplomatic purposes and Christianity. At least, from the point of view of the Portuguese, it was also an opportunity to introduce Christianity to Benin apart from trade. Ughoton featured prominently as a port or the chief port of Benin during this period under focus. Ughoton also known as Gwatto which lies about 42 kilometers southeast of Benin was said to have been founded by Prince Ekaladerhan, the only child of Ogiso Owodo, the last Ogiso of Ogiso dynasty in about the 11th century. From the rudimentary status, Ughoton essentially witnessed rapid social, political and economic transformation from the 15th century. This could be attributed to the ancient Ughoton market which was the hub of economic activities before and after the coming of the Europeans. It could also be seen from the strategic location of Ughoton in Benin River where it served as the Bini port. Gwatto or Ughoton, the port of Benin became the depot to handle the pepper, ivory and increasing numbers of slaves offered by the Oba in exchange for coral beads, textile materials, European-manufactured articles including tools and weapons, manilas used as currency2. Oba Ozolua of Benin who showed readiness to permit trade with the Europeans, allowed the Portuguese to establish a factory at the port of Ughoton (Gwatto), thus was established a long period of regular maritime contact between European and Benin City with Ughoton as seaport. The Coming of the Portuguese There is some controversy as to the first Portuguese to visit Benin. However, it is said that, Ruy-de Sequeira was the first Portuguese to visit Benin territory in 1472 who reached the bight of Benin during the reign of Oba Ewaure. The Portuguese sent out explorers in the 1440’s in search of a new sea-route to the East and it was during one of the voyages of exploration that a Portuguese sailor named Ruy de Sequeira arrived in Benin in 1472. Antonio Galvao attributed the first Portuguese voyage through the Bight of Benin to one Ruy de Sequeira in 1472.3 However when the first Portuguese came in 1472, he stopped at the coast and began to gather information about the goings on in the kingdom Oba Ewuare who was the king at that time http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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was busy with domestic restructuring of Ubini to enable him to hold the entire territory of Iduland under his firm control and so showed little interest on the visitors. So the Portuguese came at this time, they saw the spices, they felt the pulse of the African monarchy of Great Benin, but could not enter when Ewuare the Great was on the throne. So no meaningful contact was made until 1486. The situation was not the same when John Affons d’ Aveiro visited Benin in 1486 during the reign of Oba ozolua. Oba Ozolua was the first Oba to receive Europeans at his court. From the account of Philip Koslow, it was established that, not until 1485 did a Portuguese emissary Joao Afonso d’ Aveiro make the journey from the coast to Benin City.4 Like most European visitors or traders to Benin City, Afonso D’ Aveiro made the journey through water to Ughoton, then overland to Benin City. Unlike Oba Ewuare who was so busy with domestic affairs and did not receive Ruy-de Sequieira, Oba Ozolua readily received Afonso d’ Aveiro in 1485. Oba Ozolua was ready to allow the Portuguese to trade in slaves and other products that may interest them. So the Portuguese came to Benin at a time in its history when it was in an especially favourable position to supply slaves. It was indicated by Parry that, the decision to send an emissary in search of Benin has to be seen against a background of intense African activity inspired by John II who ascended the throne of Portugal in 1481.5 From the forging, it is possible to say that, while it may be correct to say that , Ruy-de Sequeira was the first Portuguese to visit Benin territory in 1472 during the reign of Oba Ewuare, but his activities was restricted to the coast and the monarch was busy with many domestic cleansing hence little attention was paid to this visitor. It is probably for this reason that Ruy de Sequeira visit was not given enough publicity by European and African scholars. The visit of Afonso d’ Aveiro was highly acknowledged by scholars and given enough attention in European historical literature. The reasons for this are numerous. First, when Afonso d’ Aveiro came in 1486, it was with full backing of the New King of Portugal, John II who came to the throne in 1481. We may suppose therefore that in sending d’ Aveiro inland, the king of Portugal was guided by reports that, a considerable kingdom existed there and that he desired to know more about the ruler, the people, the government and the religion and the products of that country.6 Second, in the visit of 1486, the Oba Ozolua was interested in the visitors and ready to trade with them. He was ready to allow the Portuguese to trade in slaves and other products or items that may interest the Portuguese especially their king, John II. Oba Ozolua welcomed d’Aveiro and sent one of his leading officials, the chief of Ughoton back to Portugal with the emissary to meet the king and discuss the opening of trade relation.It was for the above reasons that, most scholars tend to ignore the visit of 1472 and concluded that Jaao Afonso d’ Aveiro was the first Portuguese visitor or explorer to Benin. However, there is no controversy that, Oba Ozolua sent Ohen-Okun, the chief of Ughoton to accompany Afonso d’ Aveiro to Portugal as Benin Ambassador to learn more about Portugal and its way of life. Visits of this nature were regularly sponsored by the Portuguese government in order to impress African dignitaries with the power and wealth of the homeland. Another version says … “And the king of Benin sent to the king of Portugal as Ambassador, a negro who http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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was his captain in a seaport known as Ugato wishing to have news of our lands, the people of which had been in Beny considered a great novelty”…7 The chief of Ughoton was received with great festivities and was shown many of the good things of the kingdoms and he was returned to his land in a ship of the king of Portugal.8 One question arises, why was the Ohen-Okun of Ughoton chosen as ambassador to Portugal? Many villages existed in Benin Empire during the period of Portuguese visit to Oba Ozolua. At of all, Oba Ozolua requested Ohen-Okun of Ughoton to accompany the visitors to Portugal. Many reasons could be adduced.First, the Ohen-Okun, the chief of Ughoton was at this time the head of the village as well as the chief priest of Olokun temple, who was direct descendants of Prince Ekaladerhan, the founder of Ughoton village. So sending the chief of Ughoton as an ambassador to Portugal was like sending a Prince from the palace of the Oba to Benin. Second, the chief was the priest of a very important deity worshipped by the Oba and his people. The Oba of Benin usually sent for the annual celebration ‘Ekpan or attribute in the form of cows. This tribute apart from adding colour to the annual celebration, it shows the loyalty of the Oba to the deity. So sending such an important personality to a mission of that nature was not a misplaced priority. Third, the most important factor was the fact that Ughoton was a seaport or the main port of Benin during the period of Benin-European trade from 15th to later 18th centuries. This trade brought a lot of wealth to the kingdom. Akenzua I is remembered by tradition as one of the richest kings who ever sat on the throne of Benin. Akenzua I reintroduced the export of male slaves which was previously banned by Oba Esigie in the 16th century. His son, who reigned after him was so rich that the floor and walls of his house were lined with cowries shells, the money of the time.9 It could be said that, trade generated by Benin-European relation and the wealth derived from it were the basis of sustenance of Benin empire at the time. The coming of the Portuguese rapidly internationalized Benin as a power and in quick succession … as the empire was besieged by traders of various nationalities in search of varying items of trade including ivory and slaves.10 It is possible to suggest that, the choice of the chief of Ughoton may perhaps be attributed to the importance of his village as “the port of Benin and the one most immediately concerned with the opening of European trade. Finally, it can be argued that the chief of Ughoton possess some personal qualities that benefit an ambassador. It needs some level of intelligence, diplomacy, patience and endurance. One should be able to project the image of his country to the outside world and counter any negative reports about the country. Ruy de Pina wrote of the Benin ambassador to Portugal, their Ambassador was a man of good speech and natural wisdom.11 This comment is an eloquent testimony that, the appointment of Ohen-Okun of Ughoton as Benin Ambassador to Portugal was well deserved. It was not only the reign of Oba Ozolua that the chief of Ughoton served as Ambassador to Portugal. When John Afonso d’Aveiro came to Benin City, for the second time, during the reign of Oba Esigie, he advised the Oba to become a Christian. Oba Esigie therefore sent OhenOkun, the Olokun priest at Ughoton with him as an Ambassador to the king of Portugal asking him to send priests who would teach him and his people the faith.12 It is said that one of the http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Ohen-Olokun, the priest of Olokun juju in Ughoton himself visited Portugal in the time of Oba Orhogbua, the son of Oba Esigie. At the moment of parting, the king of Portugal presented him and his wife, rich dresses and sent at the same time to the king of Benin a rich present of things which he thought the latter would greatly esteem. In fact the chief of Ughoton had brought to the Oba of Benin, a rich present of such things, as he would greatly prize on his return from Portugal. A present delivered in the name of king Manuel in 1505 consisted of a caparisoned horse, necklace of Indian bead, a piece of printed chintz from Cambay, a marklota, whilte satin, six linen shirts and a shirt of blue Indian silk.13 This visit of Ohen-Okun as Benin Ambassador to Portugal promoted Ughoton to a higher level. Ughoton became known in the world apart from its relevance as the port of Benin. During this time of Portuguese trade with Benin, warehouses were established and factories were built at Ughoton. Ughoton village experienced a considerable economic prosperity and development as a Benin port. It was for this reason, it was said that when the Portuguese arrived in the western delta they focused attention on Ughoton the port of Benin. Articles of Trade The main articles of trade from the side of Benin were pepper, slaves, Ivory, Coris beads, local or cotton cloth. J.W. Blake observed that, at this time, the Portuguese were seeking in particular a variety of pepper which could compete more satisfactorily with Indian pepper than could the Malagetta which was the only spice they had so far discovered in Guinea14. The discovery of Benin pepper (Pipper Guineense) which could compete favourably with Indian pepper, gave them hope of economic potential of the empire. It is important to say that, the relevance of Ughoton to Benin-Portuguese trade relations is based on the fact that the whole trading transaction took place there as the chief port of the kingdom. The supply of slaves in the Slave River was the combined effort of Edo, Ijo and the Itsekiri. The sources of these slaves were criminals sold as slaves and outcasts. The slave markets in the hinterland were sources for purchasing slaves. Some prisoners were sold as slaves. The Oba of Benin sometimes presented slaves as gifts to important persons at Sao Tome. Sao Tome this time needed a lot of slaves for agricultural and domestic purposes and the slave markets in Portugal also needed the slaves from Benin where they were bought for sale by agents of the Casa da Mina and private contractors. After the discovery of the Indian pepper, the purchase of female slaves became the main interest of European traders in Benin. This was as a result of the fact that, there was an embargo on the sale of male slaves by the Oba Esigie from the beginning of the 16th century to the last decade of the 17th century when the ban was lifted by Oba Akenzua I. The embargo on the sale of male slaves in Benin this time became necessary because Oba Esigie was facing some military challenges at home. This was the need to keep the large empire intact. He took over from a king, Oba Ozolua who was described as the conqueror. Also there

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was serious threat from Udo as a result of activities of Arhuanhan. Lastly was a serious attempt from Idah, that was planning to invade the empire. The Portuguese also discovered that certain varieties of stone beads available in Benin could be exchanged for gold on the Costa da Mina so they began to buy them in large quantities. The Portuguese called them Coris because most of the beads were fashioned from a blue stone reined with red. Others, were yellow and some grey had greater value as objects of barter and were treated by the Portuguese as semi-precious stones. In his twenty months management of Ughoton post, Bastian Fernandez bought 33,382 Coris, 900 of the yellow beads and 162 of the ivory.15 Another article of trade which attracted the attention of Portuguese was cotton cloth. The cotton cloth was principally used to clothe their slaves. Large quantities of Ivory were also purchased from Benin through Ughoton. In exchanged for these goods produced in Benin, the various European nationals trading with Benin from the 15th to the 17th centuries, brought in similar items with only few variations. One major item which the Portuguese brought to Benin through the port at Ughoton was copper. Cowries were another important trading item. Portugal was the first European power to import cowrie’s shells to Benin which were the currency, even of the far interior. Other items imported to Benin by the Portuguese were textile imports, European manufactured articles, iron rods, silver cloth, red velvets, red caps, brandy necklace, coral beads, umbrella etc. The Portuguese through their trade with Benin introduced crops such sugar-cane, maize, cassava, pineapples and all these crops came to Benin through the Benin port, Ughoton. The provision of firearms, guns and gunpower by the Portuguese to Benin suffer serious setback. This is because religion played a major role in the international relations of Portugal. The desire of Oba Esigie to build his military strength seems plausible this period. The people of Idah were on him and he had the problem of Udo to contend with. So Oba Esigie needed these ammunitions to assist him in wars. The Idah’s forces are said to have reached the gates of Benin City before being driven back across the Niger.16 The acceptance of Christianity was the basis under which the Portuguese would supply him guns and other ammunitions. Although during the reign of Oba Esigie, attempts were made to promote Christianity but it was done to achieve certain political agenda, which was principally to encourage the Portuguese to supply ammunitions to boost his military. Unfortunately, the Portuguese were aware of this selfish interest of Oba Esigie, as De Barros observed. “He sought the priests rather to make himself powerful against his neighbours with our favour than from a desire for baptism.17 King Manuel of Portugal refused to send arms until Oba Esigie proves the sincerity of his professed inclination to Christianity. While it is true to say that, Oba Esigie ordered his son and two of his nobles to embrace Christianity and accept baptism, it is equally true to comment that,

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none of the rulers of Benin in this period and centuries after manifested real interest for the Christian creed. The essential feature of this Benin-Portuguese trade was that Ughoton was the commercial centre or port town where there items of trade were either exchanged or sold. Hence, it is possible to say that in the heydays of Ughoton as a main port of Benin, without Ughoton, no trade could have been transacted between the Europeans and Benin. Decline of Portuguese Trade with Benin and Ughoton It is not under contention that Ughoton was a seaport or the main port of Benin during the period of Benin European trade from 15th to later 18th centuries. Hence reigning Obas of Benin took adequate measures to ensure that the proper regulation of the trade at Ughoton. This is against the background that what affect Ughoton trade will also affect Benin positively or negatively. Many factors were responsible for the decline of Portuguese trade with Benin and Ughoton as the seaport. First was the religious factor. During the period under survey, the factor of Christianity was very vital in Portuguese relationship with Benin. Portugal’s attempt at establishing diplomatic relations, religious influence and commercial monopoly were not successful because of Benin kingdom’s refusal to accept Portugal’s commercial monopoly and the kingdom’s noncommitment to Portuguese Christianity. The Oba of Benin did not respond as expected from the assessment of the Portuguese. Benin saw the coming of the Portuguese only a marginal development insufficient to bring about any major change in the economic pursuits or way of life of the people. Benin culture was too ancient and fully developed to collapse on the first encounter with Christianity. The disappointment the Benin’s gave to the Portuguese as regard accepting Christianity was a major setback to strengthening the trade relationship between Portuguese and Benin. In his reply to Oba Esigie through his envoy, King Manuel said: “For when we see that you have embraced the teachings of Christianity like a good and faithful Christian, there will be nothing in our realms with which we shall not be glad to favour you, whether it be arms or cannon and all other weapons of war for use against your enemies; of such things we have a great store, these things we are 18 not sending you now, as you requested because the law of God forbids it” .

It was this religious factor that was considered as the basis for supplying firearms to the kingdom. This issue of Christianity played a major role in the decline of Portuguese trade with Benin. Second was the bad climatic condition. The climate was very harsh as most of the men sent to Ughoton became sick and died. The history of the Portuguese trading post at Ughoton is very obscure19.

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Aveiro himself died there, the first known European victim of a place which soon became notorious for the high mortality rate among those serving there as Duarte Lopes also died in Ughoton a few months after his arrival in 150420. On September 8, 1695, father Monteleone was set to sail to Benin but he never saw the Oba, for he fell mortally ill at Ughoton and died same year21. The place was afterwards found to be very unhealthy and not so fruitful as had been expected, their trade stopped. J.F. Landolph, a French trader who came to Ughoton in 1778 lost about one third of his crew of 90 through disease. Also out of 140 British who sailed for Benin through Ughoton, only 40 returned. Even the leader of the Voyage Captain Thomas Wyndham also died due to weather and tropical disease particularly malaria. Third, the trade did not yield the great returns expected of it. So most hopes of the Portuguese government were dashed. The main attraction of the Portuguese trade in Benin which was pepper faced serious challenge from the East. When much quantities began to come from India, pepper ceased to be profitable for the Portuguese Crown to exploit the small quantities coming from Benin. Before the discovering of the Indian pepper, Ughoton as a seaport to Benin kingdom witnessed considerable boom because of the high demand of Benin pepper by the Portuguese. The situation became worsened when the Portuguese crown promulgated decree forbidding Portuguese’s subjects to buy Benin pepper. This decree forbidding Portuguese’s subjects from buying Benin pepper affected Ughoton adversely because only few Portuguese traders came to the seaport to purchase pepper as attention now shifted to the East. The motives which prompted the decree of 1506 may be appreciated by comparing the 75 quintals of Benin pepper sent to Antwerp in 1504 with the 2,000 quintets that came from India in the same year.22 Thus it was said that the commerce upon which the profitability of the Ughoton post had rested was deliberately proscribed and soon afterwards the factor was finally withdrawn. The purchase of slaves from Benin could have salvaged the dwindling nature of Portuguese’s trade in Ughoton yet it was not to be. There was an embargo or ban on the sale of slaves by Oba Esigie which lasted for two hundred years. With the accession of Esigie to the throne, a prohibition was placed on the sale of male slaves to Europeans which remained in force almost two hundred years. Also there was high price on slaves from Benin compared to slaves from other new slave markets which offered lower prices, hence the Portuguese saw Benin as an unsatisfactory market. To some extent, the decline in the number of slaves taken from Benin was balanced by the opening of a slave market at a village on the Benin River, known to the Portuguese as Oere, which was probably an Itsekiri settlement23. It was said that the total number of slaves shipped from the Benin River seems to have fallen from about 1520 onward. Since the early efforts of the Portuguese did not yield the expected dividends, the trading post at Ughoton was closed in 1506-1507. With the closure of the trading post at Ughoton, the Portuguese Crown from this period took little interest in Benin trade.

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Although Portuguese Monarch decided for a fresh attempt in 1538 to negotiate with the Oba of Benin, the effort failed because Benin was interested in unrestricted trade relationship with Portugal. However, by the 1540s, Benin was much less important to Portuguese trade in West Africa that it had been at the beginning of the century. However, it is necessary to add that Benin-Portuguese trade in slaves lasted till the middle part of the 16th century. The Significance of Benin-Portuguese Relations to Benin and Ugoton Benin-Portuguese relationship which started in the 15th century brought a lot of benefits to Ughoton in particular and Benin in general. The first contribution of Portuguese in this direction was the introduction of Christianity to Benin through Ughoton. The initial attempt by the Portuguese to introduce Christianity did not succeed. However, Oba Esigie later found genuine interest in Christianity. The Oba instructed his son and two of his nobles to become Christians and be baptized. Also on his orders, churches at Ogbeleka, Idunmwrie and Akpakpava were built. The letter written by Duarte Pires to the king of Portugal in October, 15 th illustrates the extent of acceptance of Christianity by Oba Esigie. He wrote that; it is true I am a friend of the king of Benin. We eat with his son…when the missionaries arrived, the king of Benin was very delighted, the missionaries went with the king to the war and remained a whole year24. At the end of the war in the month of August, the king ordered his son and those of his greatest noblemen to become Christians and he 25 ordered a church to be built in Benin.

An important event came out clearly in the letter and that has to do with the assistance the missionaries gave to Oba Esigie during the war with Idah. It was asserted that, the missionaries went to the war to assist the Benin armies and at the end, the Benins got victory. This war was very crucial in Benin history as the Idah war was a major challenge to Benin and marks the last occasion before 1897 when Benin City itself was seriously threatened by an external enemy. The war with Idah is one of the outstanding traditional events in Esigie’s reign. Although these churches are no more in existence but the present Holy Arousa Church built by Oba Akenzua II is erected on the former site of the church of Akpakpava. Later, the Benins saw the need to embrace Christianity. To day almost 70% of the Benin population is Christians and different churches of different denominations are spread in almost all the streets in Benin City. The people of Ughoton worship many gods. Some of them also saw the need to embrace. Christianity and reasonable proportion of Ughoton people are now Christians. The Assembly Church of God and the Ark of God are examples of Churches currently built at Ughoton.26 Second, the exchange of ambassadors between Benin and Portugal promoted the image of Benin in general and Ughoton in particular to the outside world. When Affonso Aviero visited Benin during the reign of Oba Ozolua, the chief of Ughoton, Ohen-Okun accompanied the Portuguese to Portugal on the instruction of Oba Ozolua. Ohen-Okun went to Portugal as Benin ambassador to that country. The chief of Ughoton promoted the image of Benin to the outside world particularly as he was a man of high intelligence and natural wisdom. As for Ughoton where he hails from became a household name in the world.

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As chief of Ughoton, Benin’s centre of International trade, the ambassador was in the best position to discuss commercial relations with his hosts and the Oba’s representative learned commercial Portuguese which enable him to act as interpreter in business transaction27. On the strength of this, it is possible that some of the natives of Ughoton also learnt the Portuguese language and also serve as interpreters which could be a means of livelihood. Oba Esigie’s reply to the king Manuel’s letter dated 20 November, 1514 was carried to the Portuguese monarch by a Benin Christian Pero Barroso, an interpreter at Ughoton28. Even today, the Portuguese words dominate the pidgin English spoken in Ughoton and other Benin villages and towns. For example, “dash” (give) and “Sabby” (to know) are Portuguese words. There is a Portuguese record to the effect that an Oba of Benin visited Portugal in 1544 which is believed to be Orhogbua, who was said to have gone away with Portuguese for some years and could speak Portuguese29. Oba Esigie learnt to speak the Portuguese and it is said that he had his son Orhogbua to be educated by them. Also, the European introduced important crops to Ughoton through its trade relationship with Benin. Such crops include maize, cassava, sugarcane and pineapples. The food crops were introduced to Benin during the period of slave trade from the New World. The slave trade was of more fundamental economic importance because of the introduction during the era of two vital subsistence crops, maize and cassava. Maize appeared in Benin near the beginning of the slave trade while cassava was introduced towards the end of the slave trade. Since then, they have revolutionized the feeling and farming habits of Benin in general and Ughoton in particular. From the ancient time till now at Ughoton cassava and maize are stable food items. Maize is commonly eaten by the people of Ughoton. Flour is also produced from maize. The local food “Akamu”, usually eaten in the morning by both males and females in all Benin villages is produced from maize. Also from maize, Agidi is produced commonly eating by all the Binis; Corn cake, (Uloka) is also produced from maize. Maize can be roasted or cooked for consumption. It is fried into pop corn. Pop corn, Agidi, corn cake, corn flour can serve domestic purpose while majority of women take the items to the market for sale to raise money to meet other needs. Cassava has sustained families from generation to generation in Ughoton Women fry garri from cassava every four days for domestic use and to be sold to purchase other food items for the family like pepper, meat, fish, tomatoes, melon, okro, magi to enable the women prepare soup or stew to sustain the family for four days. When the items are exhausted, the women go back to uproot cassava tubers and fried it into garri to be sold in the next market day. The cultivation of yams is now highly limited to few aged ones while majority of the adults both men and women are fully engaged in cassava cultivation30. Cassava cultivation is very important to Ughoton people. Apart from garri, starch is also produced from cassava. Starch although mostly consumed by the Ijos, Isokos, Urhobos but most Benin people now eat starch. Also the local food called “fufu by the Yorubas and “Agbon” by the Igbos and Benins is also produced from cassava. In the past the food was classified as Igbo food. Today, the Benins are widely engaged in fufu preparation and consumption. Infact the importance of cassava to the economic wellbeing of the Ughoton and Benins generally can be over-emphasized. http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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Ughoton was a sea port or the chief port of Benin in its trade relationship with the Europeans. It was the port for the loading and off loading of goods. Alogoa noted that, the Portuguese arrived in the western Delta, they focused attention on Ughoton, the port of Benin and some point up a left branch of the foracdos River which from internal evidence he identifies with Ode-Itsekiri31. Oba Ozolua allowed the Portuguese to establish a factory at the port of Ughoton. Thus, a period of regular maritime contact between European and parts of what later came to be known as Nigeria started. This goes to show the importance of Ughoton in the Benin Portuguese trade. During the period of Portuguese monopoly, warehouses were established at Ughoton, which experienced a considerable economic prosperity and development as a Bini port. The presence of factories and warehouses connote many good things for Ughoton where they were established. The trade brought many white traders to Ughoton exerting their influence on the people. Natives of Ughoton and the neighbouring villages like Ekenwua Ugbineh, Uduana definitely worked in the factories as the business of factories seriously involve division of labour. The trade promoted and enhanced the development of the Benin kingdom. It is correct that by the 15th century, the Benin Empire was already asserting its political and economic domination over its neighbours because the kingdom had at that period warlike kings like Oba Ewuare and Oba Ozolua. Oba Ewuare who was described in history as Ewuare the great is known in history as the Oba who conquered about 201 towns and villages. There is no doubt also that, the importance of Benin as a centre of trade was galvanized or accelerated by the coming of the European. Hence S.E. Orobator asserted that the coming of the Portuguese rapidly internationalized Benin as a power and in quick succession, as the empire was besieged by traders of various nationalities, in search of various items of trade including Ivory and slaves32. A source noted that the trade generated by Benin-European relationship was the basis of sustenance of Benin empire. It is important to add here that, trade as the basis for the sustenance of Benin Empire may not be tenable because Benin was already at the height of its glory especially among the African States before the coming of the Europeans. However, the trade oiled the military machine with which Benin developed and sustained her political power. The trader brought a lot of wealth to the people of Ughoton and the Benin Kings. Oba Akenzua I was a case in point, whose reign is linked with a revival of the fortunes of the kingdom. He is known in Benin history as one of the richest kings that reigned in Benin. The son’s reign also witnessed much prosperity. Part of the reason for this prosperity was the re-introduction of the sale of male slaves in Benin which was banned in 16th century and lasted for 200 years. The trade in Benin slaves was very important to the Europeans. That was why Elizabeth Isichei argues that, Oba Akenzua I is remember by tradition as one of the richest kings who ever sat on the throne of Benin and that his son, who reigned after him was so rich that the floor and walls of his house were lined with cowries shells, the money of the time33.

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Conclusion Ughoton was founded by Prince Ekaladerhan the son of the last Ogiso, Ogiso Owodo of Ogiso dynasty. From the 15th century, Benin entered into international relationship, with Portuguese. The principal aim of the relationship was trade. At the initial stage, the Portuguese carried on an exclusive trade with the Benin Kingdom. The period also witnessed the establishment of warehouses and factories at Ughoton, which was a seaport or the main port of Benin and the village had significant economic prosperity as the centre of trade. Generally, the articles of trade which captured the Europeans interest in Benin were slaves, pepper, cotton cloths, gum, beads, Ivory and red wood. However, the Portuguese trade with Benin in early sixteenth century witnessed decline because of the refusal of Benin people to accept Christianity bad climatic condition and that the trade did not yields the expected returns. The significance of these Benin-Portuguese relations to Benin and Ughoton cannot be over-emphasized. Christianity came to Benin through Ughoton for the first time and the missionaries assisted Oba Esigie to fight Benin-Idah in which Benin got victory in 1515-1516. The Ohen-Okun was the Benin Ambassador to Portugal between 1485-1580. Also the Portuguese introduced important crops to Benin and Ughoton particularly maize and cassava which are staple food today. More especially during this period, warehouses and factories were established at Ughoton which experienced a considerable economic prosperity and development as a Bini port. On the whole, the trade promoted and enhanced the development of the Benin kingdom and the trade brought a lot of wealth to the people of Ughoton and the Benin kings who regulated the trade.

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Endnotes 1

S.E. Orbator, “Trade of Imperial Benin with the Portuguese and Dutch” in O.N. Njoku (ed.) Pre-Colonial Economic History of Nigeria (Benin: Ethiope Publishing Corporation, 2002) pp.109-110. 2

G.I. Eluwa and M.O. Ukagwu, History of Nigeria (Nigeria: Africana-First Publishers Limited, 1988) p.110. 3

Antonio Galvao, Tratado Dos Descobbrimentos, Porto. (Lisbon: Portugal, 1944) p.129.

4

Philip Koslow, The Kingdoms of Africa, Benin Lords of the River (Chelsea House Publishers, 1995) p.32. 5

J.Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance. (London: 1963)

6

A.F.C. Ryder, Benin and the Europeans. (London: Longman, 1969) p.29.

7

H.L. Roth, Great Benin, its Customs, Art and Horrors (Metro Books, Inc. North Brook II, 1972) P.5. 8

Ibid, p.5

9

Elizabeth Isichie, History of West Africa since 1800 (Macmillan Publishers, 1969) pp.90-93.

10

S.E. Orobator, “Trade of Imperial Benin with the Portuguese, p.109.

11

Ruy de Pina, Chronica de Ruyi Domfoa II, Combra, 1950, P.24

12

J.U. Egharevba A Short History of Benin, (Benin City, fortune Publisher, 2005) p.29.

13

A.T.T. Nucleo Antigo, Maco 166, FF 23rd, 24r Quoted in Ryder, Benin and European p.41.

14

J.W. Blake, European Beginning in West Africa 1454-1578 (London: 1937)

15

Quoted in Ryder, Benin and European.

16

R.E. Bradbury, Benin Studies (ed.) Peter Morton Williams (Oxford University Press, 1973) p.36. 17

J.D. Barros, Da Asia (Lisbon, 1552).

18

A.T.T. Fragmentos, Maco 9. 20 Nov.1514. Quoted in A.F.C. Ryder, Benin and Europeans, p.7.

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19

A.F.C Ryder, Benin and Europeans P.33

20

Ibid, p.33

21

A.T.T. Nucleo Antigo Maco, 166.

22

H.V. Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy, Vol.11 (Hague, 1963) p.126. 23

A.F.C. Ryder, “The Trans Atlantic Slave Trade” in Obaro Ikime (ed.) Groundwork of Nigeria History. (Nigeria: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980) 24

R.E. Bradbury, Benin Studies , P.33

25

Ibid, p.33

26

Interview with Mrs. F. Iguakun, Age-46, Venue Ughoton, Occupation-Nursing. Interview conducted on 15-4-2013. For further information on religion at Ughoton, see interview with Christopher Enodunmwenben, Age-59, occupation – farming, venue-Ughoton. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013 and interview with Rolland Obazee, Age-71, Occupation-Retired Soldier, Venue-Ughoton Village. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013. 27

S.E. Orobator. “Trade of Imperial Benin with the Portuguese” p.113

28

Ibid, p.114

29

P.A. Talbot Peoples of Southern Nigeria. (Oxford, vol.1, 1926).

30

Interview with Thomas Okunhon, Age-75, Occupation-farming, Venue-Ughoton Village. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013. 31

E.J. Alagoa, “Long Distance Trade and States in the Niger Delta, Journal of African History, Vol. xi, No.3 1970. pp.319-320. 32

S.E. Orobator, Benin and Portuguese, p.109.

33

Elizabeth Isichei History of West Africa, pp93-95.

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References -Alagoa, E.J. “Long Distance Trade and States in the Niger Delta, Journal of African History”, Vol. xi, No.3 1970. pp.319-320. -Blake, J.W. European Beginning in West Africa 1454-1578 (London: 1937) -Bradbury, R.E. Benin Studies (ed.) Peter Morton Williams (Oxford University Press, 1973). -Barros, J.D. Da Asia (Lisbon, 1552). -Egharevba, J.U. A Short History of Benin, (Benin City, fortune Publisher, 2005). -Eluwa, G.I. and Ukagwu, M.O. History of Nigeria (Nigeria: Africana-First Publishers Limited, 1988). -Galvao, A. Tratado Dos Descobbrimentos, Porto. (Lisbon: Portugal, 1944). -Koslow, P. The Kingdoms of Africa, Benin Lords of the River (Chelsea House Publishers, 1995). -Interview with Mrs. F. Iguakun, Age-46, Venue Ughoton, Occupation-Nursing. Interview conducted on 15-4-2013. For further information on religion at Ughoton, see interview with Christopher Enodunmwenben, Age-59, occupation – farming, venue-Ughoton. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013 and interview with Rolland Obazee, Age-71, Occupation-Retired Soldier, Venue-Ughoton Village. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013. -Interview with Thomas Okunhon, Age-75, Occupation-farming, Venue-Ughoton Village. Interview conducted on 6-4-2013. -Isichie, E . History of West Africa since 1800 (Macmillan Publishers, 1969). -Nucleo Antigo A.T.T, , Maco 166, FF 23rd, 24r Quoted in Ryder, Benin and European. -Orbator, S.E. “Trade of Imperial Benin with the Portuguese and Dutch” in O.N. Njoku (ed.) PreColonial Economic History of Nigeria (Benin: Ethiope Publishing Corporation, 2002). -Parry, J. The Age of Reconnaissance. (London: 1963) -Roth, H.L. Great Benin, its Customs, Art and Horrors (Metro Books, Inc. North Brook II, 1972). -Ruy de Pina, Chronica de Ruyi Domfoa II, Combra, 1950. -Ryder, A.F.C. Benin and the Europeans. (London: Longman, 1969). http://ijhcschiefeditor.wix.com/ijhcs

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-Ryder, A.F.C. “The Trans Atlantic Slave Trade” in Obaro Ikime (ed.) Groundwork of Nigeria History. (Nigeria: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980) -Talbot P.A. Peoples of Southern Nigeria. (Oxford, vol.1, 1926). -Wee, H.V. “The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy”, Vol.11 (Hague, 1963) p.126.

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Decentering Globalization

Abdelaziz El Amrani ASCA, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands

Abstract After the bombardment of the Twin Towers in September 2001, the hallmarks of Western capitalism, a great number of critics have sought to re-define and re-negotiate the issue of globalization. Many others, however, have predicted the end of globalization. This paper, then, seeks to delve into the complex, contentious and ongoing debate on globalization and its position in the post-9/11 world order. It also aims to address the impact of contemporary globalization on culture, identity, geography and nation-state as well as the relationship between the global and the local. Keywords: Globalization, localization, homogenization, Westernization, hybridization, culture, identity, geography, nation-state, 9/11

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The dynamics of Globalization The present article is not only concerned with mapping the many claims and counterclaims that have been made about globalization, but it also demonstrates the fact that globalization was and still is a thoroughly contested subject. Talk of globalization has become rife among academics, journalists, politicians, business people, advertisers, and so on. Interest in globalization and its theoretical and empirical impacts was at its peak in the 1990s amidst a flurry of intellectual debate and enthusiasm regarding a new internationalism. Globalization can be described as a realty which overwhelms and engulfs the rest of world. Roland Robertson, one of the most prominent theorists of globalization, has defined globalization as a growth in “the scope and depth of consciousness of the world as a single place.” 1 Robertson uses globalization to refer both to the compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole. In other words, Robertson has focused on the way our consciousness of the world and our sense of place in the world have changed. Globalization, according to Robertson, is not only about structures, institutions, and networks, but also about the ways in which we think of social life and our place within it. In a similar vein, David Morely and Kevin Robins assert that “globalization is about the compression of time and space horizons and the creation of a world of instantaneity and depthlessness.” 2 This means that as globalization expands and intensifies, remote and local communications become instantaneous increasing sense of global interconnectedness and simultaneity of experience. Tellingly, for some scholars, globalization is seen negatively and at times almost demonically, as the dominance of Western economic and cultural interests over the rest of the world. Globalization, according to them, brings about a worldwide ‘cultural synchronization’ and therefore it is considered as a particular type of universalization trampling on and destroying local cultures and communities. Globalization understood in this way is often interpreted as colonization, Americanization, or ‘westoxification’, to use Ali Ahmad’s term.3 In his book Narration, Navigation, and Colonialism, Jamal Eddine Benhayoun claims that globalization ]…[ is a Western project, and its implementation is conducted not through universal suffrage but in the total exclusion of non-western opinions. It is a system of exclusion, and as a system, it is designed to manage and exploit the world against the will of the majority of its inhabitants. Globalization is almost a euphemistic expression for ‘imperialism,’ another complex and ambivalent system that also homogenises histories and centralises governance though not all the time militarily ]…[ Also, like imperialism, globalization presents itself as a system of rational and liberal practices, as an ideal world order outside of which reign chaos and backwardness.4

Globalization, in this sense, imposes western and American meanings that both obliterate older traditions and restrict the development of new alternatives. So, talk of globalization is a hegemonic discourse, and an ideology of supposed progress that masks far-reaching subordination by the West and America in particular of the rest of the world. 1

Quoted in Jan Aart Sholte, Globalization: a Critical Introduction (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 267. 2 David Morely and Kevin Robins, Spaces of Identity Global Media, Electronic Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 115. 3 Sholte, Globalization: a Critical Introduction, p. 58. 4 Jamal Eddine Benhayoun, Narration, Navigation, and Colonialism (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2006), p. 165.

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However, defining globalization in terms of the expansion and dominance of Western culture seems to be short-sighted. Such an interpretation of globalization fails to recognize the degree to which Western culture interacts with and changes as a result of exposure to other cultures. Although globalization may yield a greater cultural similarity among peoples, this similarity tends to develop not through the imposition of one set of cultural values on another. Instead, cultural similarity tends to develop through the mixing of a diversity of cultural values, moving closer to Jan Pieterse's “cultural melange” than cultural hegemony. Thus, theories of globalization have moved over the last century from expressions of the process as ‘cultural imperialism’ or ‘neo-imperialism’ to analyses of the ‘hybridization’, ‘diffusion’, and interrelationship of global societies, the compression of the world and the intensification of the consciousness of the world as a single space. Crucially, Craig Calhoun confirms that it is a serious mistake to see globalization simply as the spread of capitalism and Western culture.5 To undermine the homogenizing thesis that sees globalization as a Western project, Jonathan Friedman emphasizes that “we are witnessing an emergence of an unstable phase of de-hegemonization”6, and hence it would be wrong to say that transworld connectivity is uniquely western. Similarly, David Morely and Kevin Robins maintain that “globalization is also about the emergence of the decentred or polycentric corporation. Global operations treat all strategic markets in the same way, with the same attention, as the home market.”7 The processes of globalization do in fact extend to the whole world, making it quite difficult to differentiate between core and periphery. Despite the amount of attention focused on globalization as cultural homogenization, many analysts question whether this portrays accurately what is indeed occurring in the world. Jan Pieterse, for example, argues that globalization, rather being viewed in terms of standardization and uniformity, should be recognized as a process of “hybridization” that gives rise to “translocal mélange cultures”. To view globalization as one-dimensional process of homogenization obscures, according to Pieterse, its fluid, open-ended, and multidimensional nature.8 Unlike the aforementioned definitions, Jan Aart Scholte defines contemporary globalization on the basis of its “supraterritoriality” and “deterritorialization”. He claims that definitions of globalization as internationalization, liberalization, universalization and westernization are redundant and do not present new insight. Refuting redundant conceptions of globalization, Sholte defines globalization as “respatialization with the spread of transplanetary social connections”9, and affirms that important new insight is provided when globalization is understood in spatial terms as the spread of transplanetary - and in recent times more particularly surpraterritorial - connections between people. In this regard, globalization, for Sholte, refers to “the advent and spread of what are alternately called ‘global’, ‘transplanetary’, ‘transworld’ and in certain respects also 5

Craig Calhoun, “Nationalism, Modernism, and their Multiplicities,” In Identity, Culture, and Globalization Eliezer Ben- Rafael and Yitzak Sternberg, eds (Leiden: International Institute of Sociology, 2001), p. 448. 6 Jonathan Friedman, Cultural Identity and Global Process, Identity and Global Process (London: Sage Publications, 1994), p. 168. 7 Morely and Robins, Spaces of Identity, p. 125. 8 Cited in Sheila L. Croucher, Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of Identity in a Changing World (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc, 2004), p. 26. 9 Sholte, Globalization: a Critical Introduction, p. 3.

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‘supraterritorial’ social spaces.” What is crucial is that Sholte associates contemporary globalization with a tendency towards deterritorialization, “so that social space can no longer be wholly mapped in terms of territorial places, territorial distances and territorial borders.”10 Sholte’s view actually seems to be insightful in the sense that it refers to a shift in the nature of social space and sheds light on supraterritorial relations or transplanetary social connections that substantially transcend territorial geography. In this description of globalization, social relations are viewed as decreasingly tied to territorial frameworks; global phenomena extend across widely scattered locations simultaneously, diminishing the significance of territorial distance and borders Globalization, Geography and Nation-State Major strands of contemporary globalization research have been permeated by geographical concepts such as, “space-time compression,” “space of flows,” “space of places,” “deterritorialization,” “glocalization,” the “global-local nexus,” “territoriality,” “supraterritoriality”, “diasporas,” “translocalities,” and “scapes,” among many other terms. This indicates that geography or space matters in explaining and approaching globalization. Along these lines, Arjun Appadurai identifies five interrelated dimensions of globalization: ethnoscapes (flows of migrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers, and tourists); technoscapes (rapid movement of technology, high and low, informational and mechanical, across previously impenetrable boundaries); finanscapes (flows of money via currency markets and stock exchanges); mediascapes (flows of images and information via newspapers, magazines, television, and film); and ideoscapes (the spread of elements of the Western enlightenment worldview, namely, images of democracy, freedom, welfare, rights, and so forth).11 So, national boundaries are broken down and transcended by these various global flows. In this context of accelerated globalization and its accompanying developments in technology and communication, “geography”, Robert J. Holton puts it, “has been pronounced dead.”12 For example, much of today’s foreign exchange, banking, etc. occur globally and with considerable delinkage from territorial space. Additionally, globalization entails a reconfiguration of social geography with increased transplanetary connections between people. More people, more often, more extensively and more intensely engage with the planetary arena as a single social place and as a result national frontiers or boundaries are declared as porous and deterritorialized. Following several decades of proliferating and expanding supraterritorial connections, territoriality, Sholte ascertains, “has lost its monopoly hold. Territorial domains remain very important, but they no longer define the entire macro spatial framework.”13 One of the reasons of the relative death of geography is the fact that “marketing strategies are ‘consumer driven’ instead of ‘geography-driven.”14 Accordingly, territorial distances and territorial borders, to use Sholte’s terms, “do not define the whole geography of today’s transplanetary flows. These global connections often also have qualities of transworld simultaneity (that is, they extend 10

Ibid., p. 17. Arjun Appadurai, “Difference and Disjuncture in the Global Cultural Economy,” In Theory, Culture, and Society (Duke University Press, 1990), p. 11. 12 Robert J. Holton, Globalization and the Nation-State (London: Macmillan Press LTD, 1998), 1. 13 Sholte, Globalization: a Critical Introduction, pp. 63-64 14 Morely and Robins, Spaces of Identity, p. 110. 11

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anywhere across the planet at the same time) and transworld instantaneity (that is, the move anywhere on the planet in no time).”15 Significantly, global relations today substantially rather than wholly transcend territorial space. Although territoriality does not place insurmountable constraints on supraterritoriality, global flows still have to engage with territorial locations. The present world is globalizing, not totally globalized.16 Furthermore, globalization has exerted new pressures on the authority and autonomy of the nation-state. What is clear is that technological and economic transformations are surpassing the regulatory capacities of the nation-state. For example, thanks to Facebook, Twitter, Youtube, and Myspace, the Arab peoples managed to overthrow the dictators despite the tight censorship on the internet. Nation-States are therefore more permeable to both internal and external influence than ever before. The integrity of the nation-state is threatened not only by the expansionist ambitions of other states and the conflict of insurrectionary forces within its territory, but also by the disruptive influence of transnational corporations. There are many commentators who have declared the death of the nation-state. Benjamin Barber, for example, assumes that “Jihad” and “McWorld” make war on the sovereign nationstate and thus undermine the nation-state’s democratic institutions.17 The events of September 11, 2001, in America might vindicate the fact that the nation-state is vulnerable to external influence. The attacks have exposed the contemporary vulnerability of states. 9/11, in fact, shows that the world’s most powerful state is not inviolable. For Amine Saikal, “the attacks exposed US vulnerability to attacks and changed the USA’s perceptions both of itself as the world’s only secure superpower, and of the international order it had cherished since the end of the Cold War and collapse of the Soviet Union.”18 It is claimed that globalization is characterized by the disorder which empowers a vast network of so-called ‘terrorists’, who have come from more than twenty different countries and spread their organization across as many as sixty different states, to carry out their own political or ideological ends. The 9/11 and other events display the fact that the nation-state is no longer controlling its boundaries in the face of global flows. In certain ways, globalization has unsettled and indeed challenged the position of the nation-state as the predominant touchstone of collective identity in society. Robert Holton, however, says that globalization has not yet overrun the nation-state. Nation-states still remain resilient in the face of globalization, but he admits the fact that “identity is increasingly determined by transnational developments rather than within the nation-state.”19 More interestingly, nation-states can no longer claim to exercise tight control 15

Sholte, Globalization: a Critical Introduction, p. 61. Ibid., p. 70. 17 Benjamin R. Barber, “Democracy and Terror in the Era of Jihad vs. McWorld,” In Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order, Ken Booth and Tim Dunne, eds. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 251. Barber is among those who have recently popularized the idea of an end to the nation-state. He writes of ‘Jihad’ as a shorthand for all the reactionary anti-modernisms and fundamentalisms of the world, and ‘McWorld’ as global economic integration (which he understands mainly in terms of the spread of Western consumer culture). He also claims that civic identity, which is one of the components of democracy and multiculturalism, is undermined by tow rival identities –ethnic and commercial (Jihad vs. McWorld). 18 Amine Saikal, Islam and the West: Conflict or Cooperation? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 6. 19 Holton, Globalization and the Nation-State, pp. 2-7. 16

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over the formation of identities and loyalties. The nineteenth century dream, that the nationstate should comprise a single culture with all the people cohabiting that space sharing a common identity, has proved to “be a bloody nightmare.” Phrased in different terms, the nation-states presupposed that cultural harmony is based on uniformity and singular forms of allegiance and they sought to make exclusive citizens and create unique cultural context. Conversely, the mobility and complex affiliations of people today reveal that the dream of a ‘pure race’ or an identity or a culture bound to a given territory is no longer possible. People construct their sense of identity and communities, by defining their interests in ways that exceed the priorities of the nation-state.20 Therefore, when nations-states once coerced people into expressing their allegiance, they are now being compelled to face the legal and social demands of political diversity and cultural pluralism. At issue here is that a major change of spatial structure affects society as a whole. Put precisely, the partial end of geography or territoriality has profound impact on the formation of identity Debating Globalization after 9/11 In the torrent of prose that has flowed through the world after the events of 9/11 one common view was that the attacks have brought the end of globalization and the neoliberal world order. But although the destruction of the World Trade Centre does indeed deal a severe blow to an already-shaky global economy, it does nothing to slow down the other processes that are creating a more richly interconnected world. In some ways, it actually has accelerated the awareness of globalization by demonstrating the power of the communications media to turn local events into global events that capture the attention of all people everywhere.21 So, obituaries for globalization are highly premature. In his article “History and September 11”, Francis Fukuyama states that more than ten years, I argued that we had reached ‘the end of history’: not that historical events would stop, but that history understood as the evolution of human societies through different frame of government had culminated in modern liberal democracy and market-oriented capitalism. It is my view that this hypothesis remains correct, despite the events since September 11: modernity, as represented by the United States and other developed democracies, will remain the dominant force in world politics, and the institutions embodying the West’s underlying principles of freedom and equality will continue to spread around the world. The September 11 attacks represent a desperate backlash against the modern world, which appears to be a speeding freight train to those unwilling to get on board.22

Although the most recognized symbols of the economic and military might of the biggest power on the planet were destroyed and damaged, Fukuyama agues that liberal democracies and capitalism, the major foundations of globalization, will remain resilient in the face of the so-called terrorism. Indeed, even after 9/11, cultural icons and information of all kinds still travel freely around the world, governments are still more connected with one another than they have ever been, and neither AIDS nor climate change has reverted to the status of a 20

Nikos Papastergiadis, The Turbulence of Migration: Globalization, Deterritorialization and Hybridity, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), pp. 83-89. 21 Walt Truett Anderson, “In the Wake of 9-11, Globalization Goes On - And On” (Pacific News Service, 2001).