A Syntactic Approach to Adverbs in English and Romanian – Temporal and Aspectual Adverbs

Daria Protopopescu

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN – TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

Reproducerea integrală sau parţială, multiplicarea prin orice mijloace şi sub orice formă, cum ar fi xeroxarea, scanarea, transpunerea în format electronic sau audio, punerea la dispoziţia publică, inclusiv prin internet sau prin reţele de calculatoare, stocarea permanentă sau temporară pe dispozitive sau sisteme cu posibilitatea recuperării informaţiilor, cu scop comercial sau gratuit, precum şi alte fapte similare săvârşite fără permisiunea scrisă a deţinătorului copyrightului reprezintă o încălcare a legislaţiei cu privire la protecţia proprietăţii intelectuale şi se pedepsesc penal şi/sau civil în conformitate cu legile în vigoare.

Daria Protopopescu

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN – TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

2014

Referenţi ştiinţifici: Prof. univ. dr. Mariana Neţ (Academia Română, Institutul de Lingvistică “Iorgu Iordan”) Conf. dr. Nadina Vişan (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Lector dr. Aura Gherguţ (Universitatea Tehnică de Construcţii Bucureşti)

Şos. Panduri, 90-92, Bucureşti – 050663, România Telefon/Fax: (0040) 021.410.23.84, E-mail: [email protected], Librărie online: http://librarie-unibuc.ro Centru de vânzare: Bd. Regina Elisabeta, nr. 4-12, Bucureşti, tel. (0040) 021.305.37.03

Web: www.editura.unibuc.ro

DTP & coperta: Florina FLORIŢĂ

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României PROTOPOPESCU, DARIA / A Syntactic Approach to Adverbs in English and Romanian – Temporal and Aspectual Adverbs / Daria Protopopescu. – Bucureşti: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2013 Bibliogr. ISBN 978-606-16-0399-2 811.111'367.624 811.135.1'367.624

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword ........................................................................................................................ 5 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1. Introduction and organization of the book .................................................. 9 1.2. Main issues; co-occurrence restrictions ....................................................11 1.3. Linear order of VP-internal adverbs ..........................................................13 1.4. Word order in Romanian ...........................................................................14 1.5. Summing up ..............................................................................................17 2. Aspects of Syntactic Theory. The Minimalist Framework ...................................19 2.1. Introduction ……………………………………….. .................................19 2.1.1. Merge, agree, move ……………………… ...............................20 2.1.2. Derivation by phase ……………………… ...............................24 2.2. Functional projections ................................................................................26 2.3. The functional structure of Romanian sentences …...................................28 2.3.1. The basic structure ………………………. ................................29 2.3.2. The Romanian CP domain ……………….................................31 2.4. Summing up ...............................................................................................32 3. Temporal and Aspectual adverbs across frameworks ..........................................33 3.1. The cartographic approach .........................................................................33 3.1.1. The feature theory. Cinque (1999) .............................................33 3.1.2. The double specifier model. Laenzlinger (1998)........................37 3.1.3. Alexiadou (1997) ........................................................................40 3.2. In favour of left adjunction.........................................................................44 3.2.1. Haider (2000, 2004)....................................................................46 3.2.2. The scope theory. Ernst (2002) ..................................................49 3.3. Summing up ...............................................................................................54 4. Temporal and aspectual adverbs – classifications, contexts of occurrence and licensing ............................................................................................................55 4.1. Classifications: English vs. Romanian .......................................................56 4.1.1. Time orientation .........................................................................61 4.1.2. Frame adverbs or locating temporal adverbs..............................62 4.1.3. Anchored vs. unanchored adverbs ..............................................63 4.1.4. Aspectual adverbs.......................................................................66

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4.2. Sentence structure revisited ........................................................................68 4.2.1. English ........................................................................................69 4.2.2. Romanian....................................................................................75 4.3. Positions and analysis.................................................................................82 4.3.1. The initial position......................................................................86 4.3.2. The preverbal position ................................................................88 4.3.3. The postverbal position ..............................................................90 4.3.4. The final position........................................................................92 4.3.5. The parenthetical position ..........................................................95 4.4. Left/right asymmetries of temporal adverbs ..............................................95 4.5. Temporal and aspectual adverbs in nominalizations ..................................98 4.6. Summing up ............................................................................................ 109 Conclusions ................................................................................................................ 111 Appendix 1 ................................................................................................................. 115 Appendix 2 ................................................................................................................. 116 Appendix 3 ................................................................................................................. 118 References .................................................................................................................. 214

FOREWORD The current book is the outcome of comparative research in the field of the syntax of temporal and aspectual adverbs. It is a natural follow-up to my doctoral dissertation that investigated the domain of manner adverbs in English and Romanian. The interest in the classes of temporal and aspectual adverbs is not new. It came from the large amount of literature dedicated to the study of adverbs in various languages, research that tried to provide either a syntactic or a semantic account of adverbs across languages. This book is an attempt of providing a unifying account of these two classes of adverbs from a comparative perspective. Since there are not that many studies on adverbs in Romanian, more particularly on these two classes of adverbs, the book also provides an extensive corpus of contexts containing temporal and aspectual adverbs, drawn from Romanian literary texts. This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNDI – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-IN-CI-2012-1-0366.

CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION 1.1. Introduction and organization of the book Analyzing adverbs from a minimalist point of view is no easy task for any linguist and this is even more difficult when one attempts a comparative approach between two languages that behave so differently such as English and Romanian. The main endeavour of the current book is to provide a new classification for temporal, aspectual and sentence adverbs in English and Romanian while correlating it with the distribution of these adverbs in the sentence function of the position where they are properly interepreted. Since Jackendoff (1972), it has been argued in the literature that the different positions in which adverbs occur in a sentence trigger different interpretations. This book is going to explore this hypothesis about the class of temporal and aspectual adverbs. Adverbs, in general, are invariable and exhibit poor morphology. In earlier research, the only adverbs that were considered to enter relations of compatibility with the verb were temporal adverbs. The problem generally arises with sentences where more than one adverb occurs. The analysis of sentence structure has shown the existence of several functional projections: TP, AspP, VoiceP. Alexiadou (1994) proposes that temporal, aspectual and manner adverbs are licensed by means of Spec-Head agreement in the Specifier position of the respective TP, AspP and VoiceP. We are going a step further by following the adverb constraints discussed by other linguists, constraints imposed by the tense and aspect with which some of them have to combine. To this extent we will make use of functional projections that occur in the clause whenever a certain tense/aspect is activated. In the minimalist framework, the movement of a constituent occurs only if the constituent has to check a morphological or an operator feature. For instance, in some languages, the verb with a rich inflection raises from its base position to check its tense feature. Since the adverb has a very poor morphology, if at all in some cases, it is assumed not to move from its base generated position, serving as a fixed point, which indicates verb movement. As will be shown throughout the book, the structure of the sentence includes a series of functional projections representing the verbal categories of mood, tense, aspect and voice. Thus, certain adverbs, such as temporal, aspectual and manner adverbs could possibly enter matching relations with these verbal categories, either from a specifier position for the respective functional projection (the cartographic approach, defended by Cinque 1999, 2004), or as an adjunct (the scope-based approach, defended by Ernst 2002, 2004, 2006). It is expected that adverbs should have fixed positions and a relatively rigid order of occurrence as they can enter agreement relations with the relevant heads/projections. This is due to the fact that heads and maximal projections of functional categories are

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themselves generated in a rigid order, if we are to follow the cartographic approach to the study of adverbs (cf. Alexiadou 1994, Cinque 1997, etc.) Whether this is so or not will be discussed throughout the book, since a second approach to the study of adverbs claims that it is possible to reconcile their syntactic positions with their semantic interpretations by means of a FEO Calculus (FEO, cf. Ernst 2002). According to this hypothesis, adverbs are generated as adjuncts rather than specifiers of the various functional projections in the clause. The data analyzed in this book are drawn from both English and Romanian. However, since there is a large amount of literature on English, there are two appendices at the end of the book providing a large corpus of examples from literary texts in Romanian for most of the adverbs under discussion. Chapter one introduces the data to be analyzed as well as the main issues to be dealt with in the book. Chapter two deals with the analysis of sentence structure in English and in Romanian and shows that the order of functional projections is the same in the two languages. It is concerned with movement and it gives an account of the minimalist framework.introducing the classification of adverbs from a traditional point of view, according to their function and syntactic behaviour but it proposes different classifications of aspectual and temporal adverbs as well. Chapter three offers an extensive analysis of the two theories that provide the framework for the study of temporal and aspectual adverbs. Since one approach, the cartographic approach is mainly syntactic and the other is mainly semantic, we will try to discuss both and come up with a solution that could accommodate the data in such a way that would reconcile the two views. Thus, under the specifier or cartographic approach, adverbs are treated as specifiers of functional heads (cf. Alexiadou 1994, Cinque 1997, Laenzlinger 1998, etc.). According to the cartographic approach, temporal and aspectual adverbs are licensed as specifiers of the functional projections of tense, and aspect (TP and AspP). Alexiadou (1994) proposes the following features in T0 and Asp0 features which agree or match adverb features and which we summarize below: T0

Tense Temporal adverbs

+/-present

+/-present

+/-past (anteriority)

+/-past (anteriority)

Aspect Asp0 +PERF -PERF +punctual +habitual +definite -definite +durative

Aspectual adverbs +/-point +/-definite frequency +/-durative

Under the adjunction approach (cf. Ernst 2002, 2004, Haider, 2000, 2004 Costa 1998, 2004) adverbs are treated as left-adjoined as a result of a FEO Calculus, which offers a rather strict hierarchy for adjunction. Chapter four is concerned with the analysis of temporal and aspectual adverbs proper in the two languages. To this extent, we start by offering the different classifications available in the literature and try to come up with one that reconciles our analysis which is an attempt of correlating the interpretations of these adverbs to their syntactic placement. For English we start from the distributional classes of adverbs as discussed by Jackendoff (1972), whereas for Romanian, we start from the traditional classifications in the Grammar of the

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Academy. After establishing the distributional classes and the contexts of occurrence, we proceed to the analysis of their licensing mechanisms function of the framework introduced in the previous two chapters. We also discuss the left/right contrasts that occur in the case of temporal adverbs (cf. Shaer 2004). Additionally we discuss the occurrence of temporal and aspectual adverbs in nominalizations, again from a comparative perspective. Finally the conclusions are followed by three appendices which provide the classification of temporal and aspectual adverbs in Romanian as well as a small corpus of examples for temporal and aspectual adverbs in Romanian, taken from literary works.

1.2. Main issues; co-occurrence restrictions One of the most intriguing features of adverbs in general is their ability to co-occur in a sentence while at the same time being limited from co-occuring under certain conditions. (1) (2)

(3)

but

a. She frequently has wisely gone there on Sundays. b. She wisely has frequently gone there on Sundays. a. She frequently was suddenly (being) rejected by publishers. b. She suddenly was (being) frequently rejected by publishers. (examples 3.85-3.86 in Ernst 2002: 119-120) a. Habituellement ils regardent fréquemment la télé. usually they watch frequently the television. b. *Fréquemment ils regardent habituellement la télé. c. Fréquemment ils ont regardé habituellement la télé. (examples 3.108-3.109 in Ernst 2002: 126)

In examples (1)-(2), it appears that aspectual and temporal adverbs can freely co-occur. However, examples (3a-b) would indicate that Cinque’s (1997) claim, that there is a rigid order of adjuncts, is true. Ernst (2002: 126) argues that although the rigid order claimed by Cinque is valid in the case of predicationals, what he calls participant adjuncts and most of the functional adjuncts, temporal and aspectual adverbs included here, appear not to observe the rigid order. Indeed, if we are to analyse the data, (3c) is identified by native speakers of French as possible if the time intervals referred to by the two adverbs are sufficiently different. Moreover, Travis (1988) suggests that manner adverbs and other categories that function as manner adverbials, such as, say, manner PPs are subject to different licensing conditions and surface in different structural positions. If this were correct, we would expect a manner adverb and a PP manner adverbial to be able to grammatically co-occur in one sentence. However, the examples below suggest that this is not possible. Co-occurrence yields ungrammaticality and the sentences are ill-formed. Therefore, it is safe to conclude that manner adverbs and other categories expressing manner adverbials compete for the same structural position. (4)

a. *Maria vorbeşte [bine] Manner Adv [cu eleganţă] Manner PP. optional adverbials

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Maria speaks-3sg. well with elegance ‘Maria speaks well with elegance.’ b. *Maria vorbeşte [cu eleganţă] Manner PP [bine] Manner Adv. Maria speaks-3sg. with elegance well a. *Ion se poartă [urât] Manner Adv [cu toane] Manner PP. obligatory adverbials Ion reflexive-3sg. behaves-3sg. badly with whims ‘Ion behaves badly whimsically.’ b. *Ion se poartă [cu toane] Manner PP [urât] Manner Adv. Ion reflexive-3sg. behaves-3sg. with whims badly

The sentences are well-formed if we apply coordination of the two manner adverbials, thus showing that in fact they are part of a larger constituent that occupies one structural position. (6)

a. Maria vorbeşte [[bine]Manner Adv şi [cu eleganţă]Manner PP]. Maria speaks-3sg. well with elegance ‘Maria speaks well with elegance.’ b. Ion se poartă [[urât]Manner Adv şi [cu toane]Manner PP]. Ion reflexive-3sg. behaves-3sg. badly and with whims ‘Ion behaves badly and whimsically.’

A related question is that which refers to the impossibility of obligatory and optional manner adverbs to co-occur. Therefore, if they had different base positions as predicted by Travis (1988) then the data in (7) and (8) below should display grammaticality which it clearly does not. (7)

(8)

a. *Maria vorbeşte bine fluent. optional adverbs Maria speaks-3sg. well fluently ‘Maria speaks well fluently.’ b. *Ion citeşte repede corect Ion reads-3sg. quickly correctly ‘Ion reads quickly correctly’ a. *Ion se poartă urât capricios. obligatory adverbs Ion reflexive-3sg. behaves-3sg. badly whimsically ‘Ion behaves badly whimsically.’ b. *Maria trăieşte bine confortabil. Maria lives-3sg. well comfortably ‘Maria lives well comfortably.’

Again, as was the case above in (6a-b), if we apply coordination the sentences become well-formed. (9)

a. Maria vorbeşte bine şi fluent. Maria speaks-3sg. well and fluently ‘Maria speaks well and fluently.’

optional adverbs

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b. Ion citeşte repede şi corect. Ion reads-3sg. quickly and correctly ‘Ion reads quickly and correctly.’ (10)

a. Ion se poartă urât şi capricios. obligatory adverbs Ion reflexive-3sg. behaves-3sg. badly and whimsically ‘Ion behaves badly and whimsically’ b. Maria trăieşte bine şi confortabil. Maria lives-3sg. well and comfortably ‘Maria lives well and comfortably.’

1.3. Linear order of VP-internal adverbs Many languages exhibit a fixed linear order of direct objects with respect to VP internal manner, place and time adverbials. Thus, (11a-b) have neutral, syntactically unmarked word orders, while (12a-b) have syntactically marked word orders, in the sense that one of the constituents is interpreted as receiving stress or contrastive focus of some sort (see Zubizarreta 1998) for Romance: (11)

a. Ion a deschis uşa repede. Ion has-3sg. opened door-the fast ‘Ion opened the door fast’ b. Maria a citit poezia frumos. Maria has-3sg. read poem-the beautifully ‘Maria read the poem beautifully’

(12)

a. Ion a deschis repede uşa [nu geamul] Ion has-3sg. opened fast door-the [not window-the] ‘It was the door [not the window] that Ion opened fast’ b. Maria a citit frumos poezia [dar nu şi piesa de teatru] Maria has-3sg. beautifully read poem-the [but not also play-the] ‘It was the poem [not the play] that Maria read beautifully’

What is interesting, though, is that (14a-f) there appears to be no constraint on the ordering of sentence final manner, place and time adverbials. All these examples appear to have neutral, syntactically unmarked word orders in the sense that none of the constituents can be interpreted as receiving extra stress or focus. Cinque makes similar observations (1999: 15-16) for Italian, where in (13) below all mutual orderings seem possible, except for differences in scope: (13)

a. Seguiro le lezioni tutti i giorni all’universita diligentemente. ‘I will attend classes every day at the university with great zeal.’ b. Seguiro le lezioni all’universita tutti i giorni diligentemente. c. Seguiro le lezioni all’universita diligentemente tutti i giorni.

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d. Seguiro le lezioni diligentemente all’universita tutti i giorni (Cinque 1999: 15-16 example (68)) Romanian (14) a. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria rapid acolo ieri. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria quickly there yesterday ‘Ion saw Maria quickly there yesterday’ b. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria rapid ieri acolo. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria quickly yesterday there c. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria acolo rapid ieri. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria there quickly yesterday d. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria acolo ieri rapid. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria there yesterday quickly e. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria ieri rapid acolo. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria yesterday quickly there f. Ion a văzut-o pe Maria ieri acolo rapid. Ion has-3sg. seen-clitic-3sg.fem.Acc. pe Maria yesterday there quickly The question raised by these data is why the linear ordering of direct objects and VP internal manner, place and time adverbs is fixed, while the mutual order of these adverbs seems to be very free. Following this discussion of the main question, we move on to an analysis of the morphology of Romanian adverbs in order to gain a better insight into the kind of language Romanian is from the point of view of its adverbs.

1.4. Word order in Romanian In order to better capture the phenomena displayed by the placement of temporal and aspectual adverbs we should take a brief look at the word order of Romanian declarative sentences. It is argued that the neutral, syntactically unmarked word order for Romanian declarative sentences containing a subject, a verb and an object is VSO (cf. Dobrovie-Sorin 1994, Cornilescu 2000, Alboiu 2002 a.o.). However, under appropriate discourse conditions, all permutations of the SVO order are possible, making Romanian declarative sentences exhibit a relatively ‘free word order’. In (15) we illustrate all the different word orders in Romanian. The examples in (15c-f) are heavily marked and emphasize the assertion made in the sentence. (15)

a. Ion a deschis o uşă. Ion has-3sg. opened a door ‘Ion opened a door’ b. A deschis Ion o uşă. has-3sg. opened Ion a door ‘Ion opened a door’ c. Ion o uşă a deschis (nu un geam).

SVO

VSO

SOV

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

Ion a door has-3sg. opened (not a window) ‘It was a DOOR that Ion opened (not a window)’ d. A deschis o uşă Ion (nu George). has-3sg. opened a door Ion (not George) ‘It was ION who opened a door (not George)’ e. O uşă, Ion a deschis-o (nu George). A door Ion has-3sg. opened (not George) ‘It was ION who opened a door (not George)’ f. O uşă a deschis Ion (nu un geam). A door has-3sg. opened Ion (not a window) ‘It was a DOOR that Ion opened (not a window)’

15

VOS

OSV

OVS

Neutral, or unmarked word order can be determined by means of a question/answer test. Thus, Zubizarreta (1998) a.o. argued that only sentences neutral, unmarked word order can usually serve as answers to the question What happened? (16)

Ce s-a întâmplat? ‘What happened?’ a. Ion a deschis o uşă. Ion has-3sg. opened a door ‘Ion opened a door’ b. A deschis Ion o uşă. has-3sg. opened Ion a door ‘Ion opened a door’ c. *Ion o uşă a deschis. Ion a door has-3sg. opened d. *A deschis o uşă Ion. has-3sg. opened a door Ion e. *O uşă, Ion a deschis-o. A door Ion has-3sg. opened f. *O uşă a deschis Ion. A door has-3sg. opened Ion

SVO

VSO

SOV VOS OSV OVS

The fact that only (16a-b) have a neutral syntactically unmarked word order is in concord with Cornilescu (2000), Alboiu (2002) a.o. who conclude that Romanian lacks a unique subject position, but not necessarily that both SVO and VSO are unmarked. This is also in agreement with Chomsky (1995) who draws a typology of languages function of the EPP feature. Thus, if a language has no EPP it is a VSO language; if it has EPP but Merge into [Spec,HP], where H is the probe, causes EPP to delete, the language is SVO without Multiple Subject Constructions; if it has EPP but allows one element to Merge without deleting EPP then the language is SVO with multiple subject constructions. In the case of SVO, that is with pre-verbal subjects, Cornilescu (2000) shows that the theta-role is assigned in SpecVP and case and theta-features are checked in AgrS or lower in TP, concluding that there is no pre-verbal argumental subject position in Romanian. Instead, the pre-verbal subject occupies one of the positions at the left periphery of the sentence, namely it is either Topic or Focus.

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Preverbal NPs, i.e. NPs appearing to the left of the verb are constrained by interpretation to the extent that (16f) would be ungrammatical with the direct object in preverbal position, unless contrastively focussed: (17)

a. O UŞĂ a deschis Ion (nu un geam). A door has-3sg. opened Ion (not a window) ‘It was a DOOR that Ion opened (not a window)’ b. *O uşă a deschis Ion (nu un geam). A door has-3sg. opened Ion (not a window) ‘It was a DOOR that Ion opened (not a window)’

OVS OVS

All direct objects above are indefinite NPs, which according to Zubizaretta (1998), and Alboiu (2002: 31) affect the grammaticality of the examples in (16, 17). Alboiu concludes that in Romanian, preverbal NPs are constrained by a specificity requirement which states that unless they are contrastively focused preverbal NPs should be specific or ‘strong’, i.e. they should be definite NPs (e.g. prietena mea), indefinite NPs with either a referential (e.g. o prietenă de-a mea), a partitive (e.g. Doi peşti sunt negri, al treilea e roşu) or a generic collective reading (e.g. Trei peşti sunt mai scumpi decât doi.) (examples from Alboiu 2002:32). Her conclusion is that these semantic restrictions on NPs in the preverbal domain are indicative of a topical domain in Romanian. Furthermore, Alboiu claims that given empirical data, Romanian is a V-type EPP language, where Spec, IP is not the canonical subject position and the language actually lacks a unique subject position. As shown by previous studies (Cornilescu 1997, Dobrovie-Sorin 1994), the nature of this EPP feature in Romanian is that of a strong [+V] feature, which leads to the lexical verb always raising to I0. Alternatively, the marked orders of (15c-f) suggest that (15c-f) cannot be base-generated. In this case the question that arises is whether these sentences can be generated by movement. If they can be generated by movement, the question is what kind of movement operations are we dealing with: scrambling or movement to a focus-related projection, i.e. a position associated with stress or contrastive focus. In the case of the VOS order, the traditional analysis for other Romance languages favours the right-adjunction of the subject to the VP or base-generation in this position. Cornilescu argues that in Romanian it is impossible to adjoin the post-verbal subject to the VP, since such an analysis would predict that sentences with the subject appearing after an object clause would have to be grammatical which is contradicted by the data below from Cornilescu (2000): (18)

a. *I-a spus lui Ion că vremea va fi frumoasă Petre. him has said to Ion that weather-the will be nice Petre b. Petru i-a spus lui Ion că vremea va fi frumoasă. Petru him has said to Ion that weather-the will be nice ‘Petru told Ion that the weather will be nice’

Thus, the VOS order is argued to involve object movement (scrambling) instead of subject movement. More specifically, the object moves past the subject in SpecVP, to a SpecAgrO. According to Alboiu (2002:28), Romanian exhibits two types of scrambling, both semantically restricted and both of which represent non-feature driven movement: vP

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scrambling, i.e. de-focusing, which has A-movement properties, and IP-scrambling i.e. topicalization, which has A-bar movement properties. Alboiu (2002) follows Cornilescu (2000) in arguing against right-adjunction of the subject in the VOS order and for an object raising analysis. In conclusion, the VS(O) word order is the unmarked one in Romanian, so any derivation departing from the basic VS(O) has to be accounted for, therefore examples (15c-f) are created by means of movement to some focus-related position. In the following chapters dealing with the analysis of sentence and manner adverbs, I will be dealing mostly with the VSO and SVO word orders.

1.5. Summing up At this point we have set out a few directions for study and throughout this book we are going to address these issues and try to offer a pertinent analysis and hopefully good solutions to the puzzles raised by the class of temporal and aspectual adverbs in English but mostly in Romanian.

CHAPTER 2 – ASPECTS OF SYNTACTIC THEORY. THE MINIMALIST FRAMEWORK The analysis developed in this book is based on the Minimalist Inquiries framework of Chomsky (2000, 2001). The purpose of this chapter is to introduce those aspects of the theory that exhibit relevance for the study of temporal and aspectual adverbs and the VP structure of Romanian. The discussion is relatively detailed; thus, in section 2.1 we discuss the main ideas of the Minimalist Inquiries framework, and in section 2.2 we take a closer look at functional projections since there are many studies on the syntax of adverbs that are centered on this issue. Section 2.3 provides an overview of the structure and properties of Romanian sentences which is based on several existing analyses of the language.

2.1. Introduction Within Chomsky’s (20001, 2001) Minimalist framework, a human language L represents a cognitive system storing information about sound, meaning and structural organization. This information is accessed by the performance systems – by the sensorimotor systems and the systems of thought – which are external to L. The cognitive system provides information to the performance systems in the form of interface levels: the sensorimotor systems access the phonological form interface level PF, while the systems of thought access the logical form interface level LF. Thus, a language L is a device generating sets of expressions Exp = , where PF provides instructions to the sensorimotor systems and LF to the systems of thought. The theory of syntax proposed by Chomsky (2000: 100-101) consists of a lexicon and a computational system. Lexical items stored in the lexicon are specified for phonological, semantic and formal features: phonological features are interpreted at PF by the sensorimotor systems, while semantic and formal features, which are further divided into categorical, φ- and case features (Chomsky 1995: 277) are interpreted at LF by the systems of thought. In their simplest form, features are instructions to the performance systems about interpretation. The computational system accesses items of the lexicon and maps them into expressions Exp = in a manner specified by the computational and economy principles of UG. The former constrain the structure building operations merge and move, while the latter ensure that the derivations formed by the structure building operations are not only convergent but also optimal. At some point, an operation called spell-out splits the

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derivation into two parts: one of them contains elements which are relevant only to interpretation at LF (the path from the lexicon to LF is known as narrow syntax), the other elements which are relevant only to interpretation at PF. (1) PF

LF Spell-out

Lexicon Spell-out and narrow syntax According to Chomsky (2000: 95) the computation of an expression converges at an interface level if it consists solely of objects which are interpretable to the performance systems accessing that level. To ensure convergence, all uninterpretable features (i.e. features that cannot be interpreted by the performance systems) must be eliminated in the course of the computation, before the derivation reaches the interface levels. Economy conditions require derivations to be optimal. This means, first, that instead of accessing the lexicon continuously at every step of the derivation, speakers reduce operative complexity by making a one-time selection of a lexical array LA from the lexicon which is then mapped to expressions Exp = (cf. Chomsky 2000: 101). Thus, a lexical array is a collection of lexical items (and their features) from the lexicon, roughly equivalent to the numeration in Chomsky 1995. Second, the economy conditions state that simple operations must be favoured over more complex and hence also more costly operations and, third, that all unnecessary operations must be eliminated. Failure to meet the economy conditions results in wrong interpretations. Operations are allowed if and only if they have effects at the interface levels. 2.1.1. Merge, agree and move The computational system takes derivations to the PF and LF interface levels, by selecting lexical items and generating derivations, in a manner specified by the computational and economy principles of UG. The syntactic component of the computational system is a series of structure building operations. The most elementary of these operations is merge: it takes two syntactic items α and β, and combines them into a new syntactic item χ. If α projects, then the merger of α and β produces a new syntactic item χ with a label K such that K = {α{α, β}} (cf. Chomsky 1995: 243-245): (2) α ru α β Set-Merge

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(2) above illustrates what Chomsky (2000: 133-143; 2001: 3-4) has called set-merge. In set-merge, one of the syntactic items, α or β, acts as a selector and is the projecting element. Set-merge is, then, an obligatory operation satisfying some property of the selector. In pair-merge, on the other hand, neither α nor β acts as a selector: pair-merge is an optional operation which adjoins α to β to form an ordered pair and which always leaves the category type unchanged. Adjoining α to β thus forms a new syntactic item with a label K such that K = {α, }: (3) α ru β α Pair-Merge Features can either be interpretable or uninterpretable. All uninterpretable features have to be eliminated from the derivation before it reaches interface levels. Uninterpretable features are eliminated or deleted by means of another operation, agree. Agree establishes an agreement or checking relation between two items α and β where α has uninterpretable features and β has interpretable features and the features of α are eliminated (cf. Chomsky 2001: 3-6). The structure in (4) below illustrates an instance of long distance agreement between α and β: (4)

αP ru

α [uF]

YP ru Y

β [F]

agreement A third operation, move, combines agree with merge. Move establishes an agreement or checking relation between an uninterpretable feature of α and a corresponding interpretable feature of β, by merging β to a projection headed by α. The difference between agree and move is that while in agree, the features of α are eliminated when both α and β remain in their original positions, in move they are eliminated by raising β from inside of αP to αP. This is illustrated in (5) where β moves to αP: (5)

αP ru

β αP [F] ru agreement α YP [uF] ru Y t movement

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In Chomsky (1995), movement of β to αP was driven by the uninterpretable features of β, which is the moving element, while within the Minimalist Inquiries framework, movement is crucially driven by the uninterpretable features of α, which is the target. Chomsky (2000: 102) assumes β to move to αP only when α has an uninterpretable EPP-feature, i.e. an ‘extra’ feature which allows α to take an ‘extra’ specifier beyond its s(emantic)-selection. Thus, the EPP determines the positions which are not forced by the projection principle, i.e. positions in which no theta roles are assigned, and which can serve as landing sites for movement, and as positions where expletive pronouns are merged, because expletives do not need a theta role. In (6a) below, we illustrate a situation where α has both a selectional and an ‘extra’ EPP feature, while (6b-c) illustrate situations where α has one or the other: (6)

a. [XP[YP[α ZP]]] b. [YP[α ZP]] c. [XP[α ZP]]

α selects YP, ZP and has EPP for XP α selects YP, ZP and has no EPP α selects ZP and has EPP for XP

The situation in (6a) allows for α to have both a selectional and an ‘extra’ EPP feature, with multiple specifiers, whereas the structures in (6b-c) do not allow for that. Since movement involves pied-piping of phonetically overt material to αP, it is a more costly operation than agree or merge, so it should only take place as last resort. If the lexical array contains an expletive, merge of that expletive is preferred over move. If, on the other hand the lexical array does not contain an expletive, move must take place, to provide convergence at the interface. Both situations are illustrated in (7a-b): (7)

a. There were three puppies in the basket. b. Three puppies were in the basket.

Chomsky (2000: 103; 106; 127) argues that ‘pure’ merge is only possible to theta positions and therefore, it is restricted to arguments. Non-theta positions can only be filled by movement or by merge of an expletive. Following this line of reasoning, movement or merge of an expletive can never take place to a theta position. Since adverbs are non-theta marked, it follows that they are licensed by movement not merge, and only Alexiadou’s ‘complement-like’ adverbs may be merged being argument-like in their nature. To see how the system outlined so far works, let us assume that the lexical array contains the items and their features: (8)

The lexical array:

T, D, John, v, boiled, D, eggs

Merge applies in pairs, i.e. at every stage, one of the items acts as a selector, so that the operation satisfies some property of the selector, in this case its c- and/or s-selection: (9)

a. Merge D, N: b. Merge D, N: c. Merge V, DP: d. Merge v, VP:

[DP John] [DP eggs] [VP boiled [DP eggs]] [vP v [VP boiled [DP eggs]]]

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e. Merge vP, DP: f. Merge T, vP:

23

[vP [DP John] [vP v [VP boiled [DP eggs]]]] [TP T [vP [DP John] [vP v [VP boiled [DP eggs]]]]]

The φ-features of functional T heads are uninterpretable since they have no semantic content, while the φ-features of DPs are interpretable, i.e. systems of thought can make use of the information that a particular DP, such as ‘John’, is [3rd person, singular, +human], while another DP, such as ‘eggs’, is [3rd person, plural, -human]; on a functional T, this information is irrelevant and the only reason for T to have a φ-feature is to show that it enters a relationship with a particular DP. According to Chomsky (2000: 122), uninterpretable φ-features of T act as a ‘probe’ which seeks a matching ‘goal’, i.e. a matching set of features, within T’s minimal domain/c-command domain. When the probe has located its goal and the uninterpretable features have been eliminated, the probe erases because of the matching. In (9f) the closest matching goal for T’s probe is the interpretable set of φ-features of ‘John’, so the uninterpretable features of T can be eliminated in two ways: a) by long-distance agreement between ‘John’ and T, or b) by raising ‘John’ to Spec,TP. The choice between these two options depends on the presence of an EPP feature on T: in English, T has an EPP property which requires that something should be merged with the category that it heads. In languages like Romanian, T lacks EPP and a long distance relationship is established between T and the relevant DP. This is in agreement with Cornilescu (2000) and Alboiu (2002) who claim that Romanian is a V-type EPP rather than T-type EPP language, therefore, the VSO order of Romanian is a direct result of T heads lacking EPP and of the finite V raising to T: (10)

a. [TP [DP John]i [TP T] [vP ti [vP v [VP boiled [DP eggs]]]]] b. [TP A deschisj [vP [DP Ion]i [vP tj [VP tj [DP o uşă]]]]] has-3sg. opened Ion a door ‘Ion opened a door’

According to Chomsky (2000: 123-124), the φ-features of v heads are also uninterpretable. In (9f), the closest matching goal for v’s probe is the corresponding feature of the DP ‘eggs’: the features of v, just like the features of T can be eliminated either by means of long-distance agreement, or, in languages where v also has an EPP property, by means of raising ‘eggs’ to Spec,vP. Besides their interpretable φ-features, the DPs ‘John’ and ‘eggs’ have an uninterpretable structural case feature. Following Chomsky (2000: 122-124), case features make DPs active so that they can be identified as the goals of some functional head’s probe. Although T and v heads do not have case and there are no reasons to believe their probes would manifest such features either, they are in Chomsky’s system nevertheless able to eliminate the structural case feature of their goal, i.e. assign nominative or accusative case to the DPs. According to Chomsky (2000:122), structural case is a “reflex of an uninterpretable φ-set” so that “it, too, erases under matching with a probe”. Chomsky (2001: 6) argues that structural case, although not a feature of the probes is “assigned a value under agreement, then removed by spell-out from the narrow syntax”. The question that arises here is what it means exactly for a feature to be eliminated. Following Chomsky (2000),

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Pesetsky & Torrego (2001), uninterpretable features enter the derivation without a value and they receive their values under agreement from a set of corresponding interpretable features. After they are valued, these features must be eliminated from the narrow syntax, because otherwise they become indistinguishable from interpretable features at LF but they are left at the same time available for phonology. The value is then transformed into an actual overt case morpheme in the morphological component of the grammar. This means that the situation in (1) must be replaced by the one in (11) below: (11) PF

LF Morphology Spell-out

Lexicon Spell-out and narrow syntax

Figure (11) above illustrates a situation where elements consist of various kinds of phonological, semantic and formal features up until morphology. The features play a crucial role in determining how the element is finally pronounced, i.e. which affixes it contains, which phonological processes it undergoes, etc. 2.1.2 Derivation by phase So far, we have assumed that the full sentence is constructed before spell-out applies and material is sent to the PF and LF interface levels. Chomsky (2000: 106; 2001: 11-12) assumes that derivations proceed in phases rather than constructing the full sentence at once. It means that after the lexical array LA is selected, a subarray LAi is selected and used to construct a syntactic object SOi. When this happens, another subarray LAj is selected to construct another syntactic object SOj. This proceeds until the LA is exhausted. Chomsky argues that each subarray must determine a syntactic object that is independent with respect to interface properties. Therefore, in this system, each subarray must contain an occurrence of C or little v, determining a clause or a verb phrase. Chomsky (2001:106) takes phases of a derivation to be to be syntactic objects derived by the choice of subarrays and concludes that a phase can be “either CP or vP, but not TP or lexical VP headed by H lacking φ-features and therefore not entering into case-agreement checking.” Phases are divided into weak and strong phases. Every strong phase must contain (cf. Chomsky 2001:12-13) a complete set of φ-features, which means that each strong phase must contain a φ-complete C or v head, so strong phases are finite CPs and transitive vPs. Strong phases are also subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition (cf. Chomsky 2000: 107-110, Chomsky 2001: 11-14).

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(12)

Phase Impenetrability Condition In phase α with head H, the domain H is not accessible to operations outside α; only H and its edge are accessible to such operations. In [ZP … Z … [HP α[H β]]], where HP is a strong phase and ZP is the next strong phase, only H and its edge are accessible to operations at ZP. In this case α is a hierarchy of specifiers or elements adjoined to HP constituting the edge of H while β constitutes its domain. The Phase Impenetrability Condition states that only H and α are accessible to operations outside of HP, and they are only accessible to operations within the next highest strong phase ZP. Operations at ZP cannot look into HP beyond its head. So if there is a feature F of Z which acts as a probe seeking a matching goal, then an agreement relation can only be established between the probe and a feature of H, or the probe and a feature of α but not between the probe and a feature of β. According to Gallego (2010), interpretation is ideally done piece by piece, that is, phase by phase, without any ‘backtracking’ or ‘recycling’. For instance, theta-role assignment is taken to operate in the vP cycle (cf. Hale & Keyser 1993), whereas binding rules require a bigger domain, that affects at least the whole clause, and therefore operates in the CP cycle (cf. Chomsky 1995). For Chomsky, the system is designed to reduce complexity, which is done by means of phase-by-phase derivations. Chomsky (2004: 124) argues that “[phases] should have a natural characterization in terms of [Interface Conditions]: they should be semantically and phonologically coherent and independent.” Gallego (2010) notices that the problem with this assertion is that we do not know what a ‘natural characterization’ is in advance and proposes the following possible characterizations:

-

Morpho-Phonological Component syllable structure stress intonation phonological phrasing categorization agreement/Case ellipsis

Semantic Component -

theta roles binding control predicate composition discourse-oriented interpretations (focus, topic, etc.)

Chomsky’s intuition is that phases are small: “phases should be as small as possible, to maximize the effects of strict cyclicity, hence computational efficiency.” (Chomsky 2007: 17) Gallego (2010) questions how small a phase should be. He provides several answers to that question: either they are every lexical items (every feature), in which case the option is too strong since it entails no structure and no compositionality; or, every application of Merge, which triggers two possible solutions: a. Merge (α,β) = {α,β} b. Merge (α,β) = {α,β}

Spell-Out {α,β} Spell-Out {β}

(Epstein & Seely 2002) (Boeckx 2009)

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It appears that only the b) option (cf. Gallego 2010) provides what Chomsky calls EDGE, i.e. a ‘memory buffer’ and seems adequate in order to avoid having to restart the computation after every application of Merge. As far as what triggers Spell-Out is concerned, Chomsky (2000) argues that it involves the existence of uninterpretable morphology, and φ-features are in v and C. Moreover, what the Phase Impenetrability Condition captures is the fact that compositionality imposes no going back to previous stages, i.e. no changes to what has already been assembled. Therefore, derivations proceed in phases and phases are in turn subject to the Phase Impenetrability Condition acting as barriers that restrict movement to higher positions. Elements inside one and the same phase may sometimes be equidistant for movement to a higher structural position. Only phase-mates (v and V, or T and C) can interact for compositionality purposes: C, T and external arguments interact for form/ interpretation effects, while v, V and internal arguments interact for form/interpretation effects (cf. Gallego 2010).

2.2. Functional projections As known, linguistic items are divided into two main types: substantive (lexical) and functional. Substantive items have descriptive content, nouns, adjectives and lexical verbs. Functional items are made up of elements having purely grammatical functions, auxiliary verbs and grammatical morphemes, such as tense, mood, etc. The distinction between lexical and functional categories is important to the extent that, in line with Chomsky (2000: 127), theta role assignment is only possible inside of substantive/lexical categories, i.e. all the arguments of a noun, adjective or lexical V are merged inside a projection of that noun, adjective or lexical V. Agreement and movement are only possible inside functional categories, i.e. in configurations where one of the elements is functional and the other one lexical. The distinction between lexical and functional categories was first discussed in Stowell (1981) and adopted by Chomsky (1986) and related work. By extending X’-theory, Chomsky (1986) assumed English sentences to have the following base generated structure: (13)

[CP Spec [C’ C [IP Subject [I’ I [VP Spec [V’ V Object]]]]]]

Fukui & Speas (1986), Sportiche (1988) and Koopman & Sportiche (1991) brought the first major revision to this structure, namely the VP-internal subject hypothesis, which stated that the subject of the sentence was base generated in Spec,VP, moving in those languages where no case was assigned to the Spec,VP position, to Spec,IP to receive nominative case from I under Spec-Head Agreement. The advantage of this proposal was that it allowed all arguments of V to be realized inside a projection of V: (14)

[CP Spec [C’ C [IP Subjecti [I’ I [VP ti [V’ V Object]]]]]]

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27

Pollock (1989) proposed that the tense and agreement features located under I should be treated as independent functional categories heading T(ense)P and Agr(eement)P. According to Pollock, Tense hosts features for finiteness and tense/mood, while Agreement is the locus of subject-verb agreement. He further argued that when present, negation was another functional category heading its own maximal projection. In Pollock’s system, therefore, English sentences had the following structure: (15)

[CP [C’ C [TP Subjecti [T’ T [NegP [Neg’ Neg [AgrP [Agr’ Agr [VP ti [V’ V Object]]]]]]]]]]

Within these theories, functional categories were closely associated with inflectional morphology and word formation processes because functional categories were supposed to host inflectional morphemes which the lexical stems then ‘picked up’ when moving to a higher position, or which were lowered onto lexical stems in their base positions. Within early Minimalist frameworks, including those proposed by Chomsky (1995), it was assumed that lexical items entered the derivation in their fully inflected forms, but were associated with features that needed checking in the syntax against the corresponding features of the appropriate functional head. Within these frameworks, the number of clausal Agreement projections was increased by adding AgsSP – responsible for subject-verb agreement and for checking nominative case on the subject DP, and AgrOP – responsible for checking accusative case on the direct object DP. The strength of the feature also determined whether it was checked overtly or covertly, thus, strong features driving overt movement, while weak features driving covert movement to the relevant Spec,AgrP position: (16) [CP [C’ C [AgrSP Subjecti [AgrS’ AgrS [TP [NegP [Neg’ Neg [AgrOP Objectj [AgrO’ AgrO [VP ti [V’ V tj]]]]]]]]]]] According to Chomsky (1995: 24), the postulation of functional categories must be justified “either by output conditions (phonetic and semantic interpretation) or by theory internal arguments”. Functional categories like T and D are justified by output conditions, to the extent that T has interpretable features such as [±Finite] and [±Tense], while D has features like [±Referential]. Functional categories such as Agreement, on the other hand, are only associated with uninterpretable features, so their presence in the structure must be justified by some theory-internal arguments. Chomsky (2000: 102) argues that all functional categories must be justified by output conditions. According to him, the core functional categories are C (expressing mood/force), T (expressing tense/event structure) and v (the ‘little’ or ‘light’ verbal head of transitive constructions). He also assumes each of these heads to contain an uninterpretable φ-feature set which must be checked and valued under agreement, against the corresponding features of the closest DP, and an EPP-feature, which allows heads to be targets of movement (Chomsky 2001:7) states that C, T and v are only cover terms for a richer array of functional categories. The presence of an EPP feature on a functional head is subject to parametric variation. C is the target of Wh movement, while T checks nominative case and hosts the derived grammatical subject. Little v, according to Chomsky (2000: 123-124), checks accusative case and hosts the derived

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direct object, at least in those languages where v has an EPP property. The relevant structure is the one in (17) below: (17) [CP [C’ C [AgrSP Subjecti [AgrS’ AgrS [TP [NegP [Neg’ Neg [AgrOP Objectj [AgrO’ AgrO [VP ti [V’ V tj]]]]]]]]]]] After this brief introduction to functional projections, let us move on to examine the functional structure of Romanian sentences.

2.3. The functional structure of Romanian sentences We shall assume the following clause structure for Romanian following Rivero (1994), Cornilescu (2000), Alboiu (2002) with the specification that Romanian sentences are minimally TenseP in the indicative and MoodP in the subjunctive, infinitive: (18)

MoodP < AgrSP < TenseP < AspP < VoiceP < VP

Morphological and syntactic evidence shows that the Romanian verb raises as far as M but not higher to C0. Cornilescu (2000) proves that there are two subject positions in Romanian. The first is the base position of the subject as Specifier of VP – the thematic position, where the subject receives its thematic role. In case it stays there Nominative case is assigned under Government. The second position identified by Cornilescu (2000) is Spec of AgrS – case checking position for Nominative. Evidence in favour of this view is given by the fact that Romanian is a pro-drop language and pro needs to be licensed in a case checking position which is not Spec of VP. A second argument comes from the existence of the double subject construction in Romanian which clearly indicates that one of the two subjects stays in Spec VP and the other necessarily checks case in Spec AgrS. Both subject positions in Romanian being postverbal since the language is VSO (cf. Dobrovie-Sorin 1994, Cornilescu 2000). As far as Romanian clause structure is concerned, we adopt the view that there is a generalized TP (Zubizarreta 1998, Cornilescu 2000, Alboiu 2002). As other Romance languages Romanian is VSO and it is interesting to explore how this particular word order is influenced by the occurrence of manner adverbs. The generalized TP analysis adopts the position in which heads consist of features that need to be checked against other heads. Thus, languages that have a generalized TP allow a certain amount of feature syncretism namely; discourse-based functional features such as: “topic”, “focus” or “emphasis”. These may combine with the feature T(ense), giving rise to the syncretic categories T/“topic”, T/“focus”, T/“emphasis”. According to Zubizarreta (1998), Cornilescu (2000), Alboiu (2002) the topic, focused or emphatic phrase may therefore be moved to the Spec TP position for feature-checking purposes, which is possible only to the extent that the nominative subject can be licensed in another way than via specifier-head agreement with T. This is true since as shown above Romanian has a case position for the subject Spec AgrS and the thematic position Spec VP. Therefore, it is safe to assume that the Spec of generalized T is available for feature checking of a focused manner adverb. 0

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2.3.1. The basic structure Following Dobrovie-Sorin (1994), Cornilescu (2000) and Alboiu (2002), we argue that Romanian clause structure has a number of substantive / lexical projections and non-substantive / functional projections which may or may not be present in the derivation. This is due to the properties of the lexical items inserted from the lexicon, alongside more abstract dimensions, such as tense, aspect, voice and mood, or point of view (Alboiu 2002: 21). Below, we illustrate all the projections that could in principle enter the structure of the Romanian clause. What is important to be noted here is that moved phrases cannot target positions that are internal to this domain because the Romanian IP consists exclusively of clitic material. This is supported by the impossibility of adverbs occurring between the auxiliary and the lexical verb in Romanian. The only adverbs that may occur here are the so-called clitic-like adverbs that may break the auxiliary-lexical verb sequence. This is illustrated in (19) below: (19)

a. Nu-mi mai place (*mai) culoarea galbenă. Not-me more like-3sgmore colour-the yellow-fem sg. ‘I don’t like the yellow colour any more.’ b. A tot vorbit despre acest subiect. Has-3sg still talked about this topic. “He kept on talking about this topic.” c. *A adesea/ieri vorbit despre acest subiect. Has-3sg often/yesterday talked about this topic. “He has quickly often/yesterday about this topic.” d. A vorbit adesea/ieri despre acest subiect. Has-3sg talked often/yesterday about this topic. “He has talked often/yesterday about this topic.”

The occurrence of this class of so-called clitic adverbs can be explained by the fact that the clitics (be they pronominal or adverbial) and the verb form a cluster (cf. Dobrovie-Sorin 1994, Cornilescu 2000) which behaves like one syntactic X-head unit. In the structure in (20) below, MP > NegP > CliticP > AgrSP > TP > AspectP make up the IP. CP refers to the projection hosting complementizers, roughly the equivalent of English ‘that’, which is realized in Romanian as că and ca in the indicative and subjunctive. Following Alboiu (2002), CP is absent in main clauses and all main clauses are IPs. The IP can be expanded to contain the following projections: MoodP, which hosts the subjunctive particle să and the infinitive particle a; in negative clauses the IP also contains a Negative Phrase (NegP), headed by the negative element nu ‘not’; CliticP hosts pronominal clitics and is situated below NegP; AgrP headed by auxiliaries marking person and number agreement with the subject; the Tense Phrase (TP), whose head hosts a strong verbal feature, i.e. [+V] or the EPP feature which attracts lexical verb raising into the inflectional domain in Romanian; the AspectP hosting the perfective marker fi appears below TP.

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(20) CP h

(Alboiu 2002: 22)

C’ fh C0 MP că/ca h M’ fh M0 NegP să/a h Neg’ fh Neg0 CliticP* nu h Clitic’ fh 0 Clitic AgrSP pron. h AgrS’ fh 0 TP AgrS AUX h T’ fh T0 AspectP [+V] h Aspect’ fh 0 Aspect vP fi fh Spec v’ SuNP fh v0 VP fh Spec V’ IO NP fh V0 DO NP

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Material below the IP contains the light verb projection (vP), present in active voice derivations but absent in passive and unaccusatives, whose specifier position hosts the subject of the clause. The [+V], i.e. EPP feature illustrated in (20) above on T0, is a selectional feature checked by head-adjunction (cf. Alboiu 2002) thus, triggering overt verb raising into the inflectional domain. Therefore, since in Romanian clauses the lexical verb inhabits I0, material appearing to the left of I0 is referred to as preverbal or as inhabiting the sentence left-periphery (that is the case of sentence adverbs) while material appearing below or to the right of I0 will be referred to as postverbal. 2.3.2. The Romanian CP domain Hill (2003) tries to give a unifying account of how Chomsky’s theory of phases and Rizzi’s (1997) split CP hypothesis for Romanian. An illustration of this hypothesis is given in (20) below: (20)

ForceP 2

Spec

Force’ 2 Force

TopP 2 Spec

Top’ 2 Top

FocP 2 Spec

Foc’ 2 Foc

FinP 2 Fin IP

Taking into account the fact that the condition on phases is met only by vP and CP constituents which allow for operations such as movement to cross only through their upper edge – the only one visible for computation – Hill (2003) tries to offer an analysis of the Romanian CP domain limiting herself to complement clauses in declarative sentences where she perceives certain variation. She argues that lexical complementizers such as ca and de are Fin elements appearing lower than că. Sentential complements range in two groups: one group that projects to ForceP (i.e., că) and one group that projects to FinP (i.e. ca, de, să, a). Since, as shown in section 2.1.2 CP qualifies as a Phase, it means that CP qualifies as a self-contained structural block in the derivation. Once a CP phase is built up, the derivation may stop or may continue with additional phases.If the derivation continues with an additional phase, then following the Phase Impenetrability Condition in (12), subsequent operations cannot look into the former phase further than the edge of that phase, i.e. the highest Spec or head of the CP field.

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Hill (2003) tests the ability of Romanian complmentizers to block NP-movemetn as an indication of phase-hood. To this extent she finds that complmentizers ca and de, which are lower in the CP hierarchy than că form stronger barriers than the latter by blocking NP-movement. Because the two complementizers do not carry qu-features, they are not expected to project a Spec position for wh-elements. Hill concludes that the lack of such positions is an indication of lack of structure above ca and de, which proves to be compatible with the impossibility of topic or focus movement above these two elements as illustrated in (21) below: (21)

a. *Speram de Ion ca fetele să aibă grijă. hoped-1sg. of Ion that girls-the SĂ-SUBJ have-3pl. care b. *?Speram DE ION ca fetele să aibă grijă (nu de Paul). hoped-1sg. of Ion that girls-the SĂ-SUBJ have-3pl. care not of Paul c. *?Speram de Ion să aibă grijă fetele. hoped-1sg. of Ion SĂ-SUBJ have-3pl. care girls-the d. ??Speram DE ION să aibă grijă fetele (nu de Paul). hoped-1sg. of Ion SĂ-SUBJ have-3pl. care girls-the not of Paul e. *Ne permitem toate fetele (de) a invita. us permit-1pl. all girls-the of to invite-INF f. *Ne-a făcut vasele de-am spălat. us has made dishes-the of have-1pl. washed (data and glosses from Hill 2003: 49)

Therefore, the difference between că and ca, de is that că complements project a complex CP, presumably up to ForceP (cf. Hill 2003), which contains projections that are compatible with wh-elements, while ca, de project a one-level CP, i.e. FinP, with no provisions for wh-movement at the edge of the phase.

2.4. Summing up In this chapter we introduced the general framework this book is centered around, namely the Minimalist Inquiries framework of Chomsky (2000, 2001). The purpose of this chapter was to introduce those aspects of the theory that exhibit relevance for the study of temporal and aspectual adverbs and the structure of the Romanian clause and CP domain. The discussion started by introducing the main ideas of the Minimalist Inquiries framework, section 2.2 took a closer look at functional projections since there are many studies on the syntax of adverbs that are centered on this issue. In section 2.3 we provided an overview of the structure and properties of Romanian sentences based on several existing analyses of the language.

CHAPTER 3 – TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS ACROSS FRAMEWORKS As the title suggests, this chapter offers an extensive analysis of the two theories that provide the framework for the study of adverbs in general. The discussion starts from the larger class of circumstantial adverbials. Since the cartographic approach is said to be mainly syntactic while the adjunction approach – mainly semantic, we will try to discuss both and come up with a solution that could accommodate the data in such a way that would reconcile the two views. Thus, under the specifier or cartographic approach, adverbs are treated as specifiers of functional heads (cf. Alexiadou 1997, Cinque 1999, Laenzlinger 1998, etc.). According to the cartographic approach, temporal and aspectual adverbs are licensed as specifiers of the functional projections of tense, and aspect (TP and AspP). Alexiadou (1994) proposes features in T0 and Asp0 which agree or match adverb features, whereas Cinque (1999) goes one step further and proposes the hypotheses according to which adverbs are generated in the specifier positions of the functional projections they agree with. Under the adjunction approach (cf. Ernst 2002, 2004, Haider, 2000, 2004 Costa 1998, 2004, adverbs are treated as left-adjoined as a result of a FEO Calculus, which offers a rather strict and more elegant hierarchy for the adjunction of adverbs.

3.1. The cartographic approach In what follows we will present the main proposals that are the foundation of the cartographic proposal in the study of adverbs. This is said to be mainly a syntactic approach since it appears to deal solely with the syntactic positions in which adverbs occur. However, the features and functional projections to which adverbs are matched are extremely reminiscent of the semantic classes also proposed in Jackendoff (1972). Obviously, there was always a desire at the back of everyone’s mind to map semantic interpretation onto syntactic features and by the end of this chapter we will see if this is indeed possible. 3.1.1. The feature theory. Cinque (1999) The larger class of circumstantial adverbials which follow the verb’s complements within the VP comprises a varied selection of elements: space, time, manner, means, company, reason, purpose, a.s.o. has captured the attention of linguists since in case of co-occurrence one cannot claim that they are all adjoined to the same position and given the

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binary character of minimalism, syntactitians had to come up with solutions to this puzzle. Cinque (1999: 28) examines data from English and Italian, and concludes that circumstantial adverbials differ from adverbs proper in that they are not rigidly ordered with respect to one another and they appear freely within each other’s scope, depending on their mutual structural relation. Thus, in example (1a) below, the place adverbial which contains an indefinite DP is in the scope of the time adverbial which contains a universal quantifier, while in example (1b) the reverse is true. (1)

a. He attended classes every day of the week in a different university. b. He attended classes in a different university every day of the week. (Cinque’s example 120, 1999:28)

These adverbials are different from AdvPs proper in that they are realized (with the partial exception of manner adverbials) as PPs (examples from Cinque 1999: 28, for three hours, in the kitchen, with great zeal, in a rude manner, etc.) or as bare NP forms (the day after, tomorrow, this way, here, etc.) Cinque assumes that due to their realization, these circumstantial adverbials cannot appear in any of the pre-VP positions that are available to AdvPs proper, except for the topic-like position. Nielsen points out that these adverbials also appear to differ from AdvPs proper from a semantic point of view, since the latter are operators, i.e. functions that map propositions to prepositions or predicates to predicates, whereas the former can be seen as modifiers predicated of an underlying event variable (cf. Davidson 1967). Given these features that make circumstantial adverbials different from AdvPs proper, Cinque concludes that it is only fair to distinguish between the two classes at a syntactic level as well. To this extent, he argues that one cannot assume the fact that circumstantial adverbials can occupy the specifier positions of the distinct functional projections above the VP. This also results from the fact that these adverbials do not occur in a rigid order as AdvPs do, so they are not generated in the specifier positions of functional projections. This also correlates with the fact that functional projections are viewed as “shells” that are external to the lexical projection, in this case the VP. In trying to make out the structural position of these circumstantial phrases, Cinque (1999: 29) suggests three possible solutions for their analysis: i) to follow Chomsky’s (1995: 333) conclusion that “if a shell structure is relevant at all, the additional phrases might be supported by empty heads below the main verb.” ii) to follow Nielsen’s (1998) suggestion based on a parallelism between the structure of clauses and that of DPs, according to which clauses should have “attributive” adverbials in the pre-VP position and “predicative” adverbials as their most deeply embedded constituents in the VP. Following this proposal, the post-complement circumstantial adverbials are actually “predicates” predicated of the VP, which is in line with Davidson’s 1967 semantic treatment of circumstantial adverbials. Therefore, in the example below, at the university is predicated of the VP John attended classes, while every day is predicated of the larger VP John attended classes at the university.

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(2)

35

a. John attended classes at the university every day. b. u ru F1 ru ru F2 F3 VP ru VP ru ru v NP VP VP 4 6 ru every day J. attended classes v PP 6 at the university (Cinque’s examples 122-123, 1999: 29) iii) a third option would be to assume that these circumstantial adverbials are base generated as specifiers of layered V heads, with the adverbial PPs in the specifier of distinct VP “shells”, followed by obligatory successive leftward movements of the lower VPs to higher specifiers as in (3) below. This particular analysis seems to Cinque more appropriate in accounting for the scope facts in (1a) and (1b) above.

(3)

u ru ru F1 F2 ru F3 VPi ru 4 ru every day v VPj ru 4 ru at the university v VPk 6 J. attended classes (Cinque’s structure 124, 1999: 30)

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Cinque’s study cross-examines data from a number of different languages leading him to propose the following universal order of adverbials, adverbial-related functional projections and the highest projection of V. Cinque (1999: 110) specifically states that although “some predictions can be formulated in relation to the positions of (subject and object) DPs with respect to various adverb classes … languages also differ as to the positions they make available to subject and object DPs along the fixed hierarchy of AdvPs”. Below we offer the hierarchy of the functional projections that we are directly interested in for the study of temporal and aspectual adverbs. Adverbial … once then … usually again often quickly already no longer still always just soon briefly characteristically (?) almost completely tutto … fast/early completely again often

Functional projection T(Past) T(Future) AspHabitual AspRepetitive(I) AspFrequentative(I)l AspCelerative T(Anterior) AspTerminative AspContinuative AspPerfect AspRetrospective AspProximative AspDurative AspProgressive AspProspective AspSgCompletive(I) AspPlCompletive AspCelerative (II) AspSgCompletive(II) AspRepetitive (II) AspFrequentative (II)

Cinque argues that he needs to compensate for the ban on free adjunction to FP and free base generation in F’ which decrease the number of potential adverbial positions by introducing a large number of functional projections. The least costly assumption is, according to Cinque (1999: 132-134), to have all these projections present universally in all sentences all the time. This means that a habitual aspectual projection must be present even if the sentence is non-habitual, which also leads to the conclusion that the specifier positions of these functional projections sometimes remain empty, because the projection is present even if there is nothing in its specifier position and even if its head position only contains features that are not associated with phonologically overt morphology.

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3.1.2. The double specifier model. Laenzlinger (1998) Laenzlinger’s (1998) theory has some common points with Cinque and Alexiadou, to the extent that he goes along the same lines of merging adverbs into specifier positions under feature checking or matching between the adverb and the licensing head. In his system, adverbs can be specifiers of both functional as well as V0 heads. Laenzlinger identifies two types of adverbs: quantifier adverbs and qualifier adverbs. Quantifier adverbs assign quantificational value to a variable and they roughly correspond to sentence adverbs, while qualifier adverbs assign qualificational value to a variable and roughly correspond to VP-adverbs. Both are licensed as A’ specifiers. Laenzlinger (1998: 82-88) claims that there is a difference in how adverbs check their relevant features. Quantifier adverbs which check quantificational features are subject to the Adv-Criterion, whereas qualifier adverbs which check lexically related features including Case, φ and possible θ-features, are subject to checking theory. The difference in the way they are licensed can be observed in connection with movement. Adv Criterion A [+F] adverbial phrase must be in Spec-head configuration with a [+F] X0. Laenzlinger (1998:86) claims that the Adv Criterion can only be satisfied “by the head of the chain, that is, by the lexical element itself at the end of the derivation.” Thus, quantifier adverbs cannot undergo movement operations such as wh-movement, topicalization, focus-related movement, once their quantificational features have been checked in the relevant specifier position. However, in the case of checking theory, which can be satisfied by any member of the chain, qualifier adverbs can move even after their lexically related features have been checked. The examples below from Laenzlinger (1998: 87-88) illustrate the difference between the two classes and the traces indicates the positions where the relevant features have been checked. Quantifier adverbs: (4)

a. *Beaucoupi, j’ai ti apprécié ces livres. “Very much I liked these books.” b. *C’est énormèmenti, que j’ai ti dormi ce matin. “It’s a lot that I slept this morning” c. *C’est probablementi que ti tu as vu Marie. “It is probably that you saw Mary” d. *DEJAi, il est ti venu ici, mais seulement une fois. “Already he went there, but not more than once” Qualifier adverbs:

(5)

a. Attentivementi, j’ai ti lu ces livres. “Carefully he read these books.” b. C’est récemmenti qu’il achèva ti sa thèse.

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“It’s recently that he completed his thesis” c. C’est impolimenti qu’il adressa ti à la Reine. “It’s rudely that he spoke to the queen” d. DEMAINi nous irons ti à la plage, pas aujourd’hui “Tomorrow we will go to the beach, not today” Laenzlinger’s system allows for two specifiers at most for each projection: an A-specifier and an A’-specifier. An A-specifier is licensed by A features in the head, such as φ features, whereas an A’-specifier is licensed by A’ features, i.e. operator-like features such as wh, focus, topic and negation, on the head. Laenzlinger claims that it is the A’ features which give rise to the Adv-Criterion and checking theory. Laenzlinger (1998: 76) gives the following definitions to A-specifiers and A’-specifiers: α is an A-specifier of β iff (i) α and β are sisters (ii) α is a projection α is an A’-specifier of β iff (iii) α and β are sisters (iv) β is a segment These definitions yield the structures below. A head can carry both A’- and A-features and have both A’- and A-specifier. If a head only carries A’- or A-features, then it can have only one specifier. Furthermore, in Laenzlinger’s system, specifiers can also branch to the right: (6a)

XP (6b) XP2 ru ru A’-Specifier X’2 A’/A-Specifer XP1 ru ru X0 Complement A-Specifier X’1 ru ru 0 X Complement A’- and A-specifiers of a head

A’- or A-specifiers of a head

These structures are quite similar to those proposed in Chomsky (2000, 2001), in the sense that a single head is allowed to have a feature for both a selected specifier and an ‘extra’ specifier, which is the basis for an EPP property in Chomsky’s system. Laenzlinger (1998) differs from Kayne (1994), Chomsky (1995), Alexiadou (1997) and Cinque (1993, 1999) in that he allows the A’-specifiers to branch freely to the left and to the right, arguing that there is empirical support for a sentence final non-complement position. In (7) below, Laenzlinger (1998: 80) shows how time adverbs, although merged as specifiers of a functional head which is high up in the structure, can sometimes follow all other sentence elements in linear word order.

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(7)

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a. Jean a regardé Marie discrètement / hier. b. John looked at Mary discreetly / yesterday.

Laenzlinger argues that if manner adverbs are analysed as the right-branching A’-specifiers of VP, and temporal adverbs as the right-branching A’-specifiers of TP, the scope properties of the adverbs in sentences such as (7) above, can be explained in a simple way, namely that a right-branching adverb is the specifier of the maximal projection over which it has scope the same way as a left-branching adverb is the specifier of the maximal projection over which it has scope. The idea of right-branching A’-specifier positions finds support in Laenzlinger’s view in particular types of relativized minimality effects: the blocking effects on the extraction of the quantifier combien from a nominal complement can be expected, if the sentence final adverbials vraiment énormèment and vraiment souvent occupy an intervening, right-branching A’-specifier position. The following French examples and glosses are from Laenzlinger (1998:82): (8)

a. *[Combien]i as-tu [e]i lu de livres de Chomsky vraiment énormèment/souvent? b. [Combien de livres de Chomsky]i as-tu lus [e]i vraiment énormèment/souvent? ‘How many of Chomsky’s books did you read really a lot/often?’

Laenzlinger’s theory of adverbs does not share the same problems as those of Cinque and Alexiadou, but it does raise certain questions. The introduction of right-branching specifier positions is not only against the rather restrictive nature of Laenzlinger’s theory but it also seems to result in a number of incorrect predictions. If A’-specifier nodes can branch both to the left and the right, Laenzlinger is forced to introduce some extra assumptions to explain why some A’-specifier nodes can only branch to the left, while others only branch to the right: (9)

a. I have always lived elegantly. b. *I have lived elegantly always.

(10)

a. Jean a regardé Marie hier. ‘Jean looked at Mary yesterday’ b. *Jean a regardé hier Marie. ‘Jean looked yesterday at Mary’ c. *Jean hier a regardé Marie. ‘Jean yesterday looked at Mary’

Manninen (2003: 98) suggests that if manner adverbs appear in a right-branching [Spec,VP] and time adverbs in a right-branching [Spec,TP], examples from Finnish in (11a) below differ in their interpretation. (11)

a. Sirkku on kävellyt ontumalla joka ilta. Sirkku be.3sg walk.pcp limp.3inf.adess every night

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‘Sirkku has walked with a limp every night’ b. Sirkku on kävellyt joka ilta ontumalla. Sirkku be.3sg walk.pcp every night limp.3inf.adess ‘Sirkku has walked every night with a limp’ The linear word order of (11a) would have to correspond to a ‘normal’ hierarchical order, according to Manninen (2003: 99), whereas the linear order of (11b) would have to be the result of moving the manner adverbial across the time adverbial to some right-branching specifier of a functional head. Since movement must always be driven by feature checking, one would be forced to predict that the manner adverbial has focus or some other features driving its movement to the right-branching specifier position. However, she claims that there is no difference in interpretation or focus structure between (11a) and (11b), and concludes that this is a general fact about Finnish and in a number of other languages: circumstantial adverbials do not have any fixed ordering with respect to each other which is strong evidence in Manninen’s view against the movement analysis proposed by Laenzlinger. 3.1.3. Alexiadou (1997) Alexiadou was among the first linguists to provide an account for the analysis and placement of temporal and aspectual adverbs. Her main claim is that they are licensed as Specifiers of Aspect and Tense Phrase (Alexiadou 1997: 101). Her argument was prompted by the fact that such a relation would capture the dependencies between adverbs and the respective functional heads. (12)

(13)

a. Ion mergea de obicei / *de două ori la şcoală. Ion went-IMPF usually / twice to school ‘Ion was usually going to school.’ b. Ion tocmai / *de obicei a plecat. Ion just / usually left ‘Ion has just left.’ a. Ion a venit ieri / *mâine. Ion has come-PC yesterday / tomorrow ‘Ion came yesterday.’ b. Ion va sosi joi în Bucureşti. Ion will arrive-FUT Thursday in Bucharest ‘Ion will arrive in Bucharest on Thursday.’

In (12a), an indefinite frequency adverb can occur with a verb that is inflected for the Imperfective Aspect, whereas a definite frequency adverb such as de două ori ‘twice’ cannot. In (12b) on the other hand, the verb is in the perfect compus (PC) so the indefinite frequency adverb is banned, while the definite adverb tocmai ‘just’ is fine. In (13a), we can notice that the verb which is inflected for the same PC, which is a past tense, allows with an adverb denoting past reference but cannot coocur with an adverb understood as future

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referring (i.e. mâine ‘tomorrow’). In (13b) the adverb joi ‘on Thrusday’, an unanchored adverb, is understood as future referring, hence the grammaticality of the sentence. Given these contexts, it is obvious that the occurrence of temporal adverbs may impose certain constraints on the tenses of the verb in the sentence. This idea is not new, and such dependencies have been discussed before for Romanian as well. Vişan (2006: 131) discusses the past-adverb constraint in her analysis of the Romanian PC as introducing events resulting into states into the discourse. Thus, Romanian PC combines with definite past adverbials, which are confined to past tense sentences in English. (14)

A venit acum două zile / joia trecută / ieri / în 1938. has come-PC now two days / Thursday last / yesterday / in 1938 ‘He came two days ago / last Thursday / yesterday / in 1938.’ (example (61) in Vişan 2006: 131)

Therefore, such dependencies that capture the concord between the relevant adverb and the verb could be explained under Alexiadou’s analysis. In fact these observations are not new, they come from ancient times. Priscian in his Institutiones grammaticae, cited in Pinkster (2005: 39), noted that some adverbs1 in Latin, such as sapienter (‘wisely’) can be associated with any tense, whereas others cannot, e.g. heri (‘yesterday’), and although his remarks might seem trivial, they could be a starting point for an analysis of the compatibility of adverbs with supposed aspectual verb forms and various modes of action, such as Aktionsart. As far as aspect is concerned Alexiadou’s acception of the term goes along the lines of Smith (1991) who distinguishes between two types of Aspect: Situation Aspect (SA) and Viewpoint Aspect (VA). SA is triggered by the verb and its arguments, while VA is signaled by a grammatical morpheme adjacent to the verb. SA in turn distinguishes between the different situation types: states, achievement, accomplishments, activities, while VA distinguishes between Perfective and Imperfective. Perfective Aspect as in (14) above focuses on the situation as a whole, whereas Imperfective Aspect as in (12a) above focuses on a part of the situation, ignoring initial or final points. What is relevant in the analysis of aspectual adverbs is Viewpoint Aspect so our analysis will therefore concentrate on that. In what follows we will attempt to offer a brief view of the Perfective / Imperfective distinction in Romanian, starting from Alexiadou’s model for Modern Greek (1997: 104)

1

The term adverb comes from the Latin adverbium which is in turn a translation of the Greek ‘epirrhema’ (cf. Pinkster 2005: 35). Apparently, when Roman grammarians translated the Greek term by adverbium, they interpreted it in a neutral sense: ‘what is placed with the verb’. It is possible that some Greeks at least may have interpreted it as ‘what follows the verb’ following the translation of Apollonius Dyscolus’s definition of epirrhema: ‘part of speech without inflection, in modification of or in addition to an adverb’ (Pinkster 2005: 35ff2)

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Imperfective Non-past

Past

Citeşte mereu. (Prezent) Reads-PRES always ‘S/He always reads.’ Citea. (Imperfect) Read-IMP ‘S/He was reading.’

Perfective Citeşte o dată. (Prezent) Reads-PRES once ‘S/He reads once.’ A citit. (Perfect Compus) has-read-PAST PRT ‘S/He read.’ Citi. (Perfect simplu) Read-3rd sg.-PS ‘S/He read.’

The picture is not as simple as that, many other factors intervene in the interpretation of Romanian tense and aspect, and this falls outside the scope of this book.2 This distinction is taken into account only insofar as it helps clearing a bit the picture of adverb placement and classification of Romanian aspectual adverbs as will be seen in the following chapter of this book. As far as temporal adverbs are concerned, Alexiadou notices that in languages such as English, German, French, Italian, Spanish, Modern Greek, temporal adverbials can be bare lexical items, similar to NPs (yesterday) or PPs (on Thursday). Romanian is no exception. Enç (1986, 1987) claims that temporal adverbs can be treated as referential expressions because they are just NPs marked [+TEMP] in the lexicon. So in this respect they can be differentiated from other adverbs, such as aspectuals that can be analyzed semantically as operators. Expressions such as on Thursday or in 1938, behave like bare NP adverbs. The example in (14) above proves that expressions in the object language can quantify over or refer to times. Enç (1986, 1987) argues that the relation between Tense and temporal adverbs is an inclusion relation, i.e. a case of broad antecedence. (15)

a. Ion a plecat ieri. Ion has left-PC yesterday ‘Ion left yesterday.’ b. *Ion a plecat mâine. Ion has left-PC tomorrow ‘Ion left tomorrow.’

Thus, in (15a) the denotation of the Perfect Compus is included in the denotation of the adverb, whereas in (15b) this is not so. If the adverb is to be interpreted at all, it must be in a c-commanding position with respect to TP, since it refers to the temporal features of Inflection.

2

Vişan (2012: 191) argues that the Romanian Perfect Compus is on the verge of entering stage 4 of grammaticalization of possessive perfects in Heine & Kuteva’s (2006: 148) terminology, since it has largely taken over the function of marking past time reference even in standard Romanian where the Perfect Simplu was preferred, hance the ousting of Perfect Simplu where it used to denote narrative progression.

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Smith (1981) identifies three groups of temporal adverbs from an interpretative point of view: a) deictic: ieri, mâine; b) calendar-clock: marţi, la prânz; c) dependent: după aceea. Deictic adverbs are marked [+/- Past], calendar-clock are vague while dependent ones are always related to a certain context. TENSE TEMPORAL ADVERBS

PAST ieri

NON-PAST azi, mâine

Languages such as English and Romanian show certain compatibilities between Tense and temporal adverbials. As seen in (13), (14) and (15) above, there are several combinations of tense and time adverbials, where some are compatible and others are not. Below we offer a more detailed illustration of that for Romanian: (16)

a. Ion vine azi / mâine. Ion comes-PRES today / tomorrow b. *Ion vine ieri. Ion comes-PRES yesterday c. Ion a venit ieri / azi. Ion came-PC today / tomorrow d. Ion a venit mâine. Ion came-PC yesterday e. Ion va veni mâine / azi. Ion will come-FUT today / tomorrow f. *Ion va veni ieri. Ion will come-FUT yesterday

We can notice that both the present tense and the future may combine with both a present and a future adverb, whereas the PC can only combine with a past adverb and under its resultative interpretation which brings it closer to the English Present Perfect, it can also combine with a present adverb. However, the possibility of the present tense to combine with a future adverb, i.e. an adverb denoting an interval following the moment of speech, is restricted to the class of activity verbs and looks quite strange if combined with states, because these types of predicates are true at the moment of speech: (17)

a. Ion vine mâine. Ion comes-PRES tomorrow b. Ion ştie răspunsul mâine. Ion knows-PRES answer-the tomorrow

The examples in (16) and (17) contain deictic adverbs. Alexiadou (1997: 129) argues that these adverbs are not only marked [+ temp], but they are also marked for the distinction [+/- PAST]. Calendar-clock adverbs look fine in all contexts, but they are interpreted function of the tense of the verb.

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a. Ion va veni luni. Ion will come-FUT on Monday b. Ion a venit luni. Ion has come-PC on Monday ‘Ion came on Monday.’

According to Smith (1981), a temporal adverb must be always be present for an unambiguous temporal interpretation of the sentence. Alexiadou (1997: 130) argues that the tense morpheme should be located in T0. Temporal adverbs are specified as maerked for temporal features similar to the ones located in T0. Therefore, Alexiadou’s operating hypothesis is that “these adverbs must be checking this agreement relation in a Spec-head configuration in TP, if T0 is primarily marked for temporal features and is primarily responsible for temporal interpretation.” After examining the data, Alexiadou comes up with three possible solutions in the case of temporal adverbs. The first solution would be for temporal adverbs to be generated in [Spec, TP] while everything else moves over. The problem with this proposal is that it is very difficult to motivate; the case of temporal adverbs occurring in sentence final position is a case in point. It would mean that every element has moved across them, but in that case the problem lies with the positions those elements moved to and the motivation behind that movement. So she rules out this proposal. The second proposal claims that it would be possible to say that adverbs appear sentence finally, because [Spec, TP] is on the right. Alexiadou does not find this solution to be elegant, because it would mean that [Spec, TP] can be either on the left (to account for the mid position of the adverb) or on the right, so this proposal is also rejected. Finally, Alexiadou (1997: 138) chooses to interpret temporal adverbs as referential expressions bearing a referential thematic role. As such, temporal adverbs appear inside the VP originally (in the Minimalist Program, the VP is the domain of theta-role assignment), but move to [Spec, TP] for licensing. The movement can be overt or covert. To sum up, Alexiadou’s arguments for assuming that temporal adverbs raise to [Spec, TP] include semnatic, interpretative matching. So if one claims that semantic features are also relevant, then we can derive that adverbs which appear overtly in a clause must belong to different semantic classes. This is due to the fact that each projection in syntax is associated with only one feature in semantics (cf. Alexiadou 1997: 142). This matching is therefore restricted in the [+temp] feature shared by T0 and temporal adverbs. This account is the closest to the adjunction accounts of Ernst (2002) and Haider (2000, 2004) that are discussed in the following section.

3.2. In favour of left adjunction In this book we adopt the view that adverbs are left-adjoined, a category specific constraint along the lines of the directionality of adjunction proposed by Haider (2000, 2004) and the FEO Calculus of Ernst (2002). Perhaps the most important assumption is that the meaning of adverbs is derived in the syntax, only if it is not inherent; this has consequences on the way adverbs distribute.

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The basic claim is that the meaning of adverbs may vary in their lexical entries. Thus, some adverbs may have an inherent meaning, while other adverbs may be associated with a meaning depending on their syntactic distribution. A clear example of this difference comes from the difference in meaning between an adverb such as yesterday and an adverb such as stupidly. Independently of its syntactic placement yesterday has an inherent meaning (“the day before the reference or utterance time”). The fact that it may surface in difference positions does not affect its meaning. In the case of stupidly, the adverb may have two meanings: a manner reading (‘in a stupid manner’) or it can have a subject-oriented reading (‘it was stupid of X to do Y’). This difference between inherent meanings and non-inherent meanings is crucial, because it may help understand the issue concerning the relation between adverb syntax and adverb meaning. Thus, if an adverb has inherent meaning, its position will not affect its interpretation, and the prediction is that it will distribute quite freely. This is borne out by the data in the case of yesterday. (19) (Yesterday) John (yesterday) had (yesterday) been (yesterday) talking (yesterday) to his friends (yesterday). The assumption that some adverbs do not have an inherent meaning, i.e. they are ambiguous and that their meaning may be obtained in certain specific syntactic configurations goes along the lines of Ernst. Costa (1998) assumes Barbiers’ Principle of Semantic Interpretation. Principle of Semantic Interpretation (i) The node Z establishes a S(emantic)-relation between the nodes X and Y iff X immediately c-commands Z and Z immediately c-commands Y (ii) The node Z is a qualifier of Y iff Z establishes a S-relation between X and Y, and X and Y are coindexed Among the advantages of accepting such a view is the fact that it provides the means for analyzing clause-final position without resorting to either adverb extraposition or right-adjunction. One other advantage is that it accommodates the traditional view that whenever an adverb does not have an inherent meaning, its meaning may be derived in syntax. Adverbs like probabil / probably may scope over the constituents surfacing to its right. (20)

a. Ion probabil (că) a citit cartea cu prietenii ieri. Ion probably (that) has read book-THE with friends-THE yesterday. b. Ion a citit probabil cartea cu prietenii ieri. Ion has read probably book-THE with friends-THE yesterday. c. Ion a citit cartea probabil cu prietenii ieri. Ion has read book-THE probably with friends-THE yesterday. d. Ion a citit cartea cu prietenii probabil (ieri). Ion has read book-THE with friends-THE probably yesterday.

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In the examples under (20) it is not the meaning of the adverb that varies with its placement but rather its domain of modification, or the scope it takes. These sentences differ from the cases of adverbs that are ambiguous in meaning but they are ambiguous in terms of their scope or domain of modification. According to Costa (2004), syntax will be relevant for interpretation, in the sense that syntactic placement conditions the meaning associated with the adverb. According to Costa’s (2004) multifactorial analysis, adverbs are lexically associated with meanings, grouping them into two major classes: IP-modifiers and VP-modifiers. If adverbs come from the lexicon unambiguously associated with a meaning, there is no need for syntactic principles other than adjunction to the relevant domain to mediate the connection between meaning and position. If the adverb is not associated with a particular meaning, a principle of semantic interpretation, such as the one adopted from Barbiers, can mediate this connection. 3.2.1. Haider (2000, 2004) Haider (2000, 2004) argues against analyses where adverbs are assigned to Spec-positions of functional heads. Following Haider (2000, 2004) and Ernst (2004) adverbs are either adjoined or embedded depending on the relation to the head of the containing phrase. -

they are adjoined if they precede the head of the containing phrase; they are embedded if they follow the head of the containing phrase.

The relative order of adverbs is characterized as an interface effect of the mapping of syntactic domains on type domains in the structure of the semantic representation. The differences in pre- and post-head serialization patterns of adverbs that appear to support an adjunction analysis are reconciled with an embedding analysis. The claim here is that the (language specific) clause structure determines what is a potential adverbial slot. The interpretation and consequently the relative order of adverbs is a function of semantically determined compositionality domains. Syntactic order reflects the respective c-command domains. These are mapped on semantic domains. Adverbial order reflects the domain specific interpretation requirements for adverbials as a function of their semantic type. According to (Haider 2000), current Spec-F analyses are too narrow in their coverage since these approaches are shaped to the structure of the VP and its functional extensions, overlooking that there are other contexts (adverbials in APs, DPs) that need to be covered, which in Haider’s view provide strong empirical evidence against the spec-F analyses. German (21) a. die [gestern rechtzeitig mehrfach gründlich durchsuchten] Räume. the [yesterday timely repeatedly thoroughly searched] rooms vs b. Man hat die Räume gestern rechtzeitig mehrfach gründlich durchsucht. They have the rooms yesterday timely repeatedly thoroughly searched.

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One can clearly notice the mirror image of the order of adverbials following a head. This mirror image order of pre- and post-verbal adverbs is the immediate result of adjunction to the left or to the right of a given constituent, say, a VP. A complex head-initial projection (i.e. one that has more than one complement) is made up of projection shells (Larson 1988). This property of head initial projections is derivable as a theorem from a combination of three axioms (Haider 2000): (i) Projections are endocentric; (ii) Heads license their complements directionally; (iii) Projections are right-branching. According to this theorem we can derive the following two representations for head-initial / VO (22a) vs. head-final / OV (22b) languages. The arrows are indicative of the directionality of licensing in that language. (22a)

head-initial VP (VO languages)

….V’ 3 V0

(22b)

head-final VP (OV languages)

VP 2 4 V’ 2 V0 4 .....V’ 2 4 V’ 2 4  V0

The arrows in (22a) and (22b) above indicate the licensing directionality of the head. Thus in head initial languages, pre-head positions are not directionally licensed while in head-final languages the phrases are all on the directionally side of the head. A direct consequence is that strictly VP-internal adverbs cannot precede the finite auxiliary in English. Haider (2004) tries to address a number of questions regarding the left/right position of adverbs with respect to V0 and the way this correlates with head-initial versus head-final word order characteristics. The suggestion here is that they are adjoined which entails restrictions for adjunctions to head initial projections as well as restrictions against adjoining to the right following the lines of Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry and ban on right adjunction. He also addresses the issue regarding the exclusion of sentential and phrasal adverbials from sentence-medial position in VO languages. These restrictions arise from the differences in the architecture of functional projections in VO vs OV clause structure and the assumption that adverbials are adjoined rather than in specifier positions. One of the most important issues in Haider’s (2004) analysis regards the treatment of postverbal adverbs which he suggests should be analyzed as embedded rather than right-adjoined.

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Haider (2004: 780) lists a series of counterarguments on both empiric and theoretical grounds against a spec-F analysis: lack of opacity for extraction; edge effects; interaction of VP topicalization and the head movement constraint. According to Haider, the lack of opacity effects is a serious problem for spec analyses as well as for the adjunction analysis, because “if grammar theory has produced insights into cross-linguistically valid invariants at all in the last two decades, the prime candidate is the opacity effect for constituents in spec positions.” Therefore, if we extract subconstituents of phrases in spec positions robust unacceptability effects are produced. The reason for this is the ungrammaticality of extraction out of phrases in spec positions. A constituent in a spec position is an extraction island (23b-c) and so is an adjoined position (23e). (23)

a. the constraint that it became difficult [to talk about e] b. *the constraint that [talking about e] c. *Which kind of constraintsi did [talking about ei] become difficult? d. *Whoi did [to ei] she give it? e. *the spot that/whichi he said [CP [on ei] there will stand a huge tower]

Although it is an OV language, it appears that German presents the same kind of problem as the one raised by the data above in (23a-c). In German phrases that precede clause-medial adverbials are not opaque, but they should be if the spec analysis is applied. According to Haider (2004), the prediction in this case is that if a phrase P precedes an adverbial in the specifier position of a functional head, P must be in the specifier position of a functional head as well, or it must be adjoined to a functional projection, and so it should be opaque. The data supplied by Haider for German do not support this prediction: (24)

a. Weni hat er [ei damit zu konfrontieren] leider noch nicht versucht b. Weni hat er leider noch nicht [ei damit zu konfrontieren] versucht who has he [with-it to confront] unfortunately not yet tried (data and glosses from Haider 2004: 782)

Basically, what the opacity data clearly show (cf. Haider 2004: 782) is that in German which is an OV system, preverbal adverbials cannot be assigned to specifier positions. Haider concludes that on the basis of the OV-VO contrast, or what he calls head-initial vs. head-final adverbs cannot be assigned to spec positions. Another counterargument for the spec analysis is raised by edge effects. Specifiers are positions for complete phrases so if intermediate adverbial positions are spec positions, then there is no way for a constraint on the structure of the spec constituent to apply. He concludes that an adjunction analysis of adverbs is compatible with an edge effect illustrated in (25) below, whereas a spec-F analysis is not. (25)

a. He has [(much more) carefully (*than anyone else)] analyzed it. b. He has [(much less) often (*than I (thought))] rehearsed it.

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Thus, material on the left is allowed, but not on the right of the head of the preverbal adverbial phrase. The edge effect is not a language-specific phenomenon but a projection-specific one, some sort of side-effect to of adjunction to head initial projections. 3.2.2. The scope theory. Ernst (2002) Ernst’s theory tries among other things to answer the following questions (2002:311) a) What are the permissible positions for an adverbial with respect to verbal, aspectual, modal, and other clausal heads? b) What are the permissible positions for an adverbial with respect any other adverbial (including negation if it is not a clausal head)? c) How can we account for linear orders that do not straightforwardly reflect scope relations? Many current versions of the Split Inflection Hypothesis assume various agreement nodes or separate nodes for each inflectional affix in the AuxRange, or both. For English, Ernst (2002: 313) suggests the addition of functional heads an projections for the affixes -en, -ing, and -en after Perf, Prog, and Pass, respectively, and have each verb raise into those nodes. Below there is the surface sequence of (to) have been being painted: (26)

PerfP 2

Perf have

AgrPPERF 2 AgrPERF ProgP -en 2 Prog AgrPPROG be 2 AgrPROG VoiceP -ing 2 Voice AgrPPASS be 2 AgrPASS VP -en g V paint

For the purposes of the FEO Calculus, tense is treated as requiring event arguments. To this extent, we adopt a version of the system in Reichenbach (1947) and developed further by Hornstein (1990), Smith (1991), in which tenses are distinguished by different relations among three points: Speech Time (ST), Reference Time (RT) and Event Time (ET). In most case ST is the actual time at which the sentence is uttered (i.e. now, or around now). For simple tenses, i.e. present, past and future, RT and ET are the same. In the case of perfect “tenses”, they are sepearated. Below we render the scheme of the six tenses where ‘ wisely > suddenly > already

Cinque (1999:106)

This would entail that these five occurrences are not the same adverb licensed by the same head, but rather each one is licensed by a different head that contributes some extra tinge of meaning, by which each adverb gets a different interpretation. The Scope theory, defended by Ernst (2002) predicts patterns where an adverb like frequently uniformly takes an event whose content is specified by the immediate c-commanding domain. As will be shown in the following chapter the same holds true for the data in Romanian.

CHAPTER 4 – TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS – CLASSIFICATIONS, CONTEXTS OF OCCURRENCE AND LICENSING In this chapter, we try to provide an account for the licensing, placement and interpretation of temporal and aspectual adverbs in English and Romanian. As seen in the previous chapters, the two current theories on adverb placement and licensing argue for either Specifiers of Tense and Aspect Phrase respectively or for adjoining them in the IP/VP domains. At first glance, it may seem that the specifier approach better captures the dependencies between adverbs and the respective functional head: (1)

(2)

a. Ion mergea de obicei / *de două ori la birou. Ion went usually / twice to the office. b. Ion tocmai / *de obicei a plecat. Ion just / usually left. a. Ion a venit ieri / *mâine. Ion came yesterday / tomorrow. b. Ion va sosi joi. Ion will arrive on Thursday.

We can observe that in (1a-b) an indefinite frequency adverb may occur together with a verb inflected for the imperfective aspect, while the definite adverb (tocmai/just) or the definite frequency adverb (de două ori/twice) cannot. In (2a) the verb inflected for a past tense can only co-occur with an adverb that denotes past time reference, while in (2b) the adverb(ial) joi/on Thursday (which is, as we shall see, an unanchored adverbial) is understood as future referring. The cartographic approach claims that the concord between the verb and the relevant adverb is captured by the one-to-one relation between them and the adverbial position after V movement to I0. The chapter is organized as follows: section 1 is concerned with the various classifications of adverbs existing in the literature starting from their general function and behaviour, going through the traditional classification of Romanian temporal and aspectual adverbs according to Gramatica Academiei, adopting the various features given by their classifications according to their orientation in time and finally adopting Ernst’s subclasses which match the analysis chosen in this book. Section 2 revisits sentence structure in both English and Romanian. Section 3 analyses the various position of temporal and aspectual adverbs in the framework chosen. Section 4 takes a look at the asymmetries that arise between left and right temporal adverbials in English and section 5 investigates the behaviour of these two classes of adverbs in nominalizations. Section 6 is dedicated to the final remarks on this chapter.

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4.1. Classifications: English vs. Romanian Traditionally, adverbs are described in the literature in relation to their functional and syntactic behaviour (Zagona 1990, Batra & Suner 1994). a) Functional behaviour: Adverbs are taken to be elements not lexically selected by a predicate. They do not obligatorily appear in a sentence. They function as adjuncts. But there are verbs of movement, situation and behaviour (behave, go, reside, dress) that obligatorily subcategorize for an adverb. (3) a. She behaves well. b. *She behaves. (4) a. John dresses nicely. b. *John dresses. (5) a. He goes there. b. *He goes. (6) a. John resides here. b. *John resides. (examples from Alexiadou 1997) These adverbs that are lexically selected are: adverbs of manner: bare lexical ones: well, agentive: carefully, resultative: completely, adverbs of place: here, there. b) Syntactic behaviour: Adverbs are traditionally considered as being S-modifiers (7a) or VP-modifiers (7b). (7)

a. Probably, John will come. b. They work fast.

Given the properties in a) and b) we can classify adverbs into two major groups: Complement-type adverbs, which include lexically selected adverbs. They have their base position to the right of the verb, hence they are VP-internal. They would also occupy the specifier position of some head in order to be licensed. These are manner adverbs: easily, badly. Specifier-type adverbs, non-thematically related, pure modifiers of S or VP. They have their base position to the left of the verb, hence they are VP-internal. These are aspectual adverbs: always, often, quantifier or degree adverbs: purely, uniquely. In this section, we will discuss the classification of temporal and aspectual adverbs. This classification relies mostly upon Alexiadou (1994) and Smith (1978, 1991) for English and on Crăiniceanu (1997), Ciompec (1985) and Vasile (2013) for Romanian. We attempt to offer a unified account for these classifications for Romanian that would eventually match the classification offered in Ernst and already presented in section 3.2.2. (33) in the previous chapter. At this point we need to make a brief remark on the occurrence of more complex forms of adverbs in Romanian and explain why we did not confine our analysis of temporal and aspectual adverbs to just simple adverbial forms. Some of the more complex forms, which are considered to be PPs, are modified as a single unit or they even occur with degrees of comparison just like simple adverbial forms, as can be seen in example (8) below.

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(8)

57

Apoi au dispărut vreme de câteva luni, pesemne au fost plecaţi la muncă în Serbia sau în Italia, iar acum, mai de curând, s-au întors, şi câţiva dintre ei şi-au deschis tarabe în piaţă. (Petre Cimpoeşu – Simion Liftnicul, p.126) “Then they disappeared for a few months, apparently gone to work in Serbia or in Italy, and now, they had more recently returned and some of them had opened their own counters in the market.”

If we are to bring into discussion the compound forms of devreme, demult, deunăzi, deseară (diseară), which at some point were all PPs de+vreme, de+mult, de+seară, etc., the picture is clearer. It appears that there is an ongoing process of grammaticalization of the preposition de and incorporation of the preposition into the adverbial form. Some of these adverbials have already reached this state as is the case with the ones mentioned above, others are still on their way. The fact that they can be modified or they can occur with the degrees of comparison (i.e. [mai [de curând]], instead of [de [mai curând]]) just like simple adverbial forms is a clear indication of that process. In what follows, we provide the traditional classification of adverbs in Romanian as supplied in the Grammar of the Romanian Academy. As such, the Grammar of the Romanian Academy supplies two different classifications, one according to their interpretation and one according to their morphological form. We will focus on the classes where we encounter temporal and aspectual adverbs. However, this is just a starting point in our analysis, because, as will be shown, the classification of temporal and aspectual adverbs in Romanian should also take into account their syntactic features as well as their semantic interpretation. Traditionally, function of the way of expressing a characteristic or a circumstance, adverbs are split into two types: a) non-pronominal and b) pronominal adverbs. In turn, non-pronominal adverbs or real adverbs refer directly to features and circumstances of actions. Function of their meaning, they can be further divided into the following categories: a) manner adverbs, b) adverbs of place, c) temporal adverbs. Semantically, Romanian manner adverbs are believed to be divided into the following subclasses: a) manner adverbs b) adverbs of quantity c) adverbs or probability and possibility d) affirmative adverbs e) negative adverbs f) restriction adverbs g) emphatic adverbs h) durative / iterative adverbs

abia, aşa, bine, rău, mereu, încet, repede, uşor, greu, amar, bărbăteşte, frăţeşte, omeneşte, prieteneşte aproape, aproximativ, atât, cam, circa, întrucâtva, îndeajuns, suficient, destul, puţin, mult poate, probabil, pesemne, oare, cică, parcă, posibil da, desigur, evident, fireşte, negreşit, bineînţeles, sigur, realmente nu, nici, nicidecum decât, deja, doar chiar, numai, tocmai, deodată, anume mai, încă, mereu, necontenit, neîncetat, permanent, tot, iarăşi, adesea, arareori, deseori, câteodată

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However, at least some the adverbs in these subclasses can be identified as pertaning to the larger class of temporal adverbs, at least in some of their meanings. Time adverbs traditionally express the time at which the action of the verb occurs. They answer the question when? The most frequent time adverb subclasses are: Temporal adverbs

Aspectual temporal adverbs

astăzi, mâine, poimâine, ieri, îndată, degrabă, deunăzi, odinioară, odată, demult, devreme, târziu adesea, câteodată, deocamdată, imediat, îndată, mereu, niciodată, nicicând, numaidecât, oricând, totdeauna, uneori, vreodată, din când în când, din zi în zi

It is worth mentioning that although we have not illustrated the class of location/place adverbs, there are adverbs in that class that are at the interface, if we can use this word in this particular context, between location and time: (cf. Vasile 2012: 22-23) aici, înainte, dinainte, înapoi, îndărăt, încoace, încolo, acolo, pretutindeni, etc. Pronominal adverbs indirectly express the feature or circumstance under which an action takes place. They substitute non-pronominal adverbs in the sentence. According to their meaning, they are divided into the following subclasses: a) demonstrative b) interrogative c) relative d) indefinite

e) negative

acolo, acum, aici, aşa, atunci, încoace, încolo cum? unde? încotro? cât? când? dincotro? cum, unde, încotro, când, cât oricum, orişicum, cumva, altcumva, oarecum, oriunde, orişiunde, undeva, altundeva, oriîncotro, oricând, orişicând, cândva, altcândva, altădată, oricât, orişicât nicidecum, nicăieri, niciodată, nicicând

Function of their form / structure, adverbs fall into two subclasses: a) simple adverbs and b) compound adverbs. Under simple adverbs (which are most of them), there are primary adverbs, inherited and borrowed adverbs (azi, ieri, mereu, când, actualmente), as well as those that are said to have undergone conversion from other parts of speech, usually nouns, (marţi, vara).3 Compound adverbs are of several types, according to the following structures:

3

For a different point of view see the discussion in section 3.1.3, where according to Alexiadou (1997), a.o. temporal adverbials can be bare lexical items, similar to NPs (yesterday) or PPs (on Thursday).

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a) adverb + noun: azi-dimineaţă, ieri-noapte, mâine-seară; b) adverb + adverb: oricând, orişicând; c) preposition + adverb: până când, de curând, în curând Vasile (2013:72-73), citing Vinokurova (1999) argues that, Romanian uses certain nouns or NPs adverbially. Temporal adverbials such as (vara asta, seara, marţi, duminica), or adverbials expressing duration such as (tot timpul, ore întregi, etc.) are part of this system. An interesting point made in Vasile (2013:75) is that these NPs that function as adverbials allow for the presence of modifiers/determiners that are common in the NP making them strong/heavy elements in the acception of Cardinaletti & Starke (1994). This is why the preposition is redundant in case the noun has inherent adverbial features (e.g. time [+Temp] vs. occasion [-Temp] (cf. Larson 1985)). (9)

a. (This time) they stayed behind (this time). b. John arrived *(on) that occasion. (Larson 1985:596, cited in Vasile 2013:77) c. I’ll do it the first occasion that comes along. (Bolinger 1992:24, cited in Vasile 2013:77)

As Vasile (2013: 77) rightly points it out, Romanian allows these NPs which function adverbially to occur both with or without a preposition. Thus, both structures may co-exist: (în) secolul trecut, (în) veacul trecut, etc. As far as the system of functional projections is concerned, the following table offers a synthetic view of the possible functional projections that can host temporal and aspectual adverbs: Time Event time

Description Runtime of the eventuality

Topic / reference time

Time under discussion (Reichenbach 1947, Klein 1994, a.o.) Time of utterance Time interval during which result state holds Time during which iteration (of a type of eventuality) occurs Time during which a type of eventuality habitually obtains Time interval between times determined by tense (right boundary) and determined by an argument of an adverb (Iatridou et al. 2001, a.o.) Time during which modal evaluation obtains (Zagona 1990, Stowell 2004)

Speech time Result time Iterative time Habitual time Perfect time

Modal time

Adverbs John wrote for three hours. John was writing that letter for half an hour. deictic, no modification John opened the door for an hour. John sneezed for five minutes. John drank for twenty years. John has lived there for ten years.

John could have escaped for two hours.

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(10) 3 ... 3 ST 3 MT 3 PT 3 TT 3 HT 3 IT 3 ET 3 RT 3 … (ST = speech time; MT = modal time; PT = perfect time; TT = topic time; HT = habitual time; IT = iterative time; ET = event time; RT = result time) Temporal adverbs can usually be divided into adverbs of quantification, such as often, sometimes and never and non-quantifying adverbs, such as constantly, regularly and three times (cf. Van Geenhoven 1995, 2004, Johannsdottir 2005, 2007). Csirmaz (2009) has argued that adverbs that specify the quantity or frequency of multiple situations can be divided into three categories: Firstly, there are adverbs of quantification (see e.g. Heim (1982), de Swart (1991)), such as always, often and sometimes, which quantify over occasions or times of occurrence and are shown in (10a). Then we have frequency adverbs, which are adverbs such as constantly and frequently, shown in (10b), and which Van Geenhoven (2004) defines as pluractional operators. Thirdly, we have adverbs like twice, five times, many times, which Van Geenhoven (2004) calls cardinal adverbs which are adverbs that specify the cardinality of multiple situations. Like frequency adverbs, cardinal adverbs can themselves introduce the plurality of a situation and so can be said to be pluractional operators. These are shown in (11c). (11)

a. Kenny always sings the harmony. b. Roly frequently plays his silver bass during concerts. c. Chris picked on Hershel at least twice during the concert.

Csirmaz (2009) groups these three types of adverbs together under the label adverbs of quantity. Notice that all these adverbs are also temporal adverbs but the group of temporal adverbs would also include adverbs like yesterday and tomorrow that directly locate events in time. The motivation behind the distinction between frequency adverbs and adverbs of quantification in terms of times stems from the fact that frequency adverbs and adverbs of quantification can co-occur because they affect distinct time intervals (event time vs. topic/reference time).

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4.1.1. Time orientation Temporal frame adverbs are also classified according to their orientation in time. Tense locates situations with respect to an orientation point and structures them by relations of simultaneity and sequence. It is reasonable to say that temporal adverbs mirror the three possible relations of simultaneity and sequence (anteriority and posteriority). Therefore frame adverbs are also classified according to these three relations. In the classification of temporal adverbs (cf. Smith 1990, Alexiadou 1994, Crăiniceanu 1997), deictic, anaphoric and referential adverbs are not classified according to the features that match those in T0. Within the deictic subclass for example we have adverbs marked [+present, -past] like now, today [-present, + past (anteriority)] like yesterday and [-present, -past] like tomorrow. However in relation with their orientation in time and the three possible relations mentioned above temporal adverbs can be classified according to the features of the relevant head T0 1. Anteriority () The adverbs are marked for [-present, +past (anteriority)] [-present, +past (anteriority)] English Romanian yesterday ieri the day before yesterday alaltăieri last night aseară late atunci then (12)

a. They visited us yesterday. b. Până alaltăieri v-aş fi spus fără niciun fel de emoţie Crin Antonescu, dar am văzut că nu mai vrea sa fie candidatul USL. (http://www.hotnews.ro) ‘Up until the day before yesterday I would have told you without any trace of anxiety that it is Crin Antonescu, but I have seen that he no longer wants to be a candidate for the USL.’ c. Răsalaltăieri am băut două frappeuri cu gheaţă, alaltăieri m-a durut gâtul, ieri deja am trecut la cappuccino fierbinte, ca iarna. (http://www.bialog.ro) ‘The day before the day before yesterday I drank two ice frappes, the day before yesterday I had a sore throat, yesterday I already passed on to hot cappuccino as in winter.’ 2. Simultaneity (=) The adverbs are marked for [+present, -past (anteriority)] [+present, -past (anteriority)] English Romanian now acum right now actualmente momentarily momentan

(13)

a. I am going to work now.

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b. Momentan, nu vrea să se ştie cine e. (http://adevarul.ro) ‘For the time being, he does not wish to be known who that person is.’ c. Actualmente, capitalismul dezvoltă o clasă economică a cetăţenilor fără speranţe. (www.alternativaromaniei.com) ‘Currently, capitalism is developing an aconomic class of hopeless citizens.’ 3. Posteriority ( ) The adverbs are marked for [-present, -past (anteriority)] [-present, -past (anteriority)] English Romanian tomorrow mâine the day after tomorrow poimâine on Friday vinery later mai târziu (14)

a. I shall give you the book tomorrow. b. Răspoimâine îl suspendăm şi pe Nechifor. (http://suceavalive.ro) ‘The day after the day after tomorrow we’ll have Nechifor suspended as well.’ c. Copiii născuţi prematur încep şcoala mai târziu. (http://www.click.ro) ‘Children who are born prematurely start school later.’

It is to be obseved that for some temporal adverbs in Romanian, English has only an adverbial PP counterpart (on Friday / vineri). This can happen also the other way round but the study of such PPs falls outside the realm of this analysis. From the classification above we observe an interesting phenomenon, namely that simultaneity adverbs are explicitly marked for the present. With anteriority and posteriority adverbs, there is an ambiguity. Some of them are explicitly marked neither for the past nor for the future. Their interpretation is rather ambiguous unless there is a context to identify them as belonging to one class or the other. These context dependent adverbs can belong to both anteriority and posteriority subclasses. 4.1.2. Frame adverbs or locating temporal adverbs This class includes adverbs, which refer to a time frame within which the described action is assumed to have taken place. These adverbs locate situations in time by relating them to times or to other situations (cf. Smith 1990). Frame adverbs together with the tense of a sentence set the temporal location of that sentence. They require an orientation point and this role is fulfilled by tense. Frame adverbs fall into three subclasses: 1. Deictic adverbs are oriented to the moment of speech (cf. Smith 1990). English Romanian now, today, tomorrow, tonight, last acum, ieri, alaltăieri, azi-noapte, week, next week, nowadays, azi-dimineaţă, adineaori, aseară, diseară, instantly, presently, three weeks deunăzi, mâine, poimâine, imediat, ago, yesterday, the day before actualmente, momentan yesterday, the day after tomorrow

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2. Anaphoric adverbs. These adverbs relate to a previously established time (cf. Carlota Smith 1990). They are context dependent for their interpretation. English until, till, recently, when, while, early, lately, sometimes, then, before, late, shortly, subsequently, previously, finally, eventually, afterwards

Romanian atunci, vreodată, când, cândva, înainte, întâi, după, apoi, devreme, târziu, deocamdată, îndată, tocmai, luni, recent, în cele din urmă

3. Referential adverbs. These adverbs refer to a time established by clock or calendar (cf. Smith 1990 and Alexiadou 1994) English at 9, April 14, in 1990, in June

Romanian la (ora) nouă, în iunie, în 1990, la 14 aprilie

According to the classification above, the anaphoric and referential subclasses are ambiguous between a posteriority and anteriority. They are either [-present, +past (anteriority)] or [-present, -past(anteriority)] according to the context in which they occur. Subclasses 2 and 3 are also regarded as unanchored adverbs. A more detailed account of the distinction anchored / unanchored adverbs is given in the following section. 4.1.3. Anchored vs. unanchored adverbs Smith captured another distinction with temporal adverbs, in terms of anchored vs. unanchored adverbs. According to Smith (1978), the absolute values of temporal expressions change. Their functions differ according to their syntactic configuration in which they occur, but the relational values are consistent. The relation values mirror, as shown above, the three relations possible among time, simultaneity and sequence (anteriority and posteriority). Let us consider the relational values of temporal adverbs. Certain adverbs exhibit explicit relations with the moment of speech. For instance, right now is simultaneous with ST, yesterday precedes ST, tomorrow follows ST. These types of adverbs are referred to by Smith (1978) as explicitly Past, Present or Future. Other adverbs are not anchored to a particular point and will be referred to as unanchored. For instance, on Tuesday or in March may indicate either a time that precedes ST or a time that follows ST. As observed in the previous section, explicitly anchored adverbs are related to the present moment even though some may indicate a Past RT or a Future RT. (15)

a. Jane is in Rome now. b. USL plăteşte acum factura minciunii. (http://www.digi24.ro) The Social Liberal Union is now paying the price for lying. c. Acum suferă, nu e ceea ce simte. (www.gsp.ro)

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Now he is suferring, it is not what he really feels. a. Chris is working tomorrow. b. Expoziţia „Flori de toamnă” se deschide mâine la Grădina Botanică. (http://www.ziarulevenimentul.ro) c. PNL va anunţa mâine propunerea pentru preluarea Ministerului Economiei. (http://www.digi24.ro) The National Liberal Party will announce tomorrow its proposal for taking over the Ministry of Economy. a. They won the race yesterday. b. Un bărbat internat la Spitalul Municipal Vatra Dornei s-a aruncat ieri dimineaţă de la etajul II al clădirii. (www.monitorulsv.ro) A man that had been admitted to the town hospital in Vatra Dornei, threw himself yesterday morning out of the window of the second floor of the building. c. Simona Halep s-a calificat ieri, la Moscova, în a zecea semifinală a carierei. (www.gsp.ro) Simona Halep qualified yesterday, in Moscow, in her tenth semifinal.

Unanchored adverbs may indicate a time that precedes or follows ST, but never a time that is simultaneous to ST. (18)

(19)

a. Emily leaves on Thursday. b. I won the race on Tuesday. c. Ministrul Apărării Naţionale, Mircea Duşa, va efectua joi şi vineri o vizită oficială în Statele Unite ale Americii. (www.hotnews.ro) Mircea Duşa, the Minister of Defence, will go on an official visit to the United States on Thursday and Friday. d. Poliţiştii constănţeni demarează sâmbătă o serie de acţiuni de prevenire. (http://www.replicaonline.ro) The police force from Constanţa are starting a series of prevention activities on Saturday. a. Ross had left in May. b. Câştigul salarial mediu net a scăzut în iunie, faţă de luna precedentă. (www.ziare.com) The average net monthly income has decreased in June as opposed to the previous month. c. Mega Image deschide 5 noi magazine în octombrie. (www.realitatea.net) Mega Image are opening 5 new stores in October.

Carlota Smith (1978) derives the following combinations of tense and temporal adverbs. The following pattern is in agreement with the set of examples supplied above. Tense present present present present

Adverb Present Past Future Unanchored

Tense past past past past

Adverb Present Past Future Unanchored

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Therefore, on the basis of these features, we can summarize the classification of temporal adverbs as follows: Time frame Time orientation (Smith (Smith 1990, 1990) Alexiadou 1994, Crăiniceanu 1997) Deictic [+present, -past (anteriority)] = simultaneity

[+present, +past (anteriority)] = anteriority

Relational values (Smith 1978)

Adverbs / Adverbials

anchored

acum (now), azi (today), astăzi (today) actualemente (currently), momentan (momentarily), în present (at present), săptămâna asta (this week), imediat (immediately) ieri (yesterday), alaltăieri (the day before yesterday), răsalaltăieri (the day before the day before yesterday), duminica trecută (last Sunday), săptămâna trecută (last week), azi-dimineaţă (this morning), azi-noapte (yesterday night) duminică (on Sunday), aseară (yesterday evening), deunăzi (the other day) mâine (tomorrow), poimâine (the day after tomorrow), răspoimâine (the day after the day after tomorrow), lunea viitoare (next Monday), săptămâna viitoare (next week) în viitor (in the future), mai încolo (later), mai târziu (later) apoi (then / after that), marţi (on Tuesday) vreodată (sometimes), cândva (sometimes), ulterior (afterwards) atunci (back then), apoi (then / after that), târziu

unanchored

anchored

unanchored

[-present, -past (anteriority)] = posteriority

anchored

unanchored

Anaphoric

[-present, -past (anteriority)] = posteriority

[+present, +past (anteriority)] =

anchored unanchored

anchored

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anteriority unanchored Referential

[-present, -past (anteriority)] = posteriority

anchored unanchored

[+present, +past (anteriority)] = anteriority

anchored unanchored

(late), luni (on Monday), deocamdată (for the time being), tocmai (just) în 2015 (in 2015) la ora zece (at ten o’clock), în iunie (in June), la / pe 14 aprilie (at / on the 14th of April) în 2011 (in 2011) la ora zece (at ten o’clock), în iunie (in June), la / pe 14 aprilie (at / on the 14th of April)

4.1.4. Aspectual adverbs Aspectual adverbs share a set of features with the aspectual head Asp0. As such, they are sensitive to the distinction Perfective / Imperfective. This sensitivity is reflected by the fact that certain adverbs can only co-occur with certain morphology on the verb. Asp0 -PERF + habitual - definite + durative + continuous

Aspectual adverbs +PERF +punctual + definite - durative - continuous

+/- point +/- definite frequency +/- durative

The distinction between Perfective vs. Imperfective is according to Alexiadou (1994) one of morphology. The adverbs have these features in their lexical entry (cf. Alexiadou 1994). For example, they are marked [+ADV, +ASP, +DUR]. Under Spec-Head Agreement a [+Durative] head licenses a [+Durative] adverb and a [+Punctual] head licenses a [+Point] adverb. Matching involves both [+Asp] and [+Durative or +Punctual]. Having in mind these features we can distinguish between aspectual adverbs. Durative and indefinite frequency adverbs appear with the Imperfective Aspect, whereas Definite Frequency and Point adverbs appear with the Perfective Aspect. (20)

a. Citeam de obicei după-amiaza. read- IMP-1st sg. usually afternoon-the b. *Am citit de obicei după-amiază. have- PERF-1st sg. read usually afternoon. c. Ion a mers de două ori la muzeu. Ion has gone-PERF twice to the museum. d. ?Ion mergea de două ori la muzeu. Ion was going-IMP-3rd sg. twice to the museum

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(a) Features [+ durative] [+ continuous] [- definite frequency] [+ habitual]

English permanently for a while always all the time

Romanian permanent veşnic mereu totdeauna

(b) Features [- durative] [- continuous] [+ definite frequency]

English monthly weekly daily yearly twice

Romanian lunar săptămânal zilnic anual marţea

Features [- durative] [- continuous] [- definite frequency]

English frequently often usually rarely

Romanian frecvent adesea de obicei rareori

(c)

It is to be observed that adverbs in b) and c) are marked in the same way for all features except for definite frequency. This means that adverbs in b) appear with the +PERF Asp0 while adverbs in c) appear with -PERF Asp0. The relations adverbs have to the features of the verbal head will be captured in terms of Spec-Head Agreement. According to Smith (1991) and Alexiadou (1994) for English and Crăiniceanu (1997) for Romanian, aspectual adverbs are made up of two classes, which are in agreement with the features of the aspectual head as shown above. A. Aspectual adverbs of duration are those, which indicate the duration of the described event by specifying the length of time, it is assumed to take. They contribute to the location of a situation in time. English: for a while, for hours, all the time, always, permanently, still. Romanian: demult, totdeauna, veşnic, mereu. B. Frequency adverbs refer to the number of times an action took place or to the frequency of that event. a) If the event has a definite frequency, the subclass is called adverbs of definite frequency or point adverbs. They co-occur with the Perfective Aspect. English: again, monthly, weekly, daily, once, twice, immediately. Romanian: iar, lunar, zilnic, anual, săptămânal, duminica, imediat.

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b) Adverbs of indefinite frequency refer to the frequency of an event without indicating it explicitly. They co-occur with the Imperceptive Aspect. English: frequently, never, ever, whenever, often, usually, regularly, seldom, rarely, generally, habitually. Romanian: arareori, rareori, adesea, frecvent, câteodată, uneori, deja, niciodată, regulat. What is noticeable here is that as is the case with temporal adverbs, English does not have some aspectual adverbs which Romanian does have as duminica. English has only a PP aspectual adverbial on Sundays. The same is true for the reverse; English has usually while the Romanian counterpart is de obicei, which is a PP. Conclusions so far. For the purpose of our analysis, we adopt Ernst’s (2002) classification for temporal and aspectual adverbs for Romanian, since, in our opinion it is the one that best maps semantic interpretation to syntactic realities and it also preserves the features discussed in the analyses discussed above. (21)

a. time-related location-time: (acum, odinioară, pe vremuri, seara, vinerea, mâine, deunăzi, alatăieri, iarna, etc.) duration: (x săptămâni/zile/luni/ani, toată ziua, etc.) aspectual (încă, deja, (în) curând, de curând, niciodată, etc.) (frequency) b. quantificational: frequency (uneori, de x ori, ocazional, mereu, etc.) habitual (de obicei, de regulă) additive (din nou, iar(ă/ăşi))

As far as quantificational adverbs are concerned, Lewis (1998: 8) argues that they are quantifiers over cases, that is to say, what holds always, sometimes, never, usually, often or seldom is whatholds in, respectively, all, some, no, most, many or few cases. However, this would be one of the safest and most genral claims since it says next to nothing. Sometimes a case corresponds to each moment or stretch of time, or to each in some restricted class, while some other times we have a case for each event of some sort. These adverbs are quantifiers over cases in as much as a case may be regard as Lewis calls it “the tuple of its paticipants, and these participants are values of the variables that occur free in the open sentence modified by the adverb.” Various restrictions may be in force, be they permanently or temporarily. Some standing restrictions involve the choice of variables, one such restriction could be if-clauses.

4.2. Sentence structure revisited In this section we are going to have a brief overview of sentence structure in the two languages, to see how the structures involving temporal and aspectual adverbials can be accommodated, properly licensed and interpreted.

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4.2.1. English In the Minimalist Program, X-bar structure reveals local relations of maximal projections XPs to heads, or heads X0s to heads. There are two basic XP to X0 relations: a) b)

Specifier-Head relation, which is crucial for the matching of the features as is the head-head one. Head-Complement, associated with thematic relations, (apud. Alexiadou l997) XP 2 UP XP 2 ZP X’ 2 X0 YP 2 Y0 X0

The domain of X0 includes everything contained in the maximal projection of X0. The complement of X0 is everything reflexively dominated by the complements YP. The minimal domain of X0 includes the complement and the specifier of X0. The checking domain of X0 is the so-called minimal residue of X0, that is the domain which includes the specifier and anything adjoined (UP). The checking domain is typically involved in the checking of morphological features. ZP is the specifier of XP inserted by Substitution, whereas UP is an adjunct to a maximal projection but the latter must not receive a thematic role. For the study of adverbs, this means that they cannot adjoin to a lexical category. Adjunction is assumed to have structure preserving character and the distinction between segments and categories holds. X0 and XP both have a higher and a lower segment. Substitution creates a new category, ZP is either raised from within X" or inserted to substitute for an empty element e. This distinguishes adjuncts (UP) from specifiers (ZP). Specifiers, in a traditional two level X"-theory, are defined in two ways (cf. Alexiadou 1994). A specifier can be structurally defined as a maximal projection, which is sister to a one bar projection. On the other hand, a specifier can be defined as a maximal projection that agrees with a head. Specifiers can be distinguished from adjuncts, in that specifiers are sisters of X whereas adjuncts are sisters of Xmax. [X" ADJUNCT PC" SPECIFIER [X' HEAD COMPLEMENT]]] Specifiers are looked upon as modifiers or as landing sites for movement, licensed by Spec-Head Agreement. In (22a) slowly is regarded as a verb modifier, in (22b) who is regarded as being the Specifier of CP agreeing in wh-features. (22) a. John walks slowly. b. Whoi did you see ti?

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There is no shared property between the two notions of specifier, so the proposal is to reanalyse the modifying specifiers, crucially adverbs, as base-generated adjuncts. If we adopt a one level X'-theory, there is no way to distinguish between adjuncts (YP) and specifiers (ZP) since they are both sisters of XP. This way, substitution and adjunction are unified (cf. Alexiadou 1994, Hoekstra 1991) XP XP

YP XP ZP XP

Thus, a specifier is just an adjunct that agrees with a head. The assumption is that a head can license only one specifier under Spec-Head Agreement. In order to capture the mechanism that licenses the presence of adverbs in a sentence, we need to go to the basics and see how any element is licensed. Sportiche (1993) captures this basic property of elements by arguing that syntactic properties are licensed by one of the two mechanisms: 1) 2)

Spec-Head licensing (XP-X relation). This is relevant for XPs including items generated in the complement domain and base- generated adjuncts. Incorporation (head-head relation serving to the licensing heads). A head can only incorporate to an immediately higher head that selects its projection. It is relevant for heads.

If the elements are not generated in their licensing positions, licensing configurations are arrived at by movement. Movement to licensing configurations can be overt or covert. Every right branch that lacks internal structure must raise overtly. Overt movement is triggered by the need of the features to be checked. Specifiers are seen as adjuncts that agree with a head. Alexiadou proposes that there is only one adjunction per maximal projection. Therefore, all adjuncts are in agreement relation with the respective heads. This includes also base-generated adjuncts. UG provides only one fixed order of functional categories so there is only one possible structure in all types of clauses and languages. As argued in the chapter on sentence structure, adverbs provide evidence for the movement of the other constituents and especially for verb movement. Functional heads have two types of features: N-features and V-features, which trigger both head movement and XP movement that is movement to the specifier position of the functional categories. This is what happens with aspectual, temporal and manner adverbs. Alexiadou views them as Specifiers of AspP, TP and VoiceP respectively. The Specifier-Head relation plays a very important role in the matching of the features. The features of the specifier have to match the features of the head. And this is what happens indeed with aspectual, temporal and manner adverbs. Asp0 -PERF + habitual - definite + durative + continuous

Aspectual adverbs +PERF +punctual + definite

+/- point +/- definite frequency +/- durative

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T0 +/- present +/- past (anteriority)

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Temporal adverbs +/- present +/- past (anteriority)

The Matching or Agreement of these features is checked under strict locality requirements. A maximal projection α agrees with a head β only if it is the specifier of β. A head α agrees with a head β only if α is adjoined to β and β must be a functional head. The features of a must be non-distinct from the features of β so if α has for example aspectual features, β should also have aspectual features. (Alexiadou 1997) XP 2 ZP X’ 2 X0 YP 2 Y0 X0 Licensing moves the lexical elements from the complement domain of a lexical head, to the functional domain and checks whether the respected features match. The Principle of Greed states that: Move raises α only if morphological properties of α itself would not otherwise be satisfied in the derivation. The relation adverbs have to the features of the verbal head will be captured in terms of Spec-Head Agreement. Therefore, aspectual and temporal adverbs move along with the verb from their base-generated adjunct position, to Spec of AspP and Spec of TP respectively, so that they could check their features. (23)

I usually go to Rome. AgrSP 2 AgrS’ 2 AgrS0 TP 2 T0 AspP 2 AvP Asp’ usually 2 [+ durative] Asp0 AgrOP [- definite] [+habitual] [- point] [- definite] [+continuous] go

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This section gives an account of sentence structure in English from a LGB point of view. The subject is base generated in Spec,VP as a leftward specifier of VP (Deprez 1991). (24)

IP/TP ty I’/T’ ty I0/T0 VP ty NP V’ Mary ty V0 NP saw Max

According to Deprez, subjects like objects are θ-marked within the maximal projection of the verb. In English, the NP is not a Case marked position. Therefore, the NP must raise to the [Spec,IP] position at S-structure where it receives Case under Spec-Head Agreement in Inflection. In SVO languages such as English, preverbal subject in [Spec,IP] or in the extended representation [Spec,AgrS] receive case by Spec-Head Agreement. (25)

IP ty NP I’ Maryi ty I0 VP ty NP V’ ti ty V0 NP saw Max

In the LGB framework, the movement of the subject from its VP internal position is associated with cases of movement to an A-position, that is, it involves movement from its non-case marked position under the VP, to a case marked position. This way, the subject does not license parasitic gaps and it does not induce crossover violations. In the LGB model, A-positions are defined as positions in which an argument such as a name or variable may appear at D-structure; it is a potential θ-position. (Déprez 1991). Although according to the LGB framework [Spec,AgrP] is an A'-position, movement to Spec,AgrP has the properties associated with movement to an A-position. This is the reason why movement from a non-case marked position to a case marked position does not induce crossover violations or parasitic gaps. In the Minimalist Program, the distinction between lexical (contentful) and functional elements is emphasized. Functional elements or inflectional morphemes (cf.

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Pollock 1989) were seen as heads of independent phrasal projections. In the Minimalist framework, functional heads are represented by features associated with inflectional morphemes situated outside and on the top of lexical projections. The inflected form of the verb is directly inserted in the derivations. (26)

AgrSP-TP- AgrOP [VP SU [OB]]

Agr Subject Phrase (AgrSP), Tense Phrase (TP) and Agr Object Phrase (AgrOP) make up the functional domain, VP the lexical. It is assumed that lexical elements carry features associated with inflectional morphology, nouns for example are drawn from the lexicon with all their morphological features, including, Case and (φ-(number, person, gender) features. This means that items have inflectional features in the lexicon as an intrinsic property. The features in the lexical categories have to match those represented in the functional heads. The inflectional system of the finite verb presents person and number marking which provides clear evidence for an AgrSP. Since Agr is the element responsible for Case assignment to the subject, the expectation is that AgrP will dominate the Tense projection so as to be in a government relation with the subject. (27) AgrSP (apud. Deprez 1991) ty NP AgrS’ Maryi ty TP AgrS0 sawj ty T’ ty T0 AgrOP -s ty AAgrO’ ty Agro0 VP Maxk ty S V’ ti ty V0 NP tj tk The sentence structure includes a series of functional projections representing verbal categories (mood, tense, aspect). The position of adverbs plays an important role in determining the movement of various heads, especially verb movement (cf. Pollock 1993). For instance, in some languages, the verb with a rich inflection raises from its base position to check its tense feature. Adverbs have a very poor morphology; they do not have features to

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check so they do not move, they have fixed positions. Therefore adverbs are used as a fixed point which indicates how far the verb has moved. It is reasonable to assume that adverbs have fixed positions in the sentence and it is the other constituents that move around. Laenzlinger (1998) assumes that adverbs like completely are generated in Spec,VP. This is rejected by Alexiadou (1997) as she assumes that the [Spec,VP] is a subject position. (28)

I destroyed the city completely.

It appears that in (28) the presence of the adverb demands an object. The adverb completely modifies crucially the verb, i.e. it is the destruction that is complete, not the city. Cinque (1999) proposes that completely is an ambiguous adverb as it has aspectual features as well. Hence, (cf. Alexiadou 1997) we can say that this adverb occupies the specifier position of an Aspectual Phrase where it is in agreement with the features of the respective aspectual head. Alexiadou assumes that there is an Aspectual Projection, where the lexical aspect of the verb is licensed, i.e. the property of being a state or an accomplishment would be checked. The other Aspectual Projection would be the one checking the [+/- perfective] features. (29)

Asp1P > Asp2P > perfective vs. imperfective states/events

VoiceP

In English, modals are seen as inserted under a functional projection and do not show agreement (cf. Roberts 1993, Alexiadou 1997). The Modal Projection is assumed to be lower than TP but higher than AspP. In the section on Romanian sentence structure it is shown that the verb moves as high as MoodP to check its mood features. In English things are different. Alexiadou (1997) predicts that the weak features will not enable the participle to move high up in the structure but rather to stay in a lower position. The data show that this prediction is true. (30)

a. John has completely solved your problems. b. John has answered your question well. c. John frequently annoyed Mary rudely. d. John rudely frequently annoyed Mary.

no raising S - reading for rudely

Let us consider the following pair of examples (cf. Alexiadou 1994): (31)

a. You must have been completely revising your book. b. *You must have completely been revising your book.

In (31a) and (31b) the adverb cannot appear higher than been which indicates the fact that the only possible position is the one in the specifier position of revising. -ing is an aspectual prefix, which is argued by Cinque (1999) to be occupying an Aspectual Projection. (32)

ModP_must [Aux1P_have [Aux2P_been [Asp2P completely_revising

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Although adverbs have poor morphology, aspectual and temporal adverbs present features that have to be checked. So once the verb raises to check its Tense feature, adverbs have to follow the V0 head in order to check the features they share with the verb. In an important work, Alexiadou (1994) chooses to view adverbs as generated in specifier rather than adjunct positions, obeying the following licensing criterion: Generalized Licensing Criterion 1. An [+F] head must be in a Spec-Head relation with a [+F] XP. 2. An [+F] XP must be in a Spec-Head relation with a [+F] head. If [+F] corresponds to (p-features then the position is an A-position, when [+F] corresponds to operator features (wh/neg/topic), the specifier is an A-position. As mentioned above, adverbs show evidence for the positions where the verb moves because they have to agree with the heads/projections with which they have features in common and which have themselves a rigid order. A question arises as to the order of AgrS, T and Asp projections in the sentence. The Null Hypothesis claims that the order of these maximal projections is the same for all languages, although some languages may not project some of these functional categories at all. The Null Hypothesis AgrSP > TenseP > AspP Movement is only allowed if there is no other way for the element to reach a position where its features are satisfied. Movement obeys the Shortest Movement Requirement. The Shortest Move Requirement A category seeking to check features of a given type may not skip the closest ccommanding position which checks features of that type. XP movement is traditionally assumed to be of two types: A-movement, i.e. movement to an A- position and A- (wh-movement). There is however a problem regarding movement of the object to [Spec,AgrOP]. It seems to be causing a shortest move violation, since the closest position for it would be [Spec,VP], Chomsky (1986) proposes Equidistance as a solution. The assumption is that when the verb moves to AgrO it forms a chain and as a result it enlarges its minimal domain to include [Spec, SU, OB]. Therefore, movement is possible and there will be no Minimality violations. Two targets of movement are equidistant if they are in the same minimal domain. This predicts that object raising should be possible if V has raised to Agr. Thus, the object can raise to [Spec,AgrOP], It seems that this is the only permissible derivation in any language. Equidistance puts forward the assumption that Object movement correlates with verb movement, as the latter enlarges the minimal domain of the verb. 4.2.2. Romanian In Romanian, the subject is generated VP internally. The subject may move from SpecVP, which is the position where it is assigned case by Spec-Head Agreement, to SpecIP or SpecAgrSP. SpecIP is a topic position rather than argument (cf.Cornilescu art.). In Romanian, case is assigned postverbally under government by the verb that has raised to I0 or

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T0. Being a VSO language, the verb in Romanian undergoes verb raising to Inflection and sentences of the type: Citeau copii poezii.are grammatical. In VSO languages, the preverbal Spec,IP may be a topicalized position, so it is open to any topicalized constituent including the subject (cf. Cornilescu art.) Case is checked in the AgrSP and not in SpecTP or SpecAspP (cf. Alexiadou 1994), whereas the person and number features are checked in AgrS0. I will further assume that the order of functional projections is (cf. Chomsky 1992, Drachman 1991, Alexiadou 1994 and others): (33)

MP ty AgrSP ty TP ty AspP ty

Rivero (1991) suggests that in Modern Greek Non Active Voice heads its own projection in the syntax as other functional categories. This is due to its affix-like character as it is adjoined to the verb stem. Voice Phrase (VoiceP) is characterized by its adjacency to the verb and not to any of the other categories, so according to Rivero (1991) it is located directly above VP. Similar claims are made for English in Johnson (1990) and Romance in Cinque (1993). (34)

a. They are washed. b. Rufele sunt spălate. ‘The laundry is washed.’

(35)

AgrSP > TP > AspP > VoiceP > VP

Given the fact that all verbs are inflected for Voice, the assumption is that this head carries the features [+/- Active], hence all verbs should pass through it. It is desirable to regard the order of these functional categories as the same across languages (cf. Alexiadou 1997 a.o.). Romanian also exhibits a clear Mood distinction: Indicative vs. Subjunctive. The Subjunctive disposes of the mood marker să: (36)

a. Ion citeşte cartea. Ion reads the books. b. Ion să citească cartea. Ion should read the book.

[Indicative] [Subjunctive]

As shown above verb forms are specified for a particular mood. The verb form in a) is typical of the Indicative (present). In (36b) the Subjunctive (present) is formed by the mood marker să and a verbal form, which is differently inflected than the one in (36a). This proves that the distinction between the Indicative and the Subjunctive is present even if the mood marker să is not present.

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(37)

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a. Creştinii îl slăvesc pe Dumnezeu. The Christians him-CL are praising pe God. ‘The Christians are praising the Lord.’ b. Creştinii să-l slăvească pe Dumnezeu. Christians-the să-SUBJ praise pe God. ‘The Christians should praise the Lord.’ c. Creştinii slăvească-l pe Dumnezeu. Christians-the praise-him-CL pe God. ‘The Christians should praise the Lord.’

We observe that the morphology of the verb in Romanian suggests that AgrSP is situated below MP. The examples above show that with the Subjunctive, M must always be filled by the particle să or by the inflected verb which skips the clitic phrase - / and fills the M0 head by Long Head Movement. This suggests that Romanian verbs must raise to MP to check their mood feature. According to Rivero (1990), in the Subjunctive the Mood Head must always be lexically filled either by să and by the inflected verb which skips the clitic phrase and fills the empty Mood Head by Long Head Movement as in (37c). (38)

[să M0]+[-l cl0 ]+[citească AgrS0]

Thus, the verb must raise overtly to the MP to check its Mood features (cf. Cornilescu 2000). If this is so, then there appears a problem with the clitic in (37c). If the verb skips the clitic phrase, once in Mood0 the verb no longer governs its trace properly. The clitic is forced to adjoin to the verb in Mood. The assumption is that the verb has to reach Mood0 in the case of the indicative and subjunctive when the subjunctive lacks the particle să (cf. Alexiadou 1997). In cases where the subjunctive is formed with să, the particle is in Mood0 and the verb has to move to Mood0 in order to check its mood feature. Mood0 is thus target of verb movement. The subject stays in [Spec,AgrSP] position, which according to The Null Hypothesis is lower than MP in Romanian. Therefore the Romanian sentence is MP. (39)

M0 2 să V0 citească

As suggested by Alexiadou (1997), a candidate for subject position could be [Spec,MoodP]. Mood does not license Case or other (φ-features on subjects through Spec-Head Agreement. Subjects can be found there when they are made the topic of the sentence. Considering the Null Hypothesis, the order of the projections of functional categories in Romanian is: (40) MP > AgrSP > TP > AspP > VoiceP > VP This analysis is right if we consider Baker’s Mirror Principle, which says that: The Mirror Principle Morphological derivations must directly reflect syntactic derivations and viceversa. We can observe this if we examine the Romanian verb a merge (to go) in its Past Perfect form mersesem (cf. Cornilescu art.):

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a. [[[[mer V0] + s(e) Asp0] + se T0] m AgrS0] b. AgrSP 2 DP AgrS’ 2 AgrS0 TP -m 2 T0 AspP -se 2 Asp0 VP -s(e) g V’ g V0 -mer

In the sentence, the adverbs offer evidence regarding the positions where the verb moves, as they have to enter concord relations with the heads/projections with which they have common features. The general rule says that temporal adverbs must enter concord relations with the verb as they share common features. Temporal adverbs are generated lower in the VP but they move along with the verb to SpecTP to check their features. The same happens with aspectual adverbs, which according to Alexiadou (1997) are in SpecAsp position where they check the features that agree with the features in Asp0. (42)

a. Ion vine zilnic la mine. MP 2 Ioni M’ 2 AgrSP M0 vinej 2 ti AgrS’ 2 AgrS0 TP tj 2 T0 AspP 2 AvP Asp’ 4 2 zilnic Asp0 AgrOP 2 ti AgrO’ 2 AgrO0 VP 2 V PP tj 4 la mine

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b. Ion mergea adesea la mare. John went IMP-3S often to sea-Acc. MP 2 Ion M’ 2 M0 AgrSP 2 TP AgrS0 2 T0 AspP 2 AvP Asp’ adesea 2 Asp0 AgrOP mergea 2 PP 4 la mare

According to the Generalised Licensing Criterion presented in the chapter on sentence structure, the features of the Specifier have to match the features of the Head so that if a maximal projection XP is marked for temporal features and it agrees with a head Y0 whose Specifier it is, Y0 must have temporal features. (44)

a.

YP 2 XP Y’ [+temporal features] 2 Y0 ZP [+temporal features] b.

Ion a venit ieri. [+past] [+past]

One interesting constraint can be noticed in the case of Romanian de-phrases that are not necessarily all time adverbs, but function as adverbials of time. According to Alexiadou, manner adverbials are licensed in the Spec of a Voice Phrase lower than AspP. (45)

Copiii au [răspuns bine profesoarei].

In Romanian the Past Participle raises up to MP past the adverbs, preceding them in the overt structure. This proves that in Romanian, the AgrSP is lower than MP but higher than TP.

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MP > AgrSP > TP > AspP

Conclusions so far. In English, simple tenses are biclausal (cf. Alexiadou 1994) hence the participial form does not move, whereas auxiliaries do. There is only movement in the auxiliary clause not in the main verb clause. As assumed by Alexiadou (1994), there are two Aspect Phrases in English, one, which checks the features [+/- perfective], and a second Aspect Phrase where the property of being a state or an accomplishment is checked. The Modal Projection is assumed to be generated lower than TP but higher than AspP. The verb checks its cp- features in AgrS0. Hence the order of functional projections in English is (cf. Alexiadou 1994): (47)

AgrSP > TP > MP > Asp1P > Asp2P > VoiceP > PredP

In contrast with English, Romanian shows a different order of functional projections. This is due to the fact that the verb in Romanian moves as high as Mood0 to check its mood features. (48)

MP > AgrSP > TP > AspP > VoiceP > PredP

Since the Romanian verb raises to either T or M ultimately, temporal and aspectual adverbs can provide a diagnostic test for subject positions in Romanian, as they behave like floating quantifiers. (49)

a. Studenţii mănâncă adesea la cantină. students-the eat-PRES often at cafeteria ‘Students often eat at the cafeteria.’ b. Studenţii au mâncat adesea la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the have eaten-PC often at cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students often ate at the cafeteria during the semester.’ c. Studenţii mai/tot mănâncă la cantină. students-the sometimes/still eat-PRES at cafeteria ‘Students are still eating / still eat at the cafeteria.’ d. Studenţii au mai/tot mâncat la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the have sometimes/still eaten-PC at cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students have sometimes/still eaten at the cafeteria during the semester.’ e. Studenţii să mai/tot mănânce la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the să-CONJ sometimes/still eat at cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students should sometimes/still eaten at the cafeteria during the semester.’ f. Studenţii au mai mâncat uneori la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the have still eaten-PC sometimes at cafeteria in time-the semester

The aspectual adverb adesea is adjoined to an AspP in both (49a) and (49b), which means that the verb – be it a verb in a simple tense (49a) and (49c) or the auxiliary verb in a complex tense, perfectul compus(PC), in (49b) and (49d) – raises to T or higher (cf.48) out of PredP. In a similar way, the subject position is in TP or higher. In (49e) the subject raises

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to MoodP since a verb in the conjunctive mood is present. In (49f), there are two aspetual adverbs co-occuring, clitic-like mai which behaves as a light element under Starke & Cardinaletti’s (1994) terminology and aspetual adverb uneori, which behaves as a strong/heavy element, hand is hence adjoined to PredP as in (49j). (49)

g. TP 2

DP T’ 4 2 studenţii T0 AspP mănâncă 2 au mâncat AvP AspP adesea 2 Asp0 PredP 6 la cantină în timpul semestrului (49)

h. TP 2 DP T’ 4 2 studenţii T0 AspP au 2 AvP AspP tot/mai 2 PredP Asp0 mâncat 6 la cantină în timpul semestrului (49)

i. MP 2 DP M’ 4 2 studenţii M0 TP să 2 T0 AspP 2 AvP AspP tot/mai 2 Asp0 PredP 6 mănânce la cantină în timpul semestrului

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j. TP 2 DP T’ 4 2 studenţii T0 AspP au 2 AvP AspP mai 2 Asp0 PredP mâncat 2 AdvP PredP uneori 6 la cantină în timpul semestrului 4.3. Positions and analysis

This section offers a detailed account of the licensing of temporal and aspectual adverbs in English and more particularly in Romanian. The analysis on the positions of temporal and aspectual adverbs in Romanian relies on Crăiniceanu (1997). At the level of logical form (LF) all elements must have a role. The proposal put forth by Alexiadou (1997) is that temporal and aspectual adverbs are licensed as Specifiers of the functional categories TP and AspP. Temporal and aspectual adverbs raise to [Spec,TP] and [Spec,AspP] to check their features. As mentioned before, aspectual and temporal adverbs are base-generated adjuncts to the VP. The cartographic approach argues that movement to the Spec position occurs because it is triggered by their need to check their features. The following chapter will discuss the various positions in which adverbs may appear and it will analyze the way in which these adverbs are licensed function of the scope based approach. (50) below is a mere illustration of how the adverb is licensed under the specifier / cartographic approach. (50)

He talked to her yesterday. AgrSP 2 DP AgrS’ hek 2 AgrS0 TP talkedj 2 AvP T’ yesterdayi 2 T0 AspP tj 2 Asp0 AgrOP 2 AgrO’ 2 AgrO0 …

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Agreement specifiers must be defined in terms of agreement. A specifier is just an adjunct that agrees with a head. Alexiadou’s assumption is that a head can license only one specifier under Spec-Head Agreement. Adverbs do not block movement of the verb. They offer evidence about it because they can be crossed by V-movement. They are left behind by the verb and various adverbs can intervene. (51)

John often kisses Mary passionately.

In what follows we discuss the positions in which temporal and aspectual adverbs appear with respect to the way in which they are licensed. As will be seen, adverbs can occur in different positions in the sentence. This sometimes triggers a different interpretation of the respective adverb but it is also a way in which we observe how adverbs are licensed: overtly or covertly, whether they are in their base-generated adjunct position, whetther they are focussed or whetther they are in their licensing position. To show that the presence of temporal and aspectual adverbs is crucial for the interpretation of a sentence, consider the following example: (52)

Albert is playing tennis.

(example from Smith 1990)

The interpretation of this sentence is ambiguous between: a) something unusual is scheduled for tomorrow: Albert is playing tennis. b) We cannot discuss the problem now: Albert is playing tennis. The ambiguity arises from the lack of the temporal adverb. It would have specified the moment or interval of time, which contributes to the temporal location of the situation. The fact is that temporal and aspectual adverbs together with the tense and aspect of a sentence establish the temporal location of that sentence or the perfective / imperfective aspect of that sentence. Looking at the paradigm of the Romanian verb, we observe that the Present, the Imperfect, the Infinitive, the Gerund are marked for [+continuous] (cf. Cornilescu 2000) therefore, they have [-PERF] reading. As proposed by Alexiadou, sentences containing a [-PERF] marked verb force a generic interpretation. (53)

a. John reads books. b. Mary plays tennis.

A possible claim would be to accept that an empty generic operator is always present in [Spec,AspP] and it is due to this operator that we have generic readings. In Romanian, the verb in the Prezent appears with imperfective verb stem merg [Present] mergeam [- Imperfect] Since this generic operator appears only with the imperfective aspect, it is licensed by non-marked and habitual Aspect. Furthermore Alexiadou suggests that in Modern Greek only a combination of [+past] [+perf] features forces a specific reading. The generic or specific reading is due to the features in Asp0. It seems that T0 does not carry such specifications, so the present tense can be interpreted as deictic, when a deictic temporal adverb is present. T0 is marked preferential] and is not responsible for specific vs. non-specific readings.

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The proposal is that the Imperfective aspectual head is the generic one that forces the generic reading, whereas the Perfective is the specific one that forces specific interpretations. As known, English Simple Present Tense has a generic, habitual interpretation. (54) (55)

Bill swam three times a week in March. Scott got up early every morning that year.

The calendar-clock adverbs look fine in all environments but they will be interpreted according to the tense of the verb as they are also unanchored. (56) (57)

a. She comes on Monday. b. Vine luni. a. She came on Monday. b. A venit luni.

The examples above suggest that the interpretation of the temporal adverb is based on the tense of the verb. To avoid the ambiguous temporal interpretation, a temporal adverb must be always present (cf. Smith 1978). In Romanian, the tense morpheme is located in T0. If the temporal adverb is licensed in [Spec,TP], the normal expected position after V-movement would be that the adverb follows the verb and precedes the other complements. However, temporal adverbs may occur after the elements they are supposed to have scope over as in (58), so an adjunction solution should be adopted in this case, namely, ieri is adjoined to PredP, in (58c) the entire PredP moves above to TP,while in (58d) only the verb and its auxiliary move outside the PredP to TP and the direct object NP stays in situ. Given strict adjacency in English, no adjunct can intervene to break the verb-direct object sequence, hence the ungrammaticality of (58b). (58)

a. He bought the car yesterday. instead of: b. *He bought yesterday the car. c. A cumpărat maşina ieri. d. A cumpărat ieri maşina.

As argued in a previous section, time adverbs may be simple or complex (concatenated). Concatenated time adverbs are single units in the temporal interpretation (cf. Crăiniceanu 1997), even though they need not occur as a unit in surface structure. Let us compare the interpretation of the following sentences: (59) (60) (61)

a. Bill arrived at 10 o’clock. b. Bill a sosit la ora 10. a. Bill arrived at 10 o’clock in the morning last Wednesday. b. Bill a sosit la ora 10 dimineaţa miercurea trecută. a. Last Wednesday, Bill arrived at 10 o’clock in the morning. b. Miercurea trecută, Bill a sosit la ora 10 dimineaţa.

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For sentences (59a) – (61b) there is only one RT, specified by the adverb in combination with the past tense. The complex adverb in (61a)-(61b) specifies RT more precisely than in (59a) – (60b). The adverbs have a double function in the sentences discussed above. They contribute to the specification of RT and give the relation between ET and RT. The examples in which one adverb is fronted as in (61a) – (61b) are somehow easier to interpret because complex adverbs constitute one unit. But if we consider examples like: (62)

a. *Bill wrecked the car last night three weeks ago. b. *Three weeks ago, Bill wrecked the car last night.

In (62b) were one of the adverbs is fronted, it is easier to observe the ungrammaticality of these examples. Here the two adverbs do not form a concatenation. In such sentences where there appear two time adverbs without being concatenated, the expectation is that the sentence might specify both ET and RT (cf. Smith 1978). This is not so since ET cannot be specified by simple adjunction of a time adverb to a sentence specifying RT. The examples show that this kind of construction is not possible. Therefore it would be reasonable to assume that English sentences have restrictions as to what concerns the number of time adverbs; namely their number in the sentence is limited to one. Sentences with one time adverb are interpreted as specifying RT. From this we can derive that RT is essential for interpretation. According to Smith (1978), English stative sentences with the perfective viewpoint are compatible with either a closed or an open interpretation depending on the context. Aspectual and temporal adverbs can make the interpretation of such sentences easier to grasp in the sense that they clarify the context. We obtain an open interpretation if the state continues or a closed interpretation if the state ceases to continue. (63) (64)

a. Sam knew French and he can still speak it fluently. b. Sam knew French but he can no more for lack of practice. a. Sam owned three peach orchards last year and he still owns them. b. Sam owned three peach orchards last year but he no longer owns them. (cf. Smith 1978)

If aspectual adverbs occur in a preverbal but post auxiliary position, the sentence aquires an intensive, emotionally highlighted or subjective involvement interpretation (cf. Crăiniceanu 1997) (65) (66)

She is always harping that string. Now, the boy is again whistling his infernal melodies.

For Romanian, the imperfective aspect rendered by the Prezent and the Imperfect contrives two different interpretations: continuousness and habituality. (67)

El vânează. / El vâna. ‘He hunts/ he is hunting. / He was hunting.’

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These sentences are incomplete since they may be interpreted as either imperfective or habituals. They need the presence of a temporal or aspectual adverb to locate them in time. Vişan (2006: 130-131) argues that the resultative stative value of the Romanian Perfect Compus comes from its combination with time adverbials, that do not normally occur in combination with other Romance perfects, which brings the Romanian Perfect Compus closer to its English counterpart. Moreover, as can be seen in (68b), the present tense equally allows for a ‘continuative’ interpretation just as the PC example in (68a), proving that Romanian PC has a genuine “present perfect” interpretation. (68)

a. M-a iubit dintotdeauna. me-clitic has loved-PC since always ‘He has loved me all his life.’ b. Mă iubeşte de demult / dintotdeauna. me-clitic loves-PRES since long ago / since always ‘He has loved me for a long time / all his life.’

In what we investigate the positions that temporal and aspectual adverbs can occupy (cf. Jackendoff 1972, Alexiadou 1997, Ernst 2002), are analyzed under the scope-based adjunction theory. 4.3.1. The initial position When aspectual and temporal adverbs appear in initial position they are prosodically marked and separated from the rest of the sentence by means of a comma. Belleti (1990) proposes that in this case the adverb is adjoined to AgrSP in the initial position and assumes that this level is recursive. Alternatively, the adverbs in initial position occupy a TopicP or FocusP which is outside the AgrSP. They are licensed in [Spec,TP] at the level of LF. (68)

a. Suddenly, I saw a friend. b. Yesterday, he went fishing. c. Often, John avoids work evidently. (examples from Jackendoff 1972)

In the case of concatenated frame adverbs such as: yesterday afternoon, there are two temporal adverbs in the sentence which have the same reference time. (69)

a. Bill phoned us at 10 o’clock in the morning last Wednesday.

An interesting remark is that part of such a concatenated adverb may be fronted without any change with respect to the specification of the reference time. (69)

b. Last Wednesday, Bill phoned us at 10 o’clock in the morning.

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The temporal adverb is fronted but no change is registered except in terms of stress. When fronted, aspectuals exhibit the same behaviour as temporals. They trigger no change except in stress. (70)

Once a month, he wrote to his mother.

The initial position is available in Romanian to both temporal and aspectual adverbs without any apparent change in interpretation. Consider the following examples: (71)

a. Alaltăieri pe la toacă s-a ivit în comună domnul Niţă Andreescu. ‘The day before yesterday in the evening Mr. Niţă Andreescu arrived in the village.’ (I.Al. Brătescu-Voineşti – “Niculăiţă Minciună”) b. Adineaori a trecut în târg şi nu s-a întors încă acasă. ‘He has just passed through the fair and has not come back home yet.’ (I. Al. Brătescu-Voineşti – “Nicuşor”) c. Anul trecut am făcut căruţa şi d-aia am rămas cu foncirea neplătită. ‘Last year I made the coach and this is why I was left with unpaid taxes.’ (Marin Preda – “Moromeţii”) d. Tocmai atunci tatăl şi fiul intrau în curte pe poarta grădinii. ‘Just then father and son were entering the yard through the garden gate.’ (Marin Preda – “Moromeţii”) e. Întotdeauna veneau mulţi oameni la spectacol. ‘They were always many people coming to the show.’ f. Rareori ştiau toţi elevii toată lecţia. ‘Rarely did all the students know the entire lesson.’

In the sentences above, the temporal or aspectual adverb has been fronted so that the stress falls on it. However, this does not affect the meaning of the sentence. When the adverb is in initial position the proposal of feature based theories is that it is in [Spec,AgrSP] (cf. Beletti (1990) and Alexiadou (1997)). But since the Romanian sentence was assumed to be MP (Alboiu 2002, a.o.) it follows that, when in initial position the adverb is adjoined somewhere in the MP domain. Alternatively, temporal and aspectual adverbs in initial position may occupy a TopicP or FocusP position which is outside the MP for Romanian. This is not necessarily so in this case, since under the scope-based approach the syntactic input and the semantic representation for, say, (1b) Adineaori a trecut în târg would be the following: (71)

b’. TP 2 Adineaori TP 2 T0 PerfP/AspP 2 0 Perf /Asp0 PredP 6 a trecut în târg

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b”. [t = adineaori & e ⊆ t [E C(e) & Agt (e, b)]]

Moreover, in Romanian there is also the possibility of concatenated temporal adverbs. The whole syntagm establishes one single RT which is more precisely specified. These concatenated temporal adverbs can occur both in initial and final position. (72)

a. El ne-a telefonat la ora 10 dimineaţa miercurea trecută. ‘He phoned us at 10 o’clock last Wednesday.’ b. Miercurea trecută el ne-a telefonat la ora 10 dimineaţa. ‘Last Wednesday he phoned us at 10 o’clock.’ (examples from Crăiniceanu 1997)

In (72b) a part of the concatenation may be fronted without triggering any change with respect to RT. In (73a-b), there is the syntactic input and the semantic representation respectively of (72b) (73)

a. TP 2 miercurea TP trecută 2 T0 PredP 2 la ora PredP 10 dimineaţa 6 el ne-a telefonat (73) b. [t = miercurea trecută & e ⊆ t & t< n & e ⊆ t [E t’ = la ora 10 dimineaţa & e’ ⊆ t’ [E’ C(e’) & Agt (e’, b)]]] 4.3.2. The preverbal position The preverbal positions of temporal and aspectual adverbs include the positions preceding finite verbs and particles. Aspectual adverbs are preferred in this position both pre-auxiliary and post-auxiliary. In this case we are dealing with a focused adverb (cf. Alexiadou 1997). The analysis we are going to follow is that according to which the adverb is adjoined at TP (cf Rijkhoek 1994, Ernst 2002, a.o.) for the cases when it follows the subject. (74)

a. He often talked to us. b. He often went to the sea. c. John always wrote long letters. d. He frequently visited us. First, we offer the solution in Alexiadou (1997):

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f.

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AgrSP 2 DP AgrS’ hek 2 AgrS0 TP 2 AvP T’ Frequently 2 T0 AspP 2 Asp0 AgrOP Visited …..

In all these cases the adverbs occupy a lower position than the finite verb having the participle in its scope (cf. Alexiadou 1997). The proposal made by Alexiadou is that these adverbs are focussed and the elements left of them, that is the subjects are Topicalized. The [Spec,VP] position cannot generate adverbs since it is not a position that has features which would license adverbs because it is the basic subject position. Under the cartographic approach, temporal adverbs in preverbal position can occupy the [Spec,TP] position (cf. Alexiadou 1997). (75)

a. Tasha (now) has (now) made up her mind. b. Mollie (previously) was (previously) practicing the wrong solo. (example 7.60 in Ernst 2002: 333)

Under the Scope Principle (Ernst 2002:333), there is no immediate need to discuss the occurrence of loc-time adverbials in preverbal position (i.e. before or after finite auxiliaries) since auxiliaries raise to Tense but can be interpreted in their base position. As far as Romanian is concerned, the preverbal position is available if the adverb is stressed as in (76a-b). The preverbal/post-auxiliary position is only available to clitic-like, light adverbs like mai, tot which are interpreted in a position adjoined to AspP. (76)

a. Studenţii ADESEA merg la cantină. students-the often go-PRES to cafeteria ‘Students often go to the cafeteria.’ b. Studenţii ADESEA au mers la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the often have gone-PC to cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students often went to the cafeteria during the semester.’ c. Studenţii mai/tot merg la cantină. students-the sometimes/still go-PRES to cafeteria ‘Students are still eating / still go to the cafeteria.’ d. Studenţii au mai/tot mers la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the have sometimes/still gone-PC to cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students have sometimes/still gone to the cafeteria during the semester.’

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e. Studenţii să mai/tot meargă la cantină în timpul semestrului. students-the să-CONJ sometimes/still go to cafeteria in time-the semester ‘Students should sometimes/still go to the cafeteria during the semester.’ f. TP 2 DP T’ studenţii 2 T0 AspP 2 AvP AspP adesea 2 Asp0 PredP 6 merg la cantină (76f) is the syntactic representation of (76a), where the aspectual adverb adesea ‘often’ is adjoined to AspP and the verb is interpreted in situ in PredP. For (76d) where we have a compound tense, the PC, the auxiliary raises to T0, the adverb is adjoined to AspP and the lexical verb raises out of the PredP to Asp0. For (76e), where we have the conjunctive mood, the subject raises all the way to [Spec, MP], the conjunctive marker să is in M0, the adverb is adjoined to AspP and the lexical verb can be interpreted in AspP or PredP. To this extent, adverbs that occur in this position function as a diagnosis test for subject positions in Romanian. 4.3.3. The postverbal position This position is available to temporal adverbs that denote indefinite time and aspectual frerquency adverbs both definite and indefinite. (77)

They came yesterday to visit us.

Under feature theory, the adverb yesterday follows the verb which is in AgrS0, therefore it is licensed overtly in its [Spec,TP] position. In Romanian, temporal and aspectual adverbs can also occur between a postverbal subject and the DO or the PO, which are clearly in the VP or higher (cf. Cornilescu 2000). (78)

a. În tinereţe apelau toţi nepoţii frecvent la unchiul lor bogat. in youth appealed all nephews-the frequently to uncle-the their rich ‘In their youth all the nephews used to appeal to their rich uncle.’ b. În vacanţă mergeau toţi copiii zilnic la mare. in holiday went-IMPERF all children-the daily to sea ‘During the holidays all the children used to go to the seaside everyday.’ (cf. Cornilescu 2000)

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Aspectual and temporal adverbs may also occur between the verb and the postverbal subject. (79)

Vara dormeau deseori toţi copiii pe terasă. summer-the sleep-IMPERF frequently all children-the on terrace ‘During the summer all the children used to sleep on the terrace.’

In examples (77)-(78) the adverbs are in postverbal position but also after the subject or they can appear in a postverbal position, preverbal subject as in (79). These positions are not available in English since clause structure differs from Romanian, and adverbs cannot break the sequence verb – direct object due to Strict Adjacency. Let us consider Quantifier Floating (QF). In Italian QF is compatible with preverbal subjects which license the quantifier left behind in [Spec,VP]. In Romanian, QF may co-occur with postverbal subjects as well (cf. Cornilescu 2000). The subject is postverbal yet it has to be to the left of the quantifier, in a c-commanding position, which can be assumed to be AgrSP. Temporal, aspectual and manner adverbs may intervene between the verb and the postverbal subject or between the postverbal subject and the quantifier. (80)

a. Grozav mai râseseră atunci ei amândoi de cele întâmplate. greatly still laugh-MMCP then they both of the happened ‘The two of them had laughed a lot about the occurred events back then.’ b. Grozav mai râseseră ei atunci amândoi de cele întâmplate. greatly still laugh-MMCP they then both of the happened

(81)

a. N-au uitat niciodată ei toţi toată lecţia. b. N-au uitat ei niciodată toţi toată lecţia. ‘They all have never forgotten the entire lesson.’ In (80a) the time adverb atunci is in a presubject position and it does not intervene between the subject and the floated quantifier amândoi. In (80b) atunci is still postverbal but it intervenes between the subject ei and the floated quantifier amândoi. In (80a) the adverb precedes the subject which is assumed to be in AgrSP (cf. Cornilescu art.) so the adverb is interpreted at this level. In (80b) the adverb is adjoined to TP, while the PredP, i.e. the verb and the manner adverb grozav have been topicalized and raised into the CP domain with the subject in a topic position. The same is true for (81a) and (81b) where in (81a) the aspectual adverb niciodată is postverbal adjoined to AspP. In (81b) the adverb intervenes between the postverbal subject ei/they which is again assumed to be in AgrSP and the floated quantifier toţi, therefore the adverb is adjoined to AspP. Consider the following examples: (82)

a. Apoi s-a auzit iar soneria. then s-REFL has heard-PC again doorbell-the ‘Then the doorbell was heard again.’ b. Zborul 246 soseşte acum la poarta 20. flight-the 246 arrives now at gate-the 20

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‘Flight 246 is now arriving at Gate 20.’ c. Pisicile cad totdeauna în picioare. Cats-the fall always in feet ‘Cats always fall on their feet.’ d. A venit azi, dar a plecat imediat înapoi pentru că avea treburi de rezolvat. has-3rd sg. come-PC today, but has-3rd sg. left-PC immediately back because had-3rd IMPERF things DE solve. ‘He came today, but left immediately back because he had things to solve.’ e. Familia Moromete s-a întors mai devreme de la câmp. family-the Moromete s-REFL has returned-PC more early from field ‘The Moromete family have returned earlier from the field.’ (Marin Preda – “Moromeţii”) f. Merg rareori la cumpărături cu părinţii. Go-1st sg. rarely to shopping with parents-the ‘I rarely go shopping with my parents.’ g. A cântat două ore şi la rugămintea publicului acordă acum un bis. has-3rd sg. sung-PC for two hours and at request-the audience-the-GEN grants now an encore. ‘He played for two hours and the the audience’s request he is now granting an encore.’ (example from Crăiniceanu 1997) In these cases the adverbs appear in a postverbal position following the verb but preceding the complements. Under the scope theory, this means that they are adjoined either at TP (temporal adverbs) or AspP (aspectual adverbs), the verb raises from PredP to T0 or higher to AgrS0 or M0 function of the features it has to value, and the subject to [Spec,TP] or above. (83)

TP 2 DP T’ Pisicile 2 T0 AspP cad 2 AvP Asp’ Totdeauna 2 Asp0 PredP 6 în picioare

4.3.4. The final position As shown, temporal adverbs enjoy a rather free distribution. There are restrictions as to the distribution of temporal and aspectual adverbs if we take into account the fact that they have

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certain features which they share with the respective relevant heads. Temporal and aspectual adverbs usually occur in final position. This is their base-generated adjunct position, which is a position preferred by strong/heavy elements (cf. Starke & Cardinaletti 1994). (84)

a. They arrived there yesterday. b. Au ajuns acolo ieri. c. *They arrived there tomorrow. d. *Au ajuns acolo mâine. e. I shall give you the book tomorrow. f. Îţi voi da cartea mâine. g. *I shall give you the book yesterday. h. *Îţi voi da cartea ieri. i. They have visited him twice this year. j. L-au vizitat de două ori anul acesta. him visit [+PERF]3rd pl twice[+PERF] this year. k. *They were visiting them twice. l. *Îi vizitau de două ori. them visit [-PERF] twice [+PERF]

The adverbs in (84a), (84b) yesterday, ieri are marked [-present, +past (anteriority)] and the T0 of the verbs arrived, au ajuns is also marked [-present, +past (anteriority)]. The adverbs in (84e), (84f) tomorrow, mâine are marked [-present, -past (anteriority)] and the respective T0s are also marked [-present, -past (anteriority)]. The features of the adverbs in (84a), (84b), (84e), (84f) show compatibility with the features in the respective T0. Hence sentences (84a), (84b), (84e), (84f) are grammatical. The adverbs in (84c), (84d) tomorrow, mâine are marked [-present, -past (anteriority)] but the respective T0s are marked [-present, +past (anteriority)] arrived, au ajuns. The same happens in (84g) and (84h) where yesterday, ieri are marked [-present, +past (anteriority)] while the respective T0s are marked [-present, -past (anteriority)]. The incompatibility between the features of the adverbs and the features of the respective functional head T0 in (84c), (84d), (84g), (84h) trigger the ungrammatical outcomes of these sentences. The features of the adverbs are not properly checked with the features in T0. In (84i), the aspectual adverb twice is marked for [+PERF] features and the respective head Asp0 is also marked for [+PERF] features. There is compatibility so the adverb is adjoined to AspP. In (84k) twice is marked for [+PERF] while Asp0 is marked for [-PERF], The features of the aspectual adverb are not compatible with those in Asp0 so the outcome is ungrammatical. Temporal and aspectual adverbs in final position are adjoined to TP and AspP respectively under the scope-based theory. As mentioned above, in final position they exhibit a strong/heavy element behaviour. (85)

a. We went to the museum once. b. The children woke up immediately. c. I have recognized her instantly. d. She sang again.

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a. *Mary behaved usually. b. They talked yesterday. c. I shall give you the money tomorrow. d. He bought the car yesterday.

The adverbs occur in final position following all the complements. This is actually their base generated adjunct position. The adverbs once, immediately, instantly, again, yesterday, tomorrow in (85a-d) and (86b-d) are interpreted as adjoined to PredP. The sentence in (86a) is ungrammatical because the adverb cannot satisfy the subcategorization frame of verbs like behave that take adverbs as complements. The final position occupied by temporal adverbs raises a paradox. In final position temporal or aspectual adverbs follow the elements they are supposed to have scope over. To solve this paradox, the verb in PredP raises above the adverb adjunction sites and is interpreted there. The adverbs in (84)-(86) are in a position of strong/heavy elements. In Romanian, temporal and aspectual adverbs appear in final position in their base generated position, adjoined to the PredP. Consider the following examples: (87)

a. Farfuria s-a golit numaidecât. plate-the s-REFL has emptied-PC immediately ‘The plate emptied immediately.’ b. Până aproape de seară am răsfoit revista mereu şi n-am întâlnit decât lucruri lipsite de importanţă. until close of evening have-1st sg. browsed-PC magazine-the always and not-have-1st sg. encountered-PC but things lacking of importance ‘Until the evening I kept on browsing through the magazine but only encountered trivial things.’ c. A doua zi inspectorul a venit iar, dar cu încă doi inşi. the second day inspector-the has-3rd sg. come-PC again, but with still two guys ‘The next day the inspector came again, but accompanied by two other guys.’ d. Doreau să cadă la învoială cu şeful sindicatului chiar astăzi. wanted-3rd pl. să fall-SUBJ at agreement with boss-the trade union-the-GEN even today ‘They wanted to reach an agreement with the trade union leader that very day.’ e. Ploua la ora 9 şi mai plouă şi acum. rain-IMPERF at hour 9 and still rains and now ‘It was raining at 9 o’clock and it is still raining now.’ f. Maria lucrează cu noi săptămâna asta. Maria works-PRES with we week-the this ‘Maria is still working with us this week.’ g. TP 2 DP T’ farfuria2 PredP T0 s-a golit 2 AvP PredP numaidecât 6 t

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In the examples (87a-f) above, the temporal or aspectual adverbs in final position are actually in its base-generated position that of an adjunct to PredP. The adverbs behave like strong/heavy elements (cf. Cardinaletti & Starke 1994). The solutions offered under the specifier approach, however, are not desirable for reasons discussed in Chapter 3. Therefore, under the scope-based analysis adopted there, the syntactic input and semantic representation for this position go along the lines of (87g). 4.3.5. The parenthetical position This position generates a special intonation of the element found in it. Comma intonation signals a somehow broken structure (cf. Alexiadou 1994). Adverbs found in such a position occupy the position they would normally occupy. It is the rest of the clause that is extraposed and occupies the right [Spec,CP] position. (88)

John, yesterday bought the car.

What triggers the extraposition of the clause is the focalization effect on the parenthetical adverb since it can be stressed and can stand a focused answer of a question: (89)

When did John buy the car?

The fact that the adverb seems to be focalized suggests that it occupies a [Spec,FocP] position. In Romanian, this position generates a special intonation, namely a comma intonation, which signals a somewhat broken structure. We propose that in such cases function of where the parenthetical position of the adverb occurs, the adverb remains adjoined to either PredP, AspP or TP and the other elements move to higher positions. (90)

Ion, ieri, a cumpărat maşina. Ion, yesterday, has-3rd sg. bought-PC car-the ‘Ion, yesterday bought the car.’

4.4. Left/right asymmetries of temporal adverbs In this section we are going to make a few remarks on the left/right asymmetries that occur with temporal adverbs. The claim that sets Ernst (2002) apart from previous analyses on loc-time adverbs is that they may be generated anywhere above VP, with no unique base position which is at oods with the common analyses of Giorgi & Pianesi (1997:107) and Laenzlinger (1998:8), who claim that these adverbs must be generated within VP shells. However, the evidence from word order, scope and constituency provided by Ernst (2002) lead to a dismissal of that analysis. One reason for the rejection of the claim that all loc-time adjuncts originate low in the structure lies in the fact that this is the only base position, higher positions must be the result of movement. This does not pose problems for the sentence initial position which has a comma intonation, since it allows

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temporal adjuncts related to either a high, wide-scope temporal interval which includes reference time in compound tenses, or a low, narrow scope interval, i.e. event time. (91)

a. At noon, Fred had gotten on the train. b. Fred had gotten on the train at noon. (example (7.71) in Ernst 2002: 337)

In this case noon can be the reference point from which we can consider Fred’s getting on the train in the morning (this reading is not actually favoured), or it can be the time at which Fred got on the train. Ernst (2002: 337) claims that “if we assume that the the narrow-scope reading results from preposing to initial position and that wide-scope readings come from either base-generation or movement from a relatively high base position, then the ambiguitiy is accounted for”. The final position also lends itself to ambiguities, i.e. given appropriate focus-presupposition structure and prosody, no stress and low intonation, the postverbal position in (92b) below can be correlated with reference time. Moreover, adjunction also explains cases where loc-time adjuncts occur above VP (or PredP). (92)

a. At noon, Fred didn’t get on the train. b. Fred didn’t get on the train at noon.

The source of the differences between LP and RP adverbials lies in their structural asymmetry (cf. Shaer 2004:290), i.e. the high position of LP adverbials and the low position of RP adverbials. In what follows, we offer a brief overview of the differences associated with the two types of adverbials and their interpretations: Left-periphery positions (LP) “high position” “wide-scope” “up-to-now” “position-definite” “reference time interpretations”

Right-periphery positions (RP) “low position” “narrow-scope” “existential” “non-position definite” “event-time interpretations”

Claim: The higher position (LP) is not available for “lower interpretations” but not the other way round, given the possibility of movement to higher, but not lower positions. However, there are certain cases in which “lower interpretations” are available to LP temporal adverbials. (93)

a. On Sunday morning Julia even / only goes to church. b. Julia even / only goes to church on Sunday morning. (example 17 in de Swart 1999:344)

Thus, point-time adverbials, such as at noon, at five, serve to identify single moments in time “occurring at a single moment” interpretations with VPs describing achievements (cf. Vendler 1967:103). They can be understood as identifying the onset of the consequent state. VPs describing activities and states have only marginal

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interpretations with point-time adverbials because neither situation type has any specific salient moments that these adverbials can identify. (95)

a. (At five,) John had solved the puzzle (at five). b. (At five,) John had written the letter (at five). c. ?(At five,) John had pushed carts (at five). d. (At five,) John had been drunk (at five). (example (57) in Shaer 2004: 317)

In the case of interval adverbials, i.e. between 1:00 and 2:00, we can identify intervals at which or within which the situations described by the four classes of predications hold or occur as in (96). (96)

a. (Between 2:00 and 3:00,) John had solved the puzzle (between 2:00 and 3:00). b. (Between 2:00 and 3:00,) John had written the letter (between 2:00 and 3:00). c. (Between 2:00 and 3:00,) John had pushed carts (between 2:00 and 3:00). d. (Between 2:00 and 3:00,) John had been drunk (between 2:00 and 3:00). (example (58) in Shaer 2004: 317)

Interval adverbials do not identify single moments, and they do not identify as such the onsets of either preparatory or consequent phases of an event nucleus in Shaer’s acception. This is done by means of using point-time adverbials. The result is that the consequent phase interpretations of achievement, accomplishment and activity predications, that are otherwise acceptable with point-time adverbials are only marginal here. For- and in- adverbials (97) and (98) respectively, we have the well known temporal properties of these adverbials. For-adverbials in (97c-d) have acceptable interpretations with activity and state predications, indicating duration of the homogeneous situations that these predications describe, and have no analogous interpretations with achievement and accomplishments predications. In-adverbials in (98), on the other hand, have acceptable interpretations with achievements and accomplishments, which indicate the time within which the corresponding events reached a culminating point and some change occurred. They have no interpretation with activities as can be seen in (98c), because they involve no culmination and hence no change. In-adverbials with states (98d) have an acceptable interpretation that identifies the interval within which that state becomes manifest. (97)

(98)

a. *?(For 3 hours,) John had solved the puzzle (for 3hours). b. *?(For 3 hours,) John had written the letter (for 3hours). c. (For 3 hours,) John had pushed carts (for 3hours). d. (For 3 hours,) John had been drunk (for 3hours). (example (59) in Shaer 2004: 317) a. (In 3 hours,) John had solved the puzzle (in 3 hours). b. (In 3 hours,) John had written the letter (in 3 hours). c. *?( In 3 hours,) John had pushed carts (in 3 hours). d. (In 3 hours,) John had been drunk (in 3 hours). (example (60) in Shaer 2004: 317)

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One possible conclusion regarding left/right asymmetries of temporal adverbs would be that their interpretations, irrespective of whether they are at LP or RP, are “constrained by lexical compatibility requirements” determining their compatibility with particular predications (Shaer 2004:321). One other conclusion is that temporal adverbs have possible base positions outside VP (both the low VP, i.e. PredP, and the higher VP, i.e. TP). (99)

a. *They will arrive yesterday. b. The victim of the car accident died an hour ago last Monday.

Those sentences that are ruled out, usually occur when there are semantic incompatibilities or constraints on the temporal adverb that are at work, such as (99) below, where there is a constraint that prevents the past reference adverb yesterday from occurring with the future (99a) and the constraints that prevent the two temporal adverbs in (99b) to co-occur.

4.5. Temporal and aspectual adverbs in nominalizations In this section, we explore the different contexts in which adjectives and adverbs may be generated with a focus on e-nominals (Alexiadou 1997) with examples from English and Romanian focusing on their distribution inside nominalizations with a few remarks on temporal and aspectual adverbials. Following Alexiadou (1997:238) adjectives and adverbs form one lexical category; adverbs are licensed by verbal features in a specifier position of a functional projection (Cinque 1999), whereas adjectives are licensed by nominal head features. The -ly suffix of English adverbs is an indication of agreement between the adverb and the verbal head just as the adjective agrees in number, gender and case with the noun. There are some striking similarities between adjectives and adverbs (Alexiadou 1997) that have contributed to considering adjectives and adverbs as forming one category: a) the consistent morphological relation between the two: in English adverbs are generally formed from adjectives by adding the suffix -ly, in Spanish by adding the suffix -mente, in French by adding the suffix -ment. It is to be noted that most adverbs in English use the comparative form of the adjective: (100)

He ran quicker / *quicklier than we thought.

(Alexiadou, 1997)

Evidence from Dutch, German and even Romanian shows that there are some adverbs that do not carry an affix and there is no morphological distinction between the adjective and the adverb. (101)

a. Er ist klug ‘He is clever.’ b. Er spielt klug.

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‘He plays cleverly.’ c. El este violent. ‘He is violent.’ d. Joacă violent. ‘He plays violently.’

b) The same set of degree modifiers that occur in Adjective Phrases can also occur in Adverbial Phrases: (102)

He is so clever. He is too fast for us. He is as fast as John is.

(103)

He ran so quickly that he got there in time. You are running too quickly. I can run as quickly as you can.

c) Adverbs and adjectives appear in a similar relative order inside clauses and DPs.

d) Licensing. Adverbs are licensed as specifiers of functional heads. (cf. Alexiadou 1997, Cinque 1999) Similarly, there are also difference between the two classes as can be summed up below:

a) Adverbs do not show any agreement in number or gender as the adjectives do, though there seem to be exceptions. There appear to be Agent-oriented adverbs that agree with a subject in Spanish (Zagona 1990) and Romanian4: (104)

a. Jugaron al tenis descalzos. b. They played tennis barefoot (pl.) c. Au jucat fotbal desculţi. have 3rd pl. played football barefoot (masc. pl.) ‘They have played football barefoot.’ d. *Au jucat fotbal desculţ. have 3rd pl. played football barefoot-ADV ‘They have played football barefoot.’

b) Their distribution is different: adjectives are nominal modifiers while adverbs modify the verb. Thus the expectation would be that adverbs cannot occur inside nominals because they would need some VP projection in order to be licensed. However as it will be shown in a later section they do but they cannot occur in a pre-nominal position. 4

However, these adverbs that appear to show agreement are actually adjectives that enter a small clause construction.

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a. They departed rudely. b. *They departed rude. c. John is very rude. d. *John is very rudely. e. *John is a very rudely creature.

As it appears from the examples above adverbs do not occur in the same positions as adjectives so they could be said to be in complementary distribution.

c) A traditional difference between adjectives and adverbs claims that adjectives take complements, whereas adverbs. However only attributive prenominal adjectives do not take complements and cannot be modified similar to the specifier-type adverbs. Predicative adjectives are those that take a complement just as some adverbs behave predicatively taking a sentence as their complement. (Examples for English due to Alexiadou 1997) (106)

a. *his more possible than I thought reaction b. *his immediate towards you reaction c. *a fond of literature student d. He is fond of literature.

(107)

a. Her decision was independent of mine. b. She decided independently of me.

(108)

a. probabila sa plecare probable fem. sg.-THE her leaving b. *plecarea sa probabil leaving-THE her probably c. *probabil plecarea sa probably leaving-THE her

(109)

a. Probabil că voi pleca. (Gramatica Academiei) Probably that will 1st pers. sg. leave.

Both DPs and CPs occur as arguments of predicates. They are similar in that they accept the same pronominal substitutes: it, this, that. Clauses have a pronominal form chosen as clause substitute because they have default ϕ-features. This is confirmed by the agreement between verbs and subject clauses. (110)

a. I believe that God is good. b. I believe this / that / it. c. [That he knows the truth] is not sure.

It has been noticed that the order in which adjectives appear in a DP mirrors the order in which adverbs appear in the clause (cf. Alexiadou 1997, Cinque 1999):

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speaker-oriented>subject-oriented>manner probable >clever >easy probably >cleverly >easily Cinque (1993, 1999) suggests that adjectives should be generated in distinct specifier positions inside the DP parallel to the proposal that adverbs should be generated in distinct specifier positions in the sentence. Cinque’s proposal is that the structure of the DP should include a number of functional projections corresponding to the relative order of adjectives: possessive>cardinal>ordinal>speaker-oriented>subject-oriented>manner>thematic (for event nominals) (11)

le sue due altre probabili goffe reazioni the his two other probable clumsy reactions.

This relative order appears natural under the generation in Spec-hypothesis because it could be the result of the relative order of the functional projections in whose Specs these APs are generated. Since the number of attributive adjectives appearing between N’ and D0 is limited to six or seven, Cinque proposes that adjectives should be generated in distinct specifier positions inside the DP, in the same way as adverbs are said to be generated in distinct specifier positions of functional heads in the sentence. Evidence for supporting the Spec-hypothesis comes from Romanian (cf. Cinque 1993) where APs move to spec DP. The N moves to D0 overtly (112b) and adjectives do not block movement, in which case they are not X0 heads. Demonstrative phrases block the movement of other APs over them (112c) (112)

a. [DP[AP Extraordinar de frumos]ul] [t portret]] extremely DE beautifulTHE portrait b. [DP Portretul [acesta t [frumos [t]]]] PortraitTHE this-AGR beautiful c. *Extraordinar de frumosul [acest(a) [t portret]] Extremely DE beautifulTHE this portrait

The order of adjectives belongs to the speaker / object distinction which appears to be the reverse of the identifying potential that each adjective class has; “the less object-like (starting from left to right) an adjective is the more efficiently it appears to identify the noun; the more object-like it is, the less identifying it is.”(cf. Stavrou 1999) Thus, speaker-oriented adjectives are further away from the noun they modify whereas object-oriented ones, because they characterize nouns in a more stable manner, are positioned closer to the head noun. Stavrou’s (1999) analysis gives precedence to the scope reading over the noun rather than to the conjoined reading. The scope or hierarchical reading is represented by: (Art) (A+(A(A(A… (A-N)))))

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Thus every prior A(P) modifies (has scope over) the following (A(P)+N) combination. (113)

a. ?probabila completă invazie a Austriei probable(fem. sg)THE complete(fem. sg) invasion of Austria b. *completa probabilă invazie a Austriei complete(fem. sg)THE probable (fem sg) invasion of Austria probabil > complet

(114)

a. frecventa completă invazie a Austriei frequent(fem. sg) THE complete (fem. sg) invasion of Austria b. frecventa invazie completă a Austriei frequent(fem. sg) THE invasion complete (fem. sg) of Austria c. *completa frecventă invazie a Austriei complete (fem. sg) THE frequent (fem. sg) invasion of Austria d. ?completa invazie frecventă a Austriei complete (fem. sg) THE frequent (fem. sg) invasion of Austria e. *completa invazie frecvent a Austriei complete (fem. sg) THE invasion frequently of Austria f. ?completa invazie a Austriei frecvent complete (fem. sg) THE invasion of Austria frequently g. ?frecventa invazie complet a Austriei frequent (fem. sg)THE invasion completely of Austria h. ?frecventa invazie a Austriei complet frequent (fem. sg)THE invasion of Austria completely frecvent > complet

(115)

a. probabila frecventă invazie a Austriei probable (fem. sg) THE frequent (fem. sg) invasion of Austria b. *frecventa probabilă invazie a Austriei frequent (fem. sg)THE probable (fem. sg) invasion of Austria c. *?probabil invazia frecventă a Austriei probably invasion frequent (fem. sg) of Austria probabil > frecvent probabil > frecvent > complet

Co-occurrence of probabil(ă) and frecvent(ă) is awkward (cf. Valois 1990) because frecvent(ă) implies that an invasion has taken place many times whereas probabil(ă) does not imply that an invasion has taken place at all. Valois (1990) observes that by using the plural form, the sentence improves considerably: (116)

a. probabilele frecvente invazii ale Austriei probable (fem. pl) THE frequent (fem. pl) invasions of Austria b. *frecventele probabile invazii ale Austriei frequent (fem. pl)THE probable (fem. pl) invasions of Austria

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c. *?probabil frecvent invazii ale Austriei probably frequently invasions of Austria Co-occurrence of two adverbs is possible but only if one of the two adverbs (probabil) modifies the other (frecvent). (117)

a. invaziile Austriei probabil frecvent invasionsTHE Austria GEN probably frequently b. *invaziile Austriei frecvent probabil invasionsTHE Austria GEN frequently probably

Frecvent (frequently) does not have scope over probabil (probably) (cf. Stavrou 1999) The order of adverbs mirrors the order of adjectives. Grimshaw (1990) argues for the existence of two types of nominals: complex event nominals and result nominals. To this extent, let us compare the complex event nominal in (118) to the result nominal in (119): (118)

(119)

a. The instructor’s (intentional) examination of the student b. The frequent collection of mushrooms by students c. The monitoring of wild flowers to document their disappearance d. The destruction of Rome in a day a. The instructor’s examination / exam b. John’s collections c. These frequent destructions took their toll

As a result Grimshaw draws a parallel between the properties of complex event nominals and result nominals: Complex event nominals have argument structure; are θ-assignors and take obligatory arguments have an event reading have agent-oriented modifiers (intentional) are subjects of arguments have by-phrases arguments have implicit argument control take aspectual modifiers (frequent, constant) are possible without plural are mass nouns

Result nominals are non-θ assignors and have no obligatory arguments no event reading no agent-oriented subjects are possessives (John’s) by-phrase are non-arguments no implicit argument control no aspectual modifiers frequent, constant are possible only with plural nouns are countable nouns

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This classification is supported by the impossibility of mixing and matching properties. If the nominal takes an argumental by-phrase, a modifier such as constant cannot take a plural noun and the object cannot be omitted either (see 120). (120)

*The constant examination(s) by the students. If destruction has no arguments, the modifier in a day yields ungrammaticality

(121): (121)

*The destruction in a day.

Grimshaw’s proposal was that Complex event nominals have an event argument (Ev) which makes it possible for the nominal to have argument taking properties, whereas result nominals have a referential (R) external argument responsible for their result interpretation. The account presents some problems with respect to the idea that a noun may directly assign an event argument or be associated with event structure since many nominals which denote an event behave like result nominals (cf. Borer 2000) (122)

a. *The constant race to the mountains b. *The event in three hours c. *John’s deliberate trip to the mountains d. *A race from the station by Mary e. *The metamorphosis of the town in order to win the medal

The examples in (123) show that nouns such as event, metamorphosis are indeed event denoting. (123)

a. The three different races from the stadium lasted a long time. b. The metamorphosis of Paris will last into the next century. c. The trip / event / journey occurred last night.

An event denotation cannot induce on its own the properties of event nominals. There must be some distinction between event nominals in (118) and the event nominals in (122). Grimshaw further refines her classification of nominals into Complex Event (118) and Simple Event Nominals (122). This distinction is based on argument structure. Thus, Complex Event Nominals assign a role to an Ev argument (Ev) while Simple Event Nominals pattern with Result Nominals in not assigning such a role but in assigning a role to a referential index (R). Borer (2000) claims that only nouns which are derived from verbs or adjectives by means of overt affixation can be Argument Structure Nominals corresponding to Grimshaw’s Complex Event Nominals. However the very existence of nominals derived from adjectives poses further problems to Grimshaw’s model. (124)

a. The court’s awareness of the problem

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b. Pat’s consciousness of my presence c. Jill’s fondness of classical music d. Robin’s readiness to leave (125)

Apropierea sa de părinţi Closeness-THE her to parents

Only some of the properties suggested by Grimshaw for Complex Event Nominals apply in the case of de-adjectival nominals, namely: θ-assignors, obligatory arguments; subjects are arguments constant possible without plural but: no agent-oriented modifiers no implicit argument control no aspectual modifiers These de-adjectival nominals do not behave as result nominals either, since their subject is an argument rather than a possessor, constant need not occur with a plural. Therefore, Borer (2000) points out the fact that nouns which do not have a verbal or adjectival source are never Argument Structure Nominals. The presence of certain adverbs within Complex Event nominalizations or process nominalizations (cf. Fu, Roeper, Borer 2001) is a clear indication for the presence of a syntactic VP projection inside these nominals, a projection headed by the stem verb. Moreover Alexiadou (1999) argues for the existence of two verbal functional categories inside nominals: small v and Aspect. As it can be seen in (126) certain adverbs do occur inside e-nominals so the presence of a syntactic VP projection is indeed necessary. The distribution of adverbs inside e-nominals is said to offer evidence not only for the presence of a verbal constituent inside them but also evidence for movement as will be seen in a later section. (126) While the removal of evidence purposefully (is a crime), the removal of evidence unintentionally (is not). (example from Fu et al. 2001) (127)

a. distrugerea oraşului frecvent destructionTHE cityTHE GEN frequnetly b. *distrugerea frecvent a oraşului destructionTHE frequently of cityTHE GEN c. distrugerea frecventă a oraşului destructionTHE frequent fem.sg. of cityTHE GEN d. *distrugerea oraşului frecventă destructionTHE. cityTHE GEN frequent fem.sg

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e. *frecvent distrugerea oraşului frequently destructionTHE. cityTHE GEN f. frecventa distrugere a oraşului frequent fem.sg.-THE destruction cityTHE GEN As seen in (127) the distribution of adverbs inside nominals shows that they are in complementary distribution with adjectives. Furthermore, it is unlikely that two adverbs can appear inside nominalizations. (128)

a. posibila ocupare a Germaniei frecvent possible fem. sg.-THE occupation of Germany frequently b. *ocuparea Germaniei posibil frecvent occupation-THE Germany GEN possibly frequently

So far, we have seen that only descriptive VP adverbs can occur in nominalizations. In contrast, sentence adverbs are not acceptable in e-nominals since they cannot be placed between the DO and IO as VP adverbs can (cf. Fu et al. 2001). (129)

a. Her explanation of the problem thoroughly to the tenants (did not cause a riot). b. *Her explanation of the problem fortunately to the tenants (did not cause a riot).

If sentential adverbs are barred from occurring in e-nominals, it is because they need an appropriate syntactic environment in order to be licensed. According to Cinque (1997) they are higher sentence adverbs and are licensed the specifier position of a functional projection so as to take scope over the sentence. Such a position is apparently not available inside nominals. The presence of adverbs inside e-nominals offers evidence for the existence of a VP constituent. Let us consider the possible positions of adverbs and aspectual modifiers inside these nominals. (examples for English due to Fu et al. 2001) (130)

a. *His frequently removal of the evidence (resulted in obscuring the case). b. *His removal frequently of the evidence c. His removal of the evidence frequently

(131)

a. *Frecvent înlăturarea dovezilor Frequently removal-THE evidence-GEN pl. b. Frecventa înlăturare a dovezilor Frequent-THE removal of evidence-GEN pl. c. *înlăturarea frecvent a dovezilor Removal-THE frequently of evidence-GEN pl. d. înlăturarea frecventă a dovezilor Removal-THE frequent fem.sg. of evidence-GEN pl. e. înlăturarea dovezilor frecvent Removal-THE evidence-GEN pl. frequently f. *înlăturarea dovezilor frecventă Removal-THE evidence-GEN pl. frequent fem.sg.

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As argued in a previous section and as can be seen in (131) above, the distribution of adverbs is distinct from that of adjectives. Within the lexicalist approach one could account for the occurrence of adverbs in (130c) by assuming that the Ev argument may license an adverb. However this would not explain why sentence adverbs cannot occur inside e-nominals since the Ev argument makes available a position for licensing the adverb. (132)

a. *Kim’s fortunately removing the evidence b. *Kim’s removing, fortunately, the evidence

(133)

a. înlăturarea dovezilor probabil Removal-THE evidence-GEN pl. probably b. înlăturarea probabil a dovezilor Removal-THE probably of evidence-GEN pl.

It is assumed by (Fu et al. 2001) that adjectives are either adjuncts (134a) or they occupy specialized functional specifiers (134b). Adjunction to NP (134) a.

DP 2

Spec

D’ 2 D° NP 2 AP NP 2 deliberate Spec N’ t 2 N° Compl removal of the evidence

His

Functional Specifiers b. Spec His

DP 2 D’ 2 D° FP 2 Spec F’ 2 Adj F° NP 2 deliberate Spec N’ t 2 N° Compl removal of the evidence

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Cinque (1997) made similar structural assumptions for the structure of adverbs: they may be either adjoined or in a specialized specifier of a functional projection. The problem is however that this cannot account for the presence of the adjective frequent in Spec FP while the adverb frequently is barred from occurring in the same position. Adverbs however occur where adjectives are impossible as in (130c) in the right periphery of the nominal or between complements as in (135) below (cf. Fu et al. 2001) (135)

The arrival of the trains promptly at the station

However, if e-nominals include a nominal projection dominating a verbal projection, the distribution of adjectives and adverbs receives an immediate and natural explanation. Adverbs are banned from in a pre-nominal position simply because they are not licensed pre-nominally. On the other hand, adjectives are impossible at the right periphery or intervening between a head and a complement because post-nominal adjective modification is generally impossible. Moreover in the case of e-nominals, post-nominal adjectival modification of a VP structure is never possible. Adverbs and adjectives are structurally different and may have different interpretations corresponding to their distinct structural positions. Adjectives and adverbs can co-occur within the same nominalization. (136)

a. Atenta distrugere a documentelor imediat (i-a salvat viaţa). Careful-THE destruction of documents-GEN immediately (has saved his life). b. Imediata distrugere a documentelor atent (i-a salvat viaţa). Immediate-THE destruction of Documents-GEN carefully …

(137)

a. Prezentarea sa amănunţită a rezultatelor lent (a produs o impresie bună). Presentation-THE his thorough of results-GEN slowly (has made a good impression). b. Prezentarea sa lentă a rezultatelor amănunţit (a produs o impresie bună). Presentation-THE his slow-fem. sg. of results-GEN thoroughly …

Adverbs and adjectives inside nominalizations can modify objects. In (138) below both adjective and adverb are possible, but only the adverb individual (individually) can modify the object acestor documente (“these documents”). (138)

a. Distrugerea acestor documente individual Destruction-THE these-GEN documents individually b. Distrugerea individuală a acestor documente Destruction-THE individual of these documents

A pre-nominal adjective in e-nominals unlike its adverbial counterpart in post-nominal or pre-verbal position cannot modify the object. (Fu et al. 2001) argue that there is an inner VP constituent which is together with the adverb and the object in the same maximal projection excluding pre-nominal adjectives. They further propose a rule which says that

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“an NP is modifiable by a modifier in its immediate maximal projection. Objects can be modified by a modifier within their maximal projections, including post-nominal adverbs and pre-verbal adverbs but excluding pre-nominal adjectives.” Conclusions so far. Adverbs and adjectives have similar properties which makes the claim that they belong to the same category valid. Their distinct distribution inside nominalizations and the fact that they can co-occur in the same nominal point to the existence of an inner VP constituent inside nominalizations. The positioning of adverbs inside nominalizations offers evidence for a constituent boundary (cf. Fu, Roeper, Borer 2001) which is not compatible with a structure that would be exclusively nominal. This structure would be fully compatible with an embedded VP projection under N’. The absence of speaker-oriented / sentence adverbs vs. the presence of VP / manner adverbs and the possibility of having grammatical outcomes with both speaker-oriented as well as manner adjectives both stem from the embedded VP hypothesis. This absence of speaker-oriented adverbs indicates the absence of any functional nodes that may be linked to sentential interpretation namely TP (or IP) projections that would license sentence adverbs.

4.6. Summing up In this chapter we have discussed the different classifications of adverbs in Romanian from a traditional perspective according to their function and syntactic behaviour and other classifications of temporal adverbs according to their time orientation and of aspectual adverbs according to the features they share with the relevant Asp0 head. We have shown that aspectual and temporal adverbs help to eliminate the ambiguity in the interpretation of sentences both in English and in Romanian. We have also discussed the combinatorial possibilities of these adverbs with the verb. Another interesting conclusion is that with respect to the analysis of weak vs. strong and light vs. heavy elements, temporal and aspectual adverbs behave like strong elements when generated in final position. Aspectual adverbs differ from temporal ones in that they block extraction while temporal adverbs do not. We have seen that temporal and aspectual adverbs occur in various positions in English and Romanian, enjoying a rather free distribution. Due to the structure of the Romanian sentence, the preverbal auxiliary position is not available to temporal and aspectual adverbs alike. It is a position filled by weak, clitic-like adverbs such as mai, tot. Temporal and aspectual adverbs occur in initial position where they are stressed. As clause structure in Romanian has been assumed to be have an MP as its highest node, adverbs in initial position can be adjoined to the TP, AspP or PredP with the rest of the elements raising out of the VP/PredP domain. The parenthetical positions of temporal and aspectual adverbs are interesting to the extent that they are focused and remain in their fixed position while the clause moves around the adverbs into the CP domain.

CHAPTER 5 – CONCLUSIONS This book attempted to provide a more refined classification of temporal and aspectual adverbs according to their orientation in time. Following the same line of thinking as Protopopescu (2012), the classification tried to offer a correlation between the syntactic postions occupied by these adverbs in the clause and their interpretation. We discussed the distinction anchored / unanchored temporal adverbs and we adopted the hypothesis that temporal and aspectual adverbs can be distinguished in terms of weak / strong, light / heavy elements (cf. Cardinaletti and Starke 1994, Alexiadou 1994). In the first chapter, we set out a few directions for study for the issues to be addressed in the bok in an attempt to offer a pertinent analysis and hopefully good solutions to the puzzles raised by the class of temporal and aspectual adverbs in English but mostly in Romanian. The second chapter introduced the general framework for the analysis in the book, i.e. the Minimalist Inquiries framework in Chomsky (2000, 2001). The purpose of this chapter was to discuss those aspects of the theory that exhibit relevance for the study of temporal and aspectual adverbs and the structure of the Romanian clause and CP domain. This discussion introduced the main ideas of the Minimalist Inquiries framework, followed by a closer look at functional projections since there are many studies on the syntax of adverbs that are centered on this issue. Finally, we provided an overview of the structure and properties of Romanian sentences based on several existing analyses of the language. Chapter three discussed the current theories in the study of adverbs from the point of view of the temporal and aspectual classes. We have seen that the cartographic approaches offer an innovative way of licensing these items, Alexiadou (1997), in particular offers intriguing solutions and notices important aspects of adverb behaviour that can relate them to the relevant functional categories ot Tense, Aspect or Voice. Cinque’s (1999) model assumes that functional adverbs, which include the temporal and aspectual adverbs we discusss in this book, are rigidly ordered, so multiple positions for one functional adverb such as, say, frequently must be able to occur in each of at least five positions, among, before and after those in (1) below. (1)

willingly > wisely > suddenly > already

Cinque (1999:106)

This would entail that these five occurrences are not the same adverb licensed by the same head, but rather each one is licensed by a different head that contributes some extra tinge of meaning, by which each adverb gets a different interpretation. The Scope theory, defended by Ernst (2002) predicts patterns where an adverb such as frequently uniformly takes an event whose content is specified by the immediate c-commanding domain.

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The fourth chapter is dedicated to an extensive analysis of Romanian temporal and aspectual adverbial classes in comparison to the existing analysis of the same English classes. To this extent, we started from traditional classifications of Romanian temporal and aspectual adverbs and tried to come up with a state of the art classification that would encompass all features discussed in previous analyses. We also revisited the sentence structure of English and Romanian and we have shown that the two languages show contrastive clause structure. The sentence structure for English shows that there are two Aspect Projections and the Modal Projection is lower than TP and higher than AspP. AgrSP > TP > MP > Asp1P > Asp2P > Voice P > VP We have argued that aspectual and temporal adverbs are adjoined to AspP and TP respectively, under the Scope-based theory (cf. Ernst 2002). We have also discussed the combinatorial possibilities of these adverbs with the verb. Another interesting conclusion is that with respect to the analysis of weak vs. strong and light vs. heavy elements, temporal and aspectual adverbs behave like strong elements when generated in final position. Aspectual adverbs differ from temporal ones in that they block extraction while temporal adverbs do not. We have seen that temporal and aspectual adverbs occur in various positions in English and Romanian, enjoying a rather free distribution. Due to the structure of the Romanian sentence, the preverbal auxiliary position is not available to temporal and aspectual adverbs alike. It is a position filled by weak, clitic-like adverbs such as mai, tot. Temporal and aspectual adverbs occur in initial position where they are stressed. As clause structure in Romanian has been assumed to be have an MP as its highest node, adverbs in initial position can be adjoined to the TP, AspP or PredP with the rest of the elements raising out of the VP/PredP domain. The parenthetical positions of temporal and aspectual adverbs are interesting to the extent that they are focused and remain in their fixed position while the clause moves around the adverbs into the CP domain. After the extensive analysis of the distribution of these adverb classes we also investigated the left/right asymmetries that temporal adverbs seems to favour, as well as the behaviour of adverbs in nominalizations in general which made us conclude along the lines of Alexiadou (1997), that adjectives and adverbs are essentially from one category.

APPENDICES The data supplied in the appendices provides contexts of occurence for the two classes of adverbs analyzed in this book. The first and second appendix is a classification of temporal and aspectual adverbs in Romanian. The third appendix provides contexts drawn from literary texts and since there have not been so many studies on Romanian temporal and aspectual adverbs, the corpus provided here can prove to be a very good tool for further studies. The adverbs in the third appendix are listed alphabetically and below every context we also provided an English literary translation.

APPENDIX 1 Classification of Romanian Temporal Adverbs Time frame (Smith 1990) Deictic

Time orientation (Smith 1990, Alexiadou 1994, Crăiniceanu 1997) [+present, -past (anteriority)] = simultaneity

Relational values (Smith 1978)

Adverbs / Adverbials

anchored

[+present, (anteriority)] anteriority

anchored

acum (now), azi (today), astăzi (today) actualemente (currently), momentan (momentarily), în present (at present), săptămâna asta (this week), imediat (immediately) ieri (yesterday), alaltăieri (the day before yesterday), răsalaltăieri (the day before the day before yesterday), duminica trecută (last Sunday), săptămâna trecută (last week), azi-dimineaţă (this morning), azi-noapte (yesterday night) duminică (on Sunday), aseară (yesterday evening), deunăzi (the other day) mâine (tomorrow), poimâine (the day after tomorrow), răspoimâine (the day after the day after tomorrow), lunea viitoare (next Monday), săptămâna viitoare (next week) în viitor (in the future), mai încolo (later), mai târziu (later) apoi (then / after that), marţi (on Tuesday) vreodată (sometimes), cândva (sometimes), ulterior (afterwards) atunci (back then), apoi (then / after that), târziu (late), luni (on Monday), deocamdată (for the time being), tocmai (just)

+past =

unanchored

unanchored

[-present, (anteriority)] posteriority

-past =

anchored

unanchored Anaphoric

[-present, (anteriority)] posteriority

-past =

[+present, (anteriority)] anteriority

+past =

anchored unanchored

anchored

unanchored

116 Referential

DARIA PROTOPOPESCU [-present, (anteriority)] posteriority

-past =

anchored unanchored

[+present, (anteriority)] anteriority

+past =

anchored unanchored

în 2015 (in 2015) la ora zece (at ten o’clock), în iunie (in June), la / pe 14 aprilie (at / on the 14th of April) în 2011 (in 2011) la ora zece (at ten o’clock), în iunie (in June), la / pe 14 aprilie (at / on the 14th of April)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

APPENDIX 2 Classification of Romanian Aspectual Adverbs Aspectual classes Adverbs duration

of

Adverbs definite frequency

of

Adverbs indefinite frequency

of

Features

Adverbs

[+ durative] [+ continuous] [- definite frequency] [+ habitual] [- durative] [- continuous] [+ definite frequency]

permanent (permanently), veşnic (forever), mereu (always), totdeauna (always)

[- durative] [- continuous] [- definite frequency]

lunar (monthly), săptămânal (weekly), zilnic (daily), annual (annually),marţea (on Tuesdays), în fiecare zi (every day) frecvent (frequently), adesea (often), de obicei (usually), de regulă (customarily), rareori (rarely)

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APPENDIX 3 Contexts for Romanian Temporal and Aspectual Adverbs Adverb (de) astă dată

Context (1) Am vrut să-i trimit din nou scrisoarea, de astă dată deschisă, aşa cum procedasem la început. (IV, p.45) I wanted to send her the letter again, this time open, as I had done on other occasions. (2) Iliuţă începu, de astă dată la chitară, balada lui Ciprian Porumbescu. (IV, p.53) Iliuţă started playing Ciprian Porumbescu’s ballad on the guitar this time. (3) Cinteza tot n-a sesizat intenţia gazdei şi a zburat iarăşi oprindu-se de astă-dată pe pervazul ferestrei. (IV, p.91) The chaffinch still did not see the hosts intention and flew away again stoppping this time on the window sill. (4) Dar cinteza nu se gândea să fugă, ci, spre marea noastră mirare, ateriză de astă-dată chiar pe coşuleţul cu pâine şi începu să-şi înfigă ciocul în miezul pufos. (IV, p.91) But the chaffinch was not thinking of running away, but, to our great surprise, this time it landed right on the bread basket and started to plunge its beak into the fluffy bread. (5) De astă-dată marea se desluşea bine. Era albastră, sticloasă, imensă, ca un al doilea cer culcat pe pământ. (IV, p.75) This time one could easily tell the sea. It was blue, glassy, immense, like a second sky lying on the ground. (6) Îi explicam, de astă dată, rostul primei scrisori ca o simplă încercare de a-i verifica simţămintele. (IV, p.88) This time, I was explaining the purpose of the first letter as a mere attempt of checking her feelings. (7) De astă dată îngenunche lângă mine, îmi luă capul în mâini şi-l puse pe pieptul ei. (IV, p.125) This time she knelt next to me, took my head in her arms and placed it on her chest. (8) De astă dată m-a copleşit o imensă bucurie. Am avut grijă să n-o dau pe faţă, păstrând-o doar pentru mine. (IV, p.131) This time a huge happiness overcame me. I was careful not to reveal it, keeping it all to myself. (9) Altă petrecere, alt banchet, de astă dată intim, cu prietenii mei, printre care Bogdăneştii, Veveriţa cu Urangutanul ei şi câţiva mansardişti (Gleber, Charlot, Iliuţă). (IV, p.174) Another party, another banquet, this time an intimate one, with my friends, among which the Bogdănescu family, the Squirrel with her Orangutan and a few loft dwellers (Gleber, Charlot, Iliuţă).

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

(în) curând

(10) Această nepotrivire a închipuirii cu realitatea mă contraria de astă dată şi-mi făceam reproşuri stupide în ceea ce priveşte lipsa mea de previziune. (IV, p.204) This mismatching of imagination and reality puzzled me this time and I was making myself silly reproaches regarding my lack of foresight. (1) Curând desimea codrilor ne sorbi în adâncurile sale nestrăbătute şi, rareori numai, câte un strop de cer albastru sau câte un fulg de lumină mai picurau răzleţe, din înălţimile încâlcite ale bolţilor de crengi, peste umerii şi peste capetele noastre. (PDM, p.58) Soon the density of the forest absorbed us into its untrodden depths and, only rarely, a drop of blue sky or a flake of light would pour from the tangled heights of the arches made by the branches, over our shoulders and above our heads. (2) Curând, îşi va da seama că nu din cauza banilor mergea prost căsnicia lor, dar chiar şi atunci avu puterea de a găsi o nouă scuză, din dorinţa de a explica prin cauze obiective: nu mai aveau timp, erau prea ocupaţi! (EFV, p.93) Soon, he would realize that their marriage was on the rocks not because of the money, but even then he had the strength to find a new excuse, out of the desire to explain through objective causes: they no longer had any time, they were too busy! (3) Surâzând încurcată, trecându-şi degetele prin părul lui, îl anunţă că în curând va sosi băieţelul de la cercul de informatică şi ar fi bine să-i găsească în sufragerie, îmbrăcaţi. (EFV, p.95) Smiling bashfully, pssing her fingers through his hair, she announced him that the little boy from the computer science group would arrive and that it would be better if he found them dressed in the living room. (4) Pentru orice eventualitate, îmi notai numărul de telefon de acasă, ceea ce se dovedi curând a fi o idee pe cât de inspirată, pe atât de inutilă. (EFV, p.223) In any case, I wrote down the home phone number, which soon proved to be both a very inspired idea as well as a useless one. (5) De aici, domnul Elefterie trase concluzia că se va îmbogăţi în curând, pe baza superstiţiei populare care susţine că aşa ţi se întâmplă când o persoană care te cunoaşte nu te mai cunoaşte, dacă te întâlneşti cu ea. (SL, p.64) At this point, Mr. Elefterie drew the conclusion that he would get rich soon, on the basis of popular belief which claims that this is what happens to one when someone who knows you knows you no more, if one meets that person. (6) Lucrurile ca de ceară, de o consistenţă moale şi călduţă, curgeau tăcute spre orizont, învelite în sticlă mată, astfel că în curând, în afară de bătăile inimii, nu mai exista nimic cu relief. (SL, p.129) Things resembling wax in their soft and warm consistence, were silently flowing towards the horizon, covered in opaque

119

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(în)totdeauna

glass, so that soon, except for heart beats, there was nothing more that had any (7) Trepidaţiile şi zgomotul tot mai intens ajunseră în curând la apogeu. (SL, p.142) The shakes and the noise were increasingly more intense and soon reached their climax. (8) Am mai avut de a face cu anchetele şi justiţia şi am mai fost condamnat, dar nu pe viaţă şi nu fără speranţa de a ieşi curând. Nu fusese chiar curând, dar nici prea târziu ca să nu pot uita. (CMIDP, p.5) I had to deal with inquiries and the justice system before and I have been sentenced but not to life and not without the hope of getting out soon. It had not been exactly soon, but it had not been too late either, so that I would not be able to forget. (9) Curând însă îi dădui o lovitură care o răni adânc. (CMIDP, p.27) Soon however I dealt her a blow that hurt her deeply. (10) I-am spus în glas cu ceva care îi cerea parcă nici eu nu ştiu ce, că trăiesc o clipă de irealitate şi n-aş vrea să se spulbere aşa curând... (CMIDP, p.49) I told her with a voice that seemed to ask her who knows what, that I was experiencing a surreal moment and that I would not have wanted for it to vanish so soon... (1) Dar mai de preferinţă stase totdeauna în vacanţă de orice ocupaţie... (CMB, p.19) But he had preferably always stayed on vacation from any kind of occupation... (2) Exprimarea spontană a unei gândiri care ţâşneşte pură ca un izvor mi-a plăcut totdeauna la oricine, chiar şi la ticăloşi. (VCP, p.27) I have always liked the spontaneous expression of a type of thinking that emerges as pure as a stream, even in bastards. (3) Stăteam rezemat de bancă şi mă uitam, în timpul orelor, la profesori fără să-i văd şi adesea fără să-i aud, copleşit de acest sentiment divin care ne face atât de bătrâni fiind atât de tineri şi din care ni se formează pentru totdeauna idealurile şi visurile. (VCP, p.51) I was sitting leaning against the bench and I was watching, during classes, the teachers without seeing them and often without hearing them, overwhelmed by this divine feeling that makes us so old being so young and which forms our dreams and ideals forever. (4) M-a impresionat totdeauna acest fenomen. (VCP, p.55) I was always impressed by this phenomenon. (5) Totdeauna spusese că arhitectura trebuie să se purifice de orice natură vie. (BI, p.1) He had always said that architecture should get purified from any living nature. (6) Elvira a fost totdeauna independentă. (BI, p.3)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

(într-)un minut

Elvira had always been independent. (7) Purta totdeauna cu sine, într-o geantă voluminoasă, o listă de lucrări, în care figurau cele mai neînsemnate articole de jurnal şi recenzii asupra lor, iscălite cu iniţială, scrise tot de el. (BI, p.7) He was always carrying a large bag with a list of works, which featured the least significant newspaper articles and reviews on them, signed with an initial, also written by him. (8) Dan Bogdan formulă rezerve, ca întotdeauna, afirmând că nu vede cum prin concesii se poate ajunge la vreo înţelegere cu o naţie care vrea totul în chip brutal, fiind gata a o lua de la capăt. (BI, p.11) Dan Bogdan formulated his reservations, as always, claiming that he did not see how and by means of what concessions one could come to an understanding that wants everything in a brutal manner, being ready to start from scratch. (9) Ioanide se indispunea nu de nuanţa părului, ci de insinuarea de decrepitudine, detesta pe «dobitoc» şi privindu-se în oglindă constata că arăta neschimbat şi că acele câteva fire de păr alb într-o parte unde îl avusese totdeauna cărunt erau accentuate de lumina solară. (BI, p.17) Ioanide was feeling indisposed not because of the shade of his hair, but because of the insinuaiton of decrepitude, he detested the “idiot” and looking into the mirror he saw that he looked unchanged and that the few white hairs to the side that he had always had were emphasized by the light of the sun. (10) – Eu totdeauna te-am preţuit, domnule Ioanide, nu ştiu dumneata ce părere ai despre mine. (BI, p.25) “I have always appreciated you, Mr. Ioanide, I do not know what is your opinion of me.” (1) În stradă, se legănă un minut ca cel doborât abia de pe o punte de vas. (CMB, p.18) ..... In the street, he rocked for a minute like someone barely taken down from a ship’s deck. (2) Ăla suceşte mintea fetelor într-un minut (Stănică simţi că se contrazice şi atenuă), vreau să zic suceşte fără să facă nimic, că e băiat serios. (EO, p. 126) That guy is driving every girl’s mind crazy in a minute (Stănică felt that he was contradicting himself and went on appeasingly), I want to say that he is doing it without doing anything in particular, because he is a serious guy. (3) Urletul, plânsul, smulgerea părului, toate astea sunt mai mult semne convenţionale admise un minut. (BI, p.175) Screaming, crying, tearing one’s hair, all that are rather conventional signs admitted for a minute. (4) Dar peste mai puţin de un minut, rămaserăm iarăşi singuri în tăcerea nopţii enorme. (A, p.158) But less than a minute later, they were left by themselves again in the silence of the huge night. (5) Peste mai puţin de un minut, am ieşit în singurătatea imensă

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a câmpiei. (A, p.165) In less than a minute, I went out into the huge loneliness of the plain. (6) De ar fi stat împreună un minut mai mult, poate s-ar fi înţeles mai puţin. (CMB, p.169) Had they stayed together one minute more, they may have got along each other less. (7) Totuşi, tocmai pentru că era decisă să plece, mai întârzie un minut. (CMB, p.243) However, precisely because she was determined to leave, she lingered one more minute. (8) În automobil, Elena şedea între Mini şi Marcian, liniştită că plecarea, a cărei grijă o turburase un minut, fusese orânduită. (CMB, p.285) In the car, Elena was sitting between Mini and Marcian, calm because the departure that had troubled her a moment, was now taken care of. (9) – Să plece! ... Vreau să plece! ... Să nu mai stea un minut’ repeta ca un leit-motiv. (FD, p.17) “Let him leave! … I want him to leave! … He should not stay one minute more” she kept repeating like a leitmotiv. (10) Lina scula din leşin pacientul într-un minut, cu îndemânare, dar răspundea prosteşte când întrebai despre cauze. (FD, p.17) Lina would wake the patient from his fainting in a minute, skillfully, but she would answer stupidly when you asked about the causes. (1) E nepoata mea, adăugă abia la urmă, şi poate numai fiindcă nepoata luase un aer dârz. (CMB, p.11) She is my niece, she added in the end, and she probably did that just because the niece had taken a proud stance. (2) A citit la repezeală prohoadele, iar la urmă a zis: hai, săltaţi-l! (SL, p.74) He quickly dashed through reading the funeral service, and in the end said: take him away! (3) Până la urmă a obţinut, totuşi, o cutie de unguent şi a venit bucuros cu ea acasă. (SL, p.86) Yet, he eventually got a box of ointment and gladly came home with it. (4) La urmă, se mai unse pe ici, pe colo, şi cu unguentul sulfuros cumpărat de la farmacie. (SL, p.92) He eventually applied some of the sulphurous ointment bought from the chemist’s, here and there. (5) Privirea doamnei Gleofina ocoli cât putu acest titlu, dar până la urmă trebui să-l citească, chiar şi fără voia dumneaei, deoarece ultima întrebare a testului “Vă este soţul fidel?” se termina puţin mai sus de articolul cu pricina. (SL, p.126) Mrs. Gleofina’s look avoided as much as possible that title, but she had to read it eventually, even without her willing it, because the last question on the test “Is your husband faithful?” ended at

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

a x-a zi / săptămână / lună / an, etc.

least higher than that particular article. (6) La urmă, după calculul punctajului, obţineai răspunsul corespunzător. (SL, p.129) In the end, after calculating the score, you would get the corresponding answer. (7) La urmă, după ce completă răspunsurile şi la celelalte întrebări şi calculă punctajul, constată cu stupefacţie că domnul Elefterie nu reuşise să obţină decât vreo trei sute de puncte, din cele o mie şi cinci sute posibile. (SL, p.135) In the end, after filling in the answers to the other questions as well and calculated the score, he was puzzled to notice that Mr. Elefterie did not succeed in getting but three hundred points out of the one thousand and five hundred possible. (8) Până la urmă, în ciuda argumentelor aşa-zis estetice ale celor de la minister, pensionarii şi veteranii şi-au impus punctul de vedere, în baza argumentului hotărâtor că cine plăteşte lăutarii comandă şi muzica – astfel încât băcăuanii au acum o statuie a lui Ştefan care seamănă cu orice altă statuie, a oricărui alt voievod, de oriunde. (SL, p.147) In the end, in spite of the so-called aesthetic arguments of those from the ministry, pensioners and war veterans had imposed their point of view, on the basis of a decisive argument, namely that he who pays the band also orders the music – so that the inhabitants of Bacău now have a statue of Ştefan which resembles any other statue, of any other king, from anywhere. (9) Până la urmă n-o să aibă încotro. (IV, p.137) In the end she will have no other choice. (10) Poate că reuşeam până la urmă dacă nu mă descoperea o bătrînă. (IV, p.172) I might have succeeded in the end if I had not been discovered by an old lady. (1) A doua zi, am găsit înşirate pe prag şase aripi de fluture, identice una cu alta, le-am recunoscut imediat, erau ale lui toate şase, nici urmă de restul corpului, le-am ars acolo unde le găsisem. (Z, p.47) The next day, I found six butterfly wings lying in a row on the doorstep, all identical, I recognized them immediately, all six of them belonged to him, no trace of the rest of the body, so I burned them there where I had found them. (2) A doua zi, văzând cum stau lucrurile, în loc să fug şi îndărăt să nu mă mai uit, am venit totuşi la şcoală, deşi ştiam ce ar putea să mi se întâmple. (VCP, p.1) The next day, seeing how things stood, instead of running and not looking back, I did come to school, although I knew what could happen to me. (3) Aflarăm la Miroşi îndată ce sosirăm că înscrierile nu s-au încheiat şi că a doua zi chiar începeau examenele. (VCP, p.12) We found out at Miroşi as soon as we arrived that the enrollment was still going on and that the exams were really

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU starting the next day. (4) Am rămas noaptea în căruţă la marginea satului şi a doua zi am intrat la examene. N-aveau deloc capete de dovleci concurenţii. După probele scrise, a doua zi am intrat la cele orale. (VCP, p.26) At night we stayed in the carriage at the edge of the village and the next day I entered for the exams. The competition was not stupid at all. After the written exams, the next day I entered for the oral examinations. (5) A doua zi falsul librar a plecat, iar eu am aflat că era adevărat ce spusese el, la această şcoală nici măcar nu se dădeau examene de admitere, fiindcă locurile nu erau complete. (VCP, p.57) The next day, the phony librarian left, and I found out that what he had said was actually true, that that particular school did not even have admission exams, because the places were not all occupied. (6) A doua sau a treia zi după rebeliune, mi se povesti, intraseră prin clase militari cu căşti de oţel pe cap şi făcuseră percheziţie pipăindu-i pe fiecare dacă n-au pistoale, căutară şi prin bănci şi pe sub saltelele din dormitoare. (VCP, p.125) The second or the third day after the rebellion, I was told, soldiers with steel caskets on their heads had entered the classrooms and had searched everyone feeling them for pistols, they searched the desks and the mattresses in the bedrooms. (7) S-a răspândit în tot satul, a ţinut trei zile, şi cum a treia zi pământul nu s-a răsturnat, lumea şi-a văzut mai departe de vite şi de copii. (IÎ, p.45) It spread throughout the village, it lasted for three days, and since on the third day the world was not upside down, everyone saw to their children and cattle as usual. (8) A treia zi însă, cu câteva ore înainte de a o revedea, sufletul meu se golea insesizabil, sau mai bine zis bucuria mea se precipita, şi din această precipitare reapărea îndoiala, chiar spaima de a nu auzi astăzi un lucru care de fapt existase tot timpul, şi anume declaraţia ei de neputinţă ca un dat care nu putea fi învins, de a-l părăsi pe Petrică. (CMIDP, p.52) On the third day however, a few hours before seeing her, my soul would imperceptibly empty itself, or better said my joy would rush in, and from this rush doubt would reappear, even the fear of not hearing today of a thing that had in fact existed all along, namely her statement of weakness as a given that could not be vanquished, that of leaving Petrică. (9) Avea aerul să spună că şi eu trebuia să cedez. Ca să mă pufnească apoi un râs colosal a treia zi când ne întâlnirăm la masă şi aflai despre ce era vorba. (CMIDP, p.124) She seemed to be telling me that I had to give up as well. Only that I would burst then into tremendous laughter on the third day when we met for lunch and when I found out what it had been all about. (10) N-aveam voie să părăsesc odaia, să ies şi eu să mă plimb; un

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

actualmente

şef de stat poate fi expus surprizelor, am aşteptat şi, în sfârşit, în a patra zi sunt anunţat să mă pregătesc... (CMIDP, p.63) I was not allowed to leave the room, to go out and have a walk; a chief of state may be exposed to surprises, I waited and, eventually, on the fourth day I was told to get ready... (1) De aceea încercarea de a se introduce în canonica arhitecturii noastre sacre siluete de zgârie-nori, contururi bizare de stil decadent, cum cetăţenii uimiţi constată actualmente în cutare cartier al Capitalei, e de natură a atrage atenţia forurilor noastre competente, inclusiv autorităţilor bisericeşti, asupra oportunităţii pervertirii unui trecut glorios în această materie. (BI, p.216) This why the attempt of introducing sky-scraper figures, strange contours of a decadent style into the cannon of our sacred architecture, as the citizens surprised notice currently in whichever neighbourhood of the capital city, it meant to draw the attention of our competent authorities, including church authorities, on the opportunity of perverting a glorious past in this field. (2) Stimate domnule, întrucât preţioasa colecţie de proiecte şi schiţe donate de dumneavoastră Casei de Artă „Tudor Ioanide“ se află actualmente, din cauza resistematizării ordonate de minister, în pericolul de a fi risipită, socotim că e mai util din toate punctele de vedere să vă reîncredinţăm numita colecţie. (BI, p.232) Dear sir, since the priceless collection of projects and sketches donated by you to “Tudor Ioanide” House of Art is currently, due to the re-systematization ordered by the ministry, running the risk of being scattered, we deem it useful from all points of view to give you back said collection. (3) Actualmente în Uganda colecţionează cărţi poştale ilustrate, din lumea întreagă. (M, p.136) He currrently collects post cards from the whole world in Uganda. (4) În două feluri ţi se poate răspunde actualmente în mediul cultural românesc la o luare tranşantă de poziţie: fie eşti atacat la persoană, cu luxuriante referiri la trecutul tău comunisto-securist (dacă asta e chiar prea de tot gogonată, se agaţă prefixuri: neo, cripto), fie se pun în lumină, cu vigilenţă, dedesubturile politice ale textului tău. (CF, p.147) You can currently receive two kinds of answers in the Romanian cultural background for a firm stance-taking: you are either attacked directly, with detailed references to your commmunist-secret police past (if this is too much, prefixes are attached, such as: neo, cripto), or light is carefully cast on the hidden political meanings of your past. (5) Degeaba argumentase dumnealui că există o mulţime de pensionari pe caz de boală, care pot fi socotiţi tineri, iar pe de altă parte, înşişi tinerii aflaţi actualmente pe băncile şcolii constituie viitori pensionari, deci viitoare cadre de nădejde ale partidului. (SL, p.35)

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acum x zile / săptămâni / luni / ani, etc.

He had argued in vain that there were a lot of people who had retired due to illness, people who can be deemed young, and on the other hand, the young people themselves who were currently studying were future pensioners, therefore trustworthy people of the party. (6) Credem că acesta a fost un factor decisiv în formarea „spiritului de civilizaţie” care caracterizează actualmente Occidentul, chiar dacă acesta este astăzi puternic secularizat. (A fi sau..., p.62) We believe that was a decisive factor in forming the “civilized spirit” that currently characterizes the West, even if it is such a strong lay area. (7) Actualmente se lucrează la un reactor cu trifuziune care promite că va rezolva problema energiei globale... (CT, p.74) They are currently working on a trifusion reactor which promises to solve the issue of global energy... (8) Citesc actualmente Drumul ascuns de Hortensia Papadat etc. (Nu, p.152) I am currently reading “The Hidden Road” by Hortensia Papadat etc. (1) Pe urmă aflai din şoapta publică o noutate (pentru mine) care mă făcu să holbez cei mai uimiţi ochi care s-au holbat vreodată: temutul avocat ucisese în duel acum trei ani pe un alt purtător de nume istoric: Tudor Buzescu, bogătaş, cu mari capitaluri în întreprinderi, şi membru în multe consilii de administraţie. (DA, p.17) Then I found out from public rumours something new (for me) which made me stare with the most puzzled eyes that had ever stared: the much feared lawyer had killed three years ago in a duel another bearer of a famous name: Tudor Buzescu, a rich man, with a lot of capital invested in various entreprises and member on various managing boards. (2) Prima mea iubire, acea de când eram mic de 4 ani, azi e o doamnă respectabilă. A doua (o chema Tinca) nu mai ştiu ce e cu dânsa. A treia a murit acum vreo 32 ani! (A, p.53) My first love, the one I had when I was 4, is today a respectable lady. The second one (her name was Tinca), I do not knnow what hapened to her. The third one died some 32 years ago! (3) Fără nici o învăţătură (patru clase primare, cum se făceau acum 50 de ani), fără nici un mediu, căci nu cunoştea un singur om de cultură, el a reuşit să fie un om modern. (A, p.79) Without any education at all (four primary grades were all that was done 50 years ago), without any means, because he did not know any man of culture, he managed to become a modern man. (4) Acum un ceas ai văzut întâia dată pe o femeie, care ţi s-a dat şi al cărei nume nici nu-l ştii, şi vă ziceţi ,,tu“. (A, p.81) An hour ago you saw a woman that gave herself to you and whose name you don’t even know, and you call one another “you”. (5) La bătrâneţe, când stările sufleteşti nu mai sunt vii şi se rarifică,

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

acum(a)

timpul trece anevoie şi totuşi atât de repede încât, privind înapoi, lucrurile de acum zece ani îţi par că s-au petrecut ieri. (A, p.89) In your old age, when feelings are no loger so alive and become rarer, time passes with difficulty and yet so fast that, when looking back, things from ten years ago seem as if they happened the day before. (6) Fiinţa încântătoare de acum treizeci de ani, fata cu cozile pe spate plină de visuri şi de iluzii, astăzi şi-a întors privirile de la stele, şi-a plecat capul spre pământ, apăsată de greutatea vieţii. (A, p.93) The charming creature from thirty years ago, the girl with the braids on her back, full of dreams and illusions, has today turned her eyes away from the stars, started looking to the ground, with the weight of life on her shoulders. (7) Adela e aceeaşi, ca şi acum trei ani. (A, p.102) Adela is the same as three years ago. (8) Am intrat să-mi schimb sticla de la ceas, plesnită acum câteva zile. (A, p.111) I entered to change the glass from my watch, that had cracked a few days before. (9) Trecută mult de şaizeci de ani. Fiică a unui vechil, ajuns proprietar mare. Măritată acum o jumătate de secol cu un frate al doamnei M..., iubitor de arginţi. (A, p.158) She is past sixty. The daughter of a bailiff of an estate, now a big landowner. Married half a century ago with one of Mrs. M’s brothers... a lover of silver. (10) Acum zece ani, în tovărăşia unei femei ca Adela, ipoteza doamnei Sabina ar fi fost alta! (A, p.162) Ten years ago, in the company of a woman like Adela, Mrs. Sabina’s hypothesis would have been different! (1) Acum trecea sprinten strada, aruncând ochii împrejur. (CMB, p. 12) Now he was quickly crossing the street, casting a glance around. (2) Era, totuşi, după toate datele, acelaşi Lică, căruia Rim îi dăruia acum epitetul de simpatic. (CMB, p. 12) He was, after all, according to all the data, the same Lică, whom Rim was now considering to be nice. (3) Acum Rim părea, deodată, mai puţin vesel. (CMB, p.13) Now Rim suddenly seemed less cheerful. (4) Mai toată clientela vine acum aici. (CMB, p. 14) Almost the entire clientele comes here now. (5) Acum pe seară doar niţel. (CMB, p. 15) Now towards the evening only a little. (6) Nu mai e primejdie să ne despărţim acum la bătrâneţe. (CMB, p. 15) We are no longer running the risk of separating now in our old age. (7) ... noutăţile de familie năpădeau abia acum glasul întretăiat de

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suflul astmatic al Linei. (CMB, p. 18) ... family news were only now invading the voice cut by Lina’s asthmatic breath. (8) Oferea acum două sute de mii de lei. (CMB, p. 25) Now he was offering two hundred thousand lei. (9) Această satisfacţie împreună cu desfătările boalei fără dureri predominau acuma în casa lui Rim. (CMB, p.26) This satisfaction, together with the pleasures of an illness without pain was now dominant in Rim’s house. (10) Sia se întorsese şi sta acum afundată greoi în fotoliul ei obişnuit, gândindu-se la Lică. (CMB, p.27) Sia had come back and was now heavily sunk in her usual armchair, thinking about Lică. (1) Ducea adesea pe Sia pe la prietenele lui. (CMB, p.152) He often took Sia to visit his women friends. (2) Stăteam rezemat de bancă şi mă uitam, în timpul orelor, la profesori fără să-i văd şi adesea fără să-i aud, copleşit de acest sentiment divin care ne face atât de bătrâni fiind atât de tineri şi din care ni se formează pentru totdeauna idealurile şi visurile. (VCP, p.26) I was sitting leaning against the bench and I was watching, during classes, the teachers without seeing them and often without hearing them, overwhelmed by this divine feeling that makes us so old being so young and which forms our dreams and ideals forever. (3) Elena ţinea adesea, ea singură, acompaniamentul la pian, dar niciodată atunci când putea fi înlocuită mai bine. (CMB, p.281) Elena was always doing the piano accompaniment on her own, but never when she could be replaced very well. (4) Adesea, scoborând scara de marmoră, făcea planuri de amenajare a întregului palat, se lăsa târât spre anticipări. (CMB, p.195) While coming down the marble staricase, he was often making plans of how to decorate the palace and he allowed himself to be carried away by anticipation. (5) Lică, plictisit de odăiţa lui proastă şi prea depărtată, şi nemaigăzduind pe la prieteni din prudenţă, dormea foarte adesea în camera lui Mister Whip, ce i se părea culmea confortului. (CMB, p.196) Bored by his dull and too remote room and no longer sleeping over at friends’ houses out of carefulness, he slept in Mr. Whip’s room very often, since it seemed to him the most comfortable. (6) Lică sta adesea la cafea şi ţigară ca un musafir, în atelierul domnului Paul, pe pragul dintre calitatea de client şi cea de prieten. (CMB, p.199) Lică was often having a cup of coffee and a cigarette with a guest, in Mr. Paul’s workshop, on the threshold between being a client and a friend. (7) Elena îl ajuta, lua adesea înaintea dorinţelor lui şi, cum

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

adineauri adineaori

/

recunoscuse că totul trebuie reînceput, decisese animarea concertului. (CMB, p.229) Elena was helping him, she was often ahead of his desires and, since she acknowledged that everything had to restart, she had decided upon animating the concert. (8) Adesea chema pe sora ei „doamna Elena”, aşa cum o numeau secretarii. (CMB, p.235) She was often calling for her sister “Mrs. Elena”, as the secretaries called her. (9) Foarte adesea se întâmpla să decidă că ea va mânca singură, înainte sau pe urmă, pentru un scop sau altul. (CMB, p.235) She happened to decide very often that she would eat alone, before or after, for one reason or another. (10) Scria adesea pe margine de caiete muzicale micile semne cabalistice ale unei „bucolice”.(CMB, p.238) She would often write one the edge of music notebooks the small Kabbalistic signs of a “Bucolic” person. (1) – Soţul meu a fost azi acasă, adineauri a plecat. (BI, p.24) “My husband was home today, he has just left / he left a moment ago” (2) – Domnişoară Sultana, zise el, introducând cu maxim de blândeţă pe «domnişoară», ţi-am spus adineauri că-mi placi. (BI, p.45) “Miss Sultana, he said, introducing ‘miss’ with a lot of delicacy, I have just told you that I like you.” (3) Aşadar, domnule preşedinte, la întrebarea dumneavoastră de adineauri răspund. (BI, p.103) Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I am answering to the question you had just asked. (4) Vă povestii mai adineaori ceva de Serghie de Leuchtenberg. (CCV, p.54) I have just told you something about Serghie de Leuchtenberg. (5) Nu-mi venea să cred că şlampăta lăiaţă de adineaori era aceeaşi cu pupuica spilcuită pe care o duceam peste un sfert de ceas la braţ pe stradă. (CCV, p.87) I could not believe it that the sloppy shaggy woman from before was the same person as the sweetheart in full fig that I was taking by the arm a quarter of an hour later. (6) Aveam înaintea mea un alt om, cu desăvârşire altul decât acel de adineaori. (CCV, p.115) I had before me another person, an entirely different one from the one before. (7) Şi, cu toate deosebirile acesteia de elină veche, mi-era grozav de uşor să descifrez texte şi să mă servesc de dicţionarul enorm, care mă făcuse de ruşine adineaori. (DA, p.22) And, in spite of all its differences in Ancient Greek, I found decyphering texts and using the huge dictionary, that had put me to shame a moment ago, extremely easy. (8) Mă opresc în umbră şi sunt gata s-o iau înapoi ca adineaori, cu

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alaltăieri

pas lent, nepăsător. (DA, p.88) I stop in the shadow and I am ready to go back just like a moment ago, slowly, carelessly. (9) Trebuie eu singur să observ dacă de după uşa cu cheie în afară iese sau nu omul de adineaori şi de odinioară, din grădina publică... (DA, p.141) I must notice on my own, if from behind the door with the key on the outside, the man from before, from the past was coming out or not from the public garden... (10) ... nu mai e nici o îndoială, un pat părăsit de persoana care adineaori s-a ridicat numai pe şezut... (DA, p.144) ... there is no doubt, a foresaken bed left by the person who a moment ago raised on the edge of the bed... (11) Adineauri mi-a făcut o vizită imaginară fostul meu profesor de la facultate, Ion Târnoveanu, decedat anul trecut. (IV, p.1) A moment ago, Ion Târnoveanu, my former professor from the university, who died last year, paid me an imaginary visit. (1) – D-apoi, dă, mă duceam până colea-n Goşman după nişte oi; ghivorniţa de-alaltăieri noapte ne-o cam răscolit turma şi ne-o răzleţit câteva mioare... (DM, p.97) “Well, I was going close by to Goşman for some sheep; the blizzard from the night before the other night kind of shattered the flock and may have wasted a few sheep…” (2) – D-apoi, dă, domnişorule, drumuri or hi ele multe, numai cât îs toate cu depărtare şi-s locuri tari; ş-apoi, după oara de alaltăieri noapte, s-or hi desfundat potecile şi nu s-or hi liniştit apele... (DM, p.153) “Well, master, there might be many roads, it’s just that they are all far away; and after what happened the night before the other night, the paths may have dried and the waters may have withdrawn…” (3) – Iacă, eu te-am văzut că eşti bolnav de când ai intrat alaltăieri în ogradă şi i-am spus ordonanţei să aibă grijă. (PS, p.212) “There, I saw you were sick ever since you entered the yard the day before the other day and I told the ordinance to beware.” (4) Nu s-a înseninat. Şi fapt mai grav: a plouat la fel şi ieri, ş-alaltăieri. (ŢDDN, p.156) The sky did not clear. And even worse: it also rained yesterday, and the day before yesterday. (5) Alaltăieri s-o strecurat lupu-n ogradă furiş, nici cânii nu l-au simţit, a intrat în şopron ş-o furat scroafei un purcel. (ŢDDN, p.231) The day before yesterday the wolf sneaked into the yard, the dogs did not feel it, it entered the shed and stole a piglet from the sow. (6) Ultima întâmplare, urmez eu, s-a petrecut alaltăieri. (ŢDDN, p.252) The last occurrence, I added happened the day before yesterday. (7) Fără îndoială, acuma se teme să fugă, ca să nu mă piardă, - cum era cât pe ce să se întâmple alaltăieri. (ŢDDN, p.265)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

altădată

Undoubtedly, now he is afraid of running, for fear of not losing me, - the way it almost happened the day before yesterday. (8) Lică Trubadurul era un preţios eşantilion prin care nu se pierdea modelul de mai alaltăieri. (FD, p.125) Lică the Minstrel was a worthy pattern through whom the model from the day before yesterday was not lost. (9) Până când, alaltăieri chiar, cum se mirase că îşi poate lăsa treburile moşiei atât timp singure, în plin sezon de munca câmpului, şi se oferise, dacă el e ocupat, să stea ea câtva timp la Prundeni... (FD, p.147) Until, the day before yesterday even, as she was wondering that she could leave all the affairs of the mansion run themselves, in full season of harvest, and she had offered, if he was busy, she could stay for a while in Prundeni... (10) ... eram alaltăieri la Câmpulung pradă unei nebunii care mi se părea fără soluţie. (UNDINR, p.58) ... the day before yesterday I was in Câmpulung fallen prey to a kind of madness that seemed to have no solution. (11) Situaţia e însă mult mai uşoară ca alaltăieri. (UNDINR, p.174) The situation is however much easier than the day before yesterday. (12) M-am întâlnit însă alaltăieri cu un arendaş ovrei de pe lângă Vaslui. (R, p.143) However, I met the day before yesterday a Jewish tenant from around Vaslui. (1) Moştenirea, care creştea cu mult averea personală a Elenei şi îi mărea independenţa materială, o mulţumea mult mai mult acum decât ar fi mulţumit-o altădată. (CMB, p.237) The inheritance, which was increasing Elena’s personal fortune a lot, enhancing her material independence as well, pleased her more now than it would have some other time. (2) Dete numai ordinele pentru ultima revizuire a apartamentului şi, în loc de a supraveghea singură operaţia de la înălţime, cum ar fi făcut altădată, îi veni gustul să se plimbe şi comandă automobilul. (CMB, p.265) She only gave the orders for the last revision of the apartment and, instead of supervising the operation on her own from above, as she would have done some other time, she felt like going out and ordered for the car. (3) – Haide acasă, Felix, şi fii cuminte, mai vorbim noi, altădată. (EO, p.54) “Come home, Felix and be good, we’ll speak some other time.” (4) – Uite, aşa se făceau lucrurile altădată! (EO, p.206) “Well, this is how they used to do things in the past!” (5) – Mătuşă, zise Stănică, ce faci cu atâtea ceşti, dă-mi şi mie două, să le ţin ca amintire, să arăt şi eu urmaşilor cum bea lumea cafea altădată. (EO, p.215) “Aunt, what are you doing with so many cups, give me a

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altcândva

couple, to keep them as a souvenir, to show my descendants how people used to drink coffee in the past,” Stănică said. (6) – Domnule, ce toamnă superbă, altădată pe vremea asta ningea. (EO, p.221) “Well, I’ll say, what a superb fall, this time in the past it used to snow.” (7) Dar, se indignă el făcând să-i scânteieze ochii tătăreşti şi devenind livid de mânie, să mă gândesc eu că trebuie să strâng pentru a avea altădată, că trebuie să fac ceva, qu’il faut que je travaille, când nu mă obligă nimic... (DA, p.128) Yet, he got indignant, making his tartar eyes glow and becoming livid with anger, I should think that I have to put aside something in order to have another time, that I have to do something, qu’il faut que je travaille, when nothing makes me do it... (8) Aceasta să fie oare uşa pe care altădată intram ca ecoul unui acord de violoncel, pe care Mauriciu Pollak îl trimite doamnei Grümberg de pe lumea cealaltă? (RGA, p.259) Could this be the door that I used to enter in the past like the echo of a cello tune, which Mauriciu Pollak was sending to Mrs. Grümberg from the other world? (9) Altădată cum l-ar mai fi spintecat cu suriul lui, cum i-ar fi luat maţele-n cuţit, dar acum era moale ca o cârpă, ostenit şi scârbit, neputincios. (G, p.296) How he would have cut him open with his knife in the past, how he would have twisted his bowels with the knife, but now he was as soft as a piece of cloth, tired and disgusted, a weakling. (10) Masele vor pune stăpânire pe tot, au şi pus mâna pe restaurante, pe magazinele comerciale, pe sălile de cinematograf, pe hotelurile şi staţiunile care altădată le erau interzise, pe spitalele luxoase, pe marile vapoare de pasageri transoceanice... (CMIDP, p.174) The masses will rule over everything, actually they got their hands on restaurants, stores, cinema halls, the hotels and spas that in the past were prohibited to them, the luxury hospitals, the great transatlantic liners... (1) Şi totuşi, în clipa când şi-l aminti, îşi aminti simultan că şi-l mai amintise odată, fără să poată determina când anume, fără să fie sigur că în cursul acelei dimineţi, sau altcândva, cu mult înainte de a-l fi visat. (PMB, p.36) And yet, the moment he remembered it, he remembered at the same time that he had remembered it once, without being able to determine when exactly, without being sure that during that morning, or some other time, long before having dreamt about it. (2) După aceea, camerista a ieşit, iar eu am început treptat să văd din nou, sau poate abia atunci mă trezeam din somn şi mă desprindeam de visul în care orbisem, sau poate că nu vedeam încă, ci îmi reprezentam spontan, pe o retină cerebrală, lucrurile văzute cândva – şi mă întreb dacă tot ce a urmat nu e doar

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS reprezentarea spontană a amintirii unor lucruri văzute altcândva, cu mult timp în urmă, mă întreb dacă nu cumva sunt orb din naştere... (PMB, p.58) After that, the maid went out, and I started to gradually see again or maybe it as only then that I was waking up and detaching from that dream where I had gone blind, or maybe I could not see yet, but I was rather spontaneously representing myself on a cerebral retina the things I had once seen – and I wonder whether everything that followed was not only the spontaneous representation of the memory of the things I had seen some other time, a long time ago, I wonder whether I had not been blind from birth... (3) Oboseala şi înnoratul punea pe vederea ei ceva noapte şi cine ştie ce reminiscenţă insinua în fiinţa ei o voluptate, altcândva resimţită. (FD, p.108) Weariness and darkness were somewhat dimming her sight and who knows what memory was insinuating in her being voluptuousness, she had felt some other time. (4) Şi dacă aceasta nu e cu putinţă pe de-a întregul în această viaţă, ajută-mă măcar să înaintez până-ntr-atât încât Bucuria Ta să mă cuprindă cu totul, altcândva... (JT, p.41) And if this is not completely possible in this life, hep me at least to move forward as mush as Your Joy should overcome me completely, some other time... (5) Căci dacă socoteam altcândva că pământul stă, ne gândeam că se reazemă pe ceva. (LS, p.48) For if some other time I would reckon that the earth stays still, we were thinking that it was leaning against something. (6) Trezindu-se, îşi dădu seama că pluta asta o făcuse altcândva chiar el. (LS, p.116) Upon waking up, he realized that he himself had made that raft some time in the past. (7) Închipuirea, deseori, nu-mi dă pace, ci mă trage îndărăt, pe căi umblate altcândva, ale sângelui şi ale dorurilor; iar dacă nu sunt ele acelea ce mă atrag, o pornesc pe potecile unor posibile realizări (deobicei deloc posibile), fantasări ale unei cărni iertate de împliniri şi angoasate de nevoi... (DN, p. 146) More often than not, imagination does not let me be, but it rather pulls me back, on some other time untrodden paths of the blood and longing; and if they are not the ones pulling me back, I start on the paths of potential achievements (usually completely unlikely), fantasizing of a flesh fogiven by achievements and anguished by needs... (8) Le ştiu din poveştile copilăriei, din întâmplările adevărate, petrecute altcândva, altunde, dar tot noaptea, tot într-un sat. (JP, p.35) I know them from childhood stories, from true occurrences, that had happened some other time, some other place, but still at night, still in a village.

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apoi

(1) Lui Mini, care nu-l mai auzise parcă râzând alteori, râsul i se păru straniu. (CMB, p.13) Mini, who apparently had not heard him laughing other times, found his laughter strange. (2) Alteori se aşeza întins pe spate şi, cu mîinile la fel împreunate, pe canapea sau pe pat, se clătina într-o parte şi-ntr-alta. (EO, p.13) Some other times he used to lie on his back and, with his hands put together, either on the couch or in bed, he would stagger on either side. (3) Alteori, dimpotrivă, reveria îi deştepta flăcări de dezinteresare. (EO, p.57) Some other times, on the contrary, his revery would light up within him flames of disinterest. (4) Alteori dispărea pentru câtăva vreme acasă. (BI, p.42) Other times he would vanish from home for a while. (5) Alteori eram fericiţi cu colaci de 5 bani unul. (A, p.153) Other times we were happy with just a few pretzels 5 pence each. (6) Uneori el nu mă lasă să gîndesc, să lucrez. Alteori el mă lasă. (A, p.159) Sometimes he does not let me think, work. Some other times he does (7) Ceea ce pasionează un elev în şcoală şi e revelator pentru înzestrarea pe care o demonstrează el mai târziu, e un simplu accident, alteori o bizarerie. (VCP, p.74) Whatever is the passion of a school pupil and is revealing for the skill that he proves later on, is a mere accident, some other times a peculiarity. (8) Alteori era o melancolie uşoară şi covârşitoare. (FD, p. 83) Some other times there was this light and ovewhelming melancholy. (9) Uneori o acceptam resemnat, o cunoşteam prea bine, alteori însă era o surpriză totală, mă pomeneam exclamând: “Hai, taci, doar calc pe corpul tău, toţi călcăm, ştiu că viaţa e un dar, e inutil să-mi reaminteşti”. (VCP, p.31) Sometimes I accepted it resigned, I knew her only too well, some other times however there was a total surprise, I found myself exclaiming: “Come on, shut up, I am only stepping on your body, we all are, I know that life is a gift but, it is uselss to remind me of that.” (10) Alteori ne înţelegeam ca dimineaţa să am eu grijă şi de-ai lui iar el să aibă după masă. (VCP, p.64) Some other times we agreed that in the morning I should take care of his and he should do that in the afternoon. (1) Intră apoi în primul vestibul perfect ordonat ca vestiar. (CMB, p.11) Then, she entered the first hallway, perfectly organized as a changing room. (2) Apoi cu o mică sforţare de memorie recunoscu pe vărul Lică.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

aseară

(CMB, p.11) Then forcing her memory a little, she recognized cousin Lică. (3) Mini se uită lung la Lina apoi întoarse o privire de profil spre Rim, care surâdea satisfăcut. (CMB, p.12) Mini took a long look at Lina, then turned a glance towards Rim, who was smiling satisfied. (4) Ceva ca vinul tulburat într-o cupă se clătină în ea, apoi se linişti. (CMB, p.19) Something resembling the wine shaken in a cup is shivering within her, then she calmed down. (5) Se aşezase întâi amândoi în dreptul ferestrelor, apoi se trăsese mai la o parte lângă perete. (CMB, p.19) At first, both of them sat in front of the windows, then they pulled back next to the wall. (6) Apoi Sia îi spunea ce conţine pachetul. (CMB, p.21) Then Sia would tell him what was in the parcel. (7) Lică gusta întâi, apoi da drumul. (CMB, p.21) Lică was first tasting, then letting it go. (8) Şi atunci, dacă aveţi artilerie ca francezii, faceţi şi dumneavoastră ca francezii... trageţi în ocupanţi... ocupanţii pleacă şi trag apoi cu tunurile, şi aşa “da capo al fine”... (UNDINR, p.287) And then, if you have an artilery like the French, do as the French... shoot the invaders... the invaders leave and then they shoot the cannons, and thus “da capo al fine”… (9) – Cum nu, că boierii nu vezi cum se îmbulzesc să-şi lepede moşiile? făcu Busuioc din prag, cu spatele şi batjocoritor; apoi, întorcându-se şi trecând după tejghea, adăugă: Mă Spiridoane, tu eşti beţiv şi oropsit, dar tot parcă ai mai multă minte ca ceilalţi, că barem nu te mai osteneşti de pomană! (R, p.126) “But of course, don’t you see that the boyars are dashing to forsake their estates? Busuioc said from the threshold, with his back and in a mocking manner; then turning and passing below the counter, he added: well, Spiridon, you are a drunkard and a miser, but still you seem to be more intelligent than the others, for at least you do not toil in vain!” (10) Apoi, deodată, necăjit, se repezi înaintea vitelor, care o luaseră razna spre fundul ogrăzii. (R, p.157) Then, suddenly, upset, he dashed in front of the cattle that had gone beserk to the back of the yard. (1) – Te-am aşteptat aseară, spuse, de ce n-ai venit, ai păţit ceva? (EFV, p.112) “I waited for you yesterday evening, why didn’t you show up, did anything happen to you?” (2) – Dar sălbatic mai sunteţi, domnule Băleanu! V-am mai spus-o eu şi aseară. V-aduceţi aminte? Mi se pare chiar că v-aţi supărat! (RGA, p.65) “You really are a savage, Mr. Băleanu! I’ve told you yesterday evening as well. Do you remember? It seems to me that you had

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astă primăvară / vară / toamnă / iarnă / seară / noapte /dată /

even got angry with me.” (3) – Ştii ce mi-a făcut aseară? (RGA, p.72) “Do you know what he did to me yesterday evening?” (4) – Eşti teribil... Începe să-mi para rău că te-am primit aseară. (RGA, p.88) “You’re horrible… I start to feel sorry about having welcomed you in yesterday evening.” (5) Dacă nu se stingea aseară lumina electrică, putea să mai trăiască încă. (RGA, p.118) If the electricity had not gone out yesterday evening, he could have lived on. (6) Cosma Buruiană, zgribulit, fiindcă se lăsase o brumă groasă, sosea să fie de faţă la descinderea ce i-o anunţase de aseară pândarii. (R, p.45) Cosma Buruiană shuddering because a thick drizzle had settle in, was coming to witness the descent announced yesterday evening by the watchmen. (7) Aşa ne-a anunţat încă de aseară, prin telegraf, că soseşte azi cu automobilul. (R, p.76) Yesterday evening he announced us through the wire that he was coming that day by car. (8) Aseară, Ichim, bătrânul vizitiu de nădejde, după ce a deshămat iepele de la sania cea bună şi le-a adăpat, când le-a băgat în grajd să le lege la ieslea lor, nu se ştie cum şi ce, dar s-a pomenit cu iapa roaibă, sperioasă, că începe să sară în două picioare, ş-apoi să zvârle din copite până tot l-a zdrobit pe bietul om de l-au scos pe cergă afară. (R, p.113) Yesterday evening, Ichim, the old trustworthy horsedriver, after unharnessing the mares from the good sleigh and giving them water, when taking them to the stables to tie them into their manger, nobody knows how, but the scared black mare started to stand on two feet, and then to kick with her hoofs until she crushed the poor man so that they had to take him out in a blanket. (9) În bătaia razelor calde, ţăranii se îmbulzeau împrejurul cârciumii lui Busuioc, să afle ce-o fi pus la cale aseară boierii la curtea bătrânului. (R, p.152) The peasants dashed around Busuoic’s pub in the heat of the warm sunrays in order to find out what the boyards at the old man’s court had plotted to do the evening before. (10) Tânărul Herdelea căută să-l liniştească, povestindu-i că într-adevăr numai aseară a sosit de la Amara unde stăpânea ordine şi pace. (R, p.184) Young Herdelea sought to appease him, by telling him that they had indeed returned just the evening before from Amara where it was all peaceful and quiet. (1) – Domnişoară Deleanu, dă-mi voie să-ţi ofer un bilet studenţesc pentru astă-seară la teatru. (IV, p.23) “Miss Deleanu, allow me to offer a student ticket for the theatre tonight.”

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS noapte (azi-noapte)

(2) – Niet! făcu moşneagul, astă-seară facem pe placul noilor mei nepoţi. (IV, p.57) “Niet!” went the old man tonight we are going to please my new grandchildren. (3) – Nu se poate, astă-seară vreau să mă îmbarc, înţelegeţi? E caz de forţă majoră. Nu există nici o soluţie? Plătesc oricât! (IV, p.68) “It can’t be, tonight I want to dress up, do you understand? It’s a matter of life and death. Is there no other solution? I will pay anything.” (4) – Ce-i cu tine, Mihaela? Iei partea unei infidele? am intervenit mai mult în glumă (dar puţin şi serios). Nu cumva te simţi cu musca pe căciulă? Să ştii, astă-seară te pun să-mi juri în faţa icoanei... că nu mă înşeli. (IV, p.153) “What’s wrong with you, Mihaela? Are you siding with a cheater?” I interrupted more jokingly (but also serious to some extent). “Don’t you feel a bit guilty? You should know, tonight I am going to make you swear in front of the icon... that you are not cheating on me.” (5) – După cum văd n-ai pus astă-seară nimic în gură, mi-a spus. Stai şi mănâncă, doar n-o să rabzi de foame... (IV, p.168) “As I can see you have not touched a bite tonight”, she said. “Sit there and eat, you won’t starve to death…” (6) Am să mai spun că acum câteva clipe, când încheiam fraza de mai sus şi mă întrebam de ce oi fi scriind despre cadavre, m-a întrerupt Mica, femeia care îmi aduce în fiecare dimineaţă lapte, ca să-mi comunice că fetiţa înecată astă iarnă şi pierdută sub gheaţa râului a fost regăsită astăzi, 5 mai, prinsă de crengile copacului scufundat în dreptul locului denumit „la Dărâmătură”. (Z, p.109) I am going to say that a few moments ago, when I was ending the sentence above and I was wondering why I was writing about corpses, Mica interrupted me, the woman that brought me milk every morning, to let me know that the little girl that had drowned last winter and was lost under the ice of the river, had been found that day, the 5th of May, caught in the branches of the sunk tree next to the spot known as “at the Ruins”. (7) „Astă iarnă plângeai, domnule Sima, ziceai că mori, ţineai să mă convingi...” (Z, p.187) “Last winter you were crying, Mr. Sima, you were saying that you were dying, you wanted to persuade me of it…” (8) – Astă-seară plăteşte Treantă, că i-a venit de la moşie. (G, p.324) “Tonight Treanţă is paying, because they came to him from the estate.” (9) Sunt curios să văd ce e cu masa de astă-seară. (BI, p.75) I am curious to see what is going on with the dinner this evening. (10) Dacă nu erai tu astă-seară, aş fi pus eu însumi pe cineva să-l atace, ca să văd ce face. (BI, p.216) If it weren’t for you tonight I would have set someone else to

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atunci

attack him to see what he would do. (1) Parcă se oprise atunci dintr-o lungă cursă cu obstacole. (EFV, p.112) He seemed to have stopped then from a long hurdle race. (2) Cu bărbatul ei chiar tratase atunci o mică afacere. (CMB, p.53) He had actually closed a small deal with her husband back then. (3) Până atunci obţinuse de la comandament să-i fie lăsat la dispoziţie. (CMB, p.256) Until then he had obtained permission for it to be left at his disposal. (4) Duduia Mari se măritase cu negustorul îmbogăţit, ea, care nu crezuse niciodată în necesitatea căsătoriei şi tocmai atunci, când comunismul amorului era în toi! (CMB, p.153) Miss Mari had married the rich merchant, she, who had never believed in the necessity of marriage and right then. (5) Şi atunci, dacă aveţi artilerie ca francezii, faceţi şi dumneavoastră ca francezii... trageţi în ocupanţi... ocupanţii pleacă şi trag apoi cu tunurile, şi aşa “da capo al fine”... (UNDINR, p.287) And then, if you have an artilery like the French, do as the French... shoot the invaders... the invaders leave and then they shoot the cannons, and thus “da capo al fine”… (6) Poate că nu e reconstituirea cea mai fidelă a ceea ce se întâmpla atunci, dar, în orice caz, sigur e că mă întrebam de ce trebuia să fiu tocmai eu cel la care se raporta, în acele momente, liniştea acelui loc şi lumina sărăcăcioasă a becului aceluia. (EFV, p.116) It may not be the most faithful rendering of what was happening then, but, at any rate, it is certain that I was wondering why I had to be the one to whom the peace of that spot and the poor light of that bulb were relating. (7) Nu m-a auzit nimeni – nici nu sunt sigur că am strigat, poate numai am şoptit, crezând că strig – şi atunci am continuat să mă târăsc spre lumina aceea care-mi rămăsese lipită de retină. (EFV, p.121) Nobody heard me – I am not even sure that I cried out, I may have only whispered, thinking that I was shouting – and then I kept on creeping towards that light which had remained glued to my retina. (8) La un moment dat, am lovit întâmplător o tablă – şi atunci mi-a venit ideea să arunc cu pietre în vagonul de marfă de lângă mine. (EFV, p.123) At one point, I accidentally hit a piece of copper, and then It came to me that I should throw stones at the freight carriage next to me. (9) Numele i se pronunţa din ce în ce mai rar şi mai indiferent, şi atunci pentru a anunţa că îi merge bine, rana s-a închis, nu mai sunt probleme, ba chiar a început să se îngraşe. (EFV, p.127) They started to say her name increasingly less and more

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

azi / astăzi

carelessly, and then in order to let them know that she was doing fine, her wound had healed, there were no more problems, she had even started to put on weight. (10) Atunci am continuat, senin, fără tremur în glas, înfruntând pe toată lumea: (IV, p.5) Then I carried on serenely, without a tremour in my voice, confronting everyone. (1) – Azi avem o scadenţă! (CMB, p.26) “Today there is a deadline for payment!” (2) – E frumos asta, Jean, să dezertezi chiar azi? (BI, p.164) “Is it nice, Jean, to defect just today?” (3) – Da, zise el, am construit ceva, dar azi n-aş mai face aşa. (BI, p.167) “Yes, he said, I have built something, but today I would not do that again.” (4) – Nu ştiu, zise Pomponescu cu o modestie la fel de factice, dacă mai poate interesa azi. (BI, p.167) “I do not know, Pomponescu said, with an equally factice modesty, if it can interest anyone today.” (5) – Azi n-am putut trece pe la Pomponescu, era prima scăpare a lui Hagienuş, tocmai poimâine pot să merg, când e şedinţă la madam Pomponescu. (BI, p.174) “I was not able to pass by Pomponescu today, was Hagienuş’s first slip, it is only the day after tomorrow that I can leave, when there is a meeting at Mrs. Pomponescu’s.” (6) Cartea isprăvilor lui e albă şi abia azi nădăjduieşte să-i puie un semn. (ŢDDN, p.58) The book of his deeds is blank and he hopes that he will put a sign into it only today. (7) La urma urmei, chiar dacă azi plouă până în sară, mâni desigur n-are să ploaie. (ŢDDN, p.116) In the end, even if today it is going to rain until the evening, tomorrow it will certainly not rain. (8) Şi binecuvântez această ţară a neamului lui Radu Şerban-Vodă, pe care interlocutorul meu, azi cu multă poftă de vorbă, o combate atât de convins... (DA, p.129) And I bless this country of Radu Şerban-Vodă’s kin, which my interlocutor is combating today full of zest and conviction... (9) Până azi, cu atât de largi intermitenţe şi-n bucăţele de timp, extrem de repezi, am frunzărit toată evoluţia procedurală a procesului dinaintea primei instanţe. (DA, p.166) Until today, I have perused the entire procedural development of the trial in front of the court with so many large breaks and over small and extremely fast periods of time. (10) Pentru că tăceam mâlc şi eu şi Lilica, plecă, iar eu profitai de prilej să mă prefac că mi-am adus aminte de o neplăcută împrejurare: cu o săptămână înainte dădusem întâlnire pentru azi, la 5, unui client foarte plicticos. (DA, p.237) Because both I and Lilica were keeping silent, he left, and I

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took the opportunity to pretend that I remembered an unpleasant occurrence: a week before I had set a meeting for today, at 5, with a very boring customer. (1) Era un biet bolnav, care avea nevoie de cele mai mari îngrijiri, […] care îşi întreţinea sănătatea şi egoismul din ideea că l-a durut cândva, că poate îl va mai durea […] (CMB, p.9) He was a poor ill man, who needed the best care […] who was keeping his health and egotism from the thought that it had hurt him once, and that it may hurt him again […] (2) De bună seamă că prima mea grijă fu atunci să aflu dacă Tudor Buzescu nu locuise cumva într-o anume parte a oraşului, unde văzusem cândva o impunătoare înmormântare, şi dacă duelul n-avusese cumva loc din cauza vreunei femei. (DA, p.17) Of course, my first concern was then to find out whether Tudor Buzescu had lived in a certain part of the city, where I had once seen an imposing funeral, and whether the duel had taken place because of a woman. (3) Când se sculă constată că nişte muscoi violacei dădeau târcoale grindei unse, de care atârnase cândva o slănină. (BI, p.53) When he got up he saw that a few bluebottle flies were circling the greased beam, where once there hanged a piece of lard. (4) Dacă va avea cândva răgaz, va revedea planurile. (BI, p.164) If he gets a moment’s respite at one point in time, he will review the plans. (5) Şi dacă s-ar întâmpla asta cândva, mă poţi închipui pe mine stând aici, nas în nas cu tanti Aglae? (EO, p.127) And what if this happened at one point, can you imagine me sitting here, face to face with auntie Aglae? (6) Întorcând privirea spre apus, îţi vine să crezi că un popor de uriaşi a însufleţit cândva aceste locuri şi că, precum odinioară s-a zvârlit munte peste munte spre a se lua cerul cu asalt, tot astfel şi aici s-au îngrămădit, una peste alta, acele stânci enorme spre a-şi da, poate, pământul mâna cu cerul. (PDM, p.25) Turning one’s head to the west, you can believe that a people of giants has once inhabited these places and that just like once mountain was thrown over another mountain to charge onto the sky, here gathered the same way one over the other those enormous rocks so that the earth may shake hands with the sky. (7) La această poartă, desigur, dragomanul Udrizki a uneltit, poate, cândva, mişeleasca amăgire; şi tot atunci, fără îndoială, căpitan Iordache, cu câţiva din ai săi, muriră într-un chip atât de vitejesc. (PDM, p.37) It must have been at this gate dragoman Udrizki had plotted once the cowardly deceit; and undoubtedly still then, Captain Iordache with a few of his men had died so bravely. (8) Această piatră rotundă şi aşezată pe un picior tot de piatră slujeşte de masă călătorilor – cuvânt pentru care a devenit lucie şi nici o urmă de inscripţie nu se vede pe ea, dacă vreo inscripţie va fi fost cândva. (PDM, p.49)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

câteodată

This round stone laid on another stone pedestal serves as table for travellers – a word for which it turned shiny and no trace of an inscription can be seen on it, if there had ever been any inscription on it. (9) Mini se întrebase: ce fac? şi desluşise acel proces de emanaţiuni şi dizolvări ale sufletului în corp, cum şi acele efluvii dinăuntrul vieţei în afară, încă imponderabile dar care vor forma cândva o chimie nouă în noimele inseparabile ale trupului sufletesc şi ale celui de carne. (FD, p.38) Mini had asked herself: what I am doing? And she had uncovered that process of emanations and dissolutions of the soul into the body, as well as those outpourings from within one’s life outside, still weightless but which will sometime form a new chemistry in the inseparable senses of the soul body and that made up of flesh. (10) Cele mai dezordonate legi ale simţirei turburau aşezarea statornică a familiei, pentru că un om trecuse pe-acolo, cândva: italianul. (FD, p.58) The most unorganized laws of the senses were troubling the firm settlement of the family, because a man had passed by that place: the Italian. (1) Câteodată, după astfel de discuţii, B. se îmbrăca, ieşea. (EFV, p.187) Sometimes, after such conversations, B. used to get dressed and leave. (2) Doctorul descoperise cândva cât de uşor se naşte disperarea. Din întâmplări mărunte, obişnuite. Din gesturi repetate zi de zi, de sute şi mii de ori. Câteodată, din privirea stăruitoare asupra unui obiect neînsemnat. (PMB, p.53) The doctor had once discovered how easily despair can emerge. Out of ordinary small ocurrences. Out of gestures repeated every day, hundreds and thousands of times. Sometimes, out of the persisting stare at an insignificant object. (3) Cu puţin înaintea cutremurelor, suflă câteodată un vânt nefiresc, iscat pe neaşteptate, un vânt prăfos, vânăt şi însoţit de un zgomot surd... (PMB, p.62) Shortly before the earthquakes, there is sometimes an unnatural wind blowing, rising suddenly, a dusty dark wind accompanied by a thud... (4) De aceea vezi câteodată doi inşi care, întâlnindu-se, nu ştiu pe ce parte să treacă unul de altul. (PMB, p.115) This is why one can sometimes see two guys, who when meeting each other do not know which way to pass one another. (5) ...ceva nu e în regulă, simţeam eu asta cum simţi câteodată că are să plouă, nu neapărat din pricina reumatismului, mai toţi paznicii au, e boala noastră profesională, dar poţi să nu ai şi să zici: îmi miroase a ploaie... (PMB, p.158) ...something was not right, I could feel it as you sometimes feel that there is going to rain, not necessarily because of the

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rheumatism, most guards have it, it is our professional disease, but you may not have it and say: it smells like rain... (6) Eu însumi mă simt câteodată în tine crescând, la fel cum imaginea celei iubite se imprimă în cel ce iubeşte şi-o poartă cu sine. (PMB, p.181) I myself sometimes feel growing inside you, just like the image of love is imprinted within the one who loves and bears it within. (7) Câteodată, în momentele de neatenţie, se lasă pradă slăbiciunii sale fundamentale, numită bunătate. (SL, p. 24) Sometimes, during moments of carelessness, he lets himself fall prey to his fundamental weakness, called kindness. (8) Câteodată mă gândesc că, dacă aş fi avut în tinereţe un prieten aşa, ca dumneavoastră, care să ştie toate cuvintele, acum eram mult mai deştept şi nu mai munceam la trei schimburi... (SL, p. 92) Sometimes I think that, if I had a friend like you in my youth, who would have known all the words, I would have been so much smarter and I would not have had to work in three shifts... (9) Mă mănâncă pielea, se înroşeşte, face băşicuţe roşii, câteodată îmi vine să mă frec cu peria de sârmă... (SL, p. 135) My skin is itching, it is turning red, with red pustules, sometimes I feel like rubbing myself with a wire brush. (10) Câteodată ăştia mai vând şi cafea mucegăită, o dau mai ieftin, şi s-ar putea să ţi se tragă de aici... (SL, p. 138) Sometimes they would also sell mouldy coffee, they sell it cheap, and that is what may have cause you this... (1) S-ar părea că totul a fost pus la punct concomitent. (BI, p.84) It would seem that everything had been sorted out at the same time. (2) Aceeaşi soartă a avut-o şi casa din Bucureşti, pe care doamna Alba, pe atunci domnişoară Ruset (ea semna însă ca domnişoară, de dragul şi pentru sonoritatea numelui matern: Alba Russet Ypsilant) o moştenise de la tatăl său: convinsă de geniul speculativ al mamei, o vânduse şi ea la rându-i, concomitent, pentru a se vedea apoi, din mare prinţesă trăită numai în străinătate (unde se înfăţişa doar ca prinţesă „bizantină”), cum sărăcia se apropie grozavă cu dinţi şi paşi de lup. (DA, p.62) The house from Bucharest underwent the same fate, which Mrs. Alba, back then miss Ruset (however she signed as miss, for the sake of the resounding maternal name: Alba Russet Ypsilant) had inherited from her father: convinced of her mother’s speculative genius, she had also sold it in her turn, at the same time, just so that she could see afterwards, from the great princess that had lived only abroad (where she only appeared as a “Byzantine” princess), how poverty was meancingly approaching grinding her teeth as if a hungry wolf. (3) Fără îndoială că nu-i tulbur regatul sufletesc, pentru că îmi închipui, cu cât va întârzia, cu atât va găsi mai în avantajul ei continuarea unei tocmeli într-o încăpere străină de discuţie,

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS împlinindu-şi concomitent ocupaţia neglijată. (DA, p.156) Of course, I was not troubling her spiritual realm, because I imagine, that the more she was late, the more she would find it to her advantage to keep on bargaining in a room independent of the discussion, fulfilling at the same time her neglected duty. (4) Judecând după geamătul şi mişcările lui, el se trezise ceva mai târziu, şi anume în clipa când gemuse şi când ea concomitent vârâse scrisorile înapoi. (DA, p.104) Judging by his moan and moves, he had woken up a bit later, namely at the moment when she had moaned and at the same time that she had slipped back those letters. (5) –...pentru marele dumitale caracter... pentru puternicul dumitale suflet, zice ea tare, concomitent cu sfârşitul meu de gând. (DA, p.208) “…for your great character… for your strong soul”, she said out loud, at the same time with the end of my thought. (6) Însă ca să se afle concomitent pe-acolo şi un operator care să filmeze totul, asta e imposibil! (CF, p.127) However, for a cameraman to happen to be there at the same time to film everything, this is impossbile! (7) Executând una dintre măiestrele zmucituri de volan despre care fusese vorba, înălţă, concomitent, cracul stâng, zece centimetri de la nivelul banchetei şi trânti o formidabilă băşină, ce păru să pledeze elocvent pentru indiferenţa sa... (C7RB, p.80) By performing one of the skillful wheel maneuvres they had talked about, he raised at the same time, his left leg, ten centimetres from the seat and farted formidably, which seemed to eloquently plead in favour of his carelessness... (8) Mirosea concomitent a mortăciune, a urină de vacă şi-a rumeguş. (C7RB, p.273) At the same time it was smelling of corpses, cow urine and sawdust. (9) Ăştia nu glumesc! nu uita să reproducă Doru nici urletul de durere, mai puţin glorios, al Ierbii Fiarelor, aproape concomitent cu prima salvă... (C7RB, p.286) These people are not kidding! Doru did not forget to reproduce a scream of pain, less glorious, of the Devil’s Grass, almost at the same time as the first salute... (10) Până să-ţi dai seama de unde provenea mirosul acela care umplea casa şi se insinua în toate lucrurile, încât părea că toate îl exalau concomitent, trecea destul timp, iar probabilitatea de a face legătura între pacostea ce se abătuse asupra casei tale şi vizita misteriosului personaj din urmă cu două-trei săptămâni era extrem de redusă. (PMB, p.241) Before you could tell where that smell, which was filling the house insinuating itself in all things that it seemed that everything was exuding at the same time, was coming from, a long time would pass, and the probability of linking the trouble that had come upon your house and the visit of the mysterious character from two or three weeks ago was extremely low.

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(1) Domnul Anghel nu făcuse vreodată cunoştinţa domnişoarei profesoare, totuşi, fiindcă o văzuse de mai multe ori prin preajma blocului, gândind pesemne că se mutase aici de curând, sau din simplă politeţe, o salută ca şi cum ar fi cunoscut-o. (SL, p.53) Mr. Anghel had never met the young teacher, yet, because he had seen her many times around the apartment building, thinking perhaps that she had recently moved in there, or out of mere politeness, greeted her as if he had known her. (2) Se vedea clar că unghiile fuseseră cojite de curând; urme de ojă mai rămăseseră pe margine, sub piele, în minusculul taluz dimprejur. (SL, p.84) It was apparent that the nails had been recently peeled; there were traces of nail polish left on the edges, under the skin, in the small lump around. (3) Apoi au dispărut vreme de câteva luni, pesemne au fost plecaţi la muncă în Serbia sau în Italia, iar acum, mai de curând, s-au întors, şi câţiva dintre ei şi-au deschis tarabe în piaţă. (SL, p.126) Then they disappeared for a few months, apparently gone to work in Serbia or in Italy, and now, they had more recently returned and some of them had opened their own stalls in the market. (4) Abia dacă apucă să construiască două, trei faze de poartă, cu Hagi în rolul principal, acest Eminescu al fotbalului românesc, cum inspirat scria de curând un cronicar sportiv. (SL, p.168) He barely got to build a couple of moves to the gate, with Hagi as the main lead, this Eminescu of Romanian football, as a sports journalist used to write. (5) «Nu-l cunoşteam, abia de curând ne-am căsătorit.» (CMIDP, p.126) “I did not know him we had just recently got married.” (6) Îmi spuse tot el: ţinuse o tutungerie şi îi fusese luată de curând, să se dea prioritate invalizilor de război. (CMIDP, p.148) He had also told me: he had a tobacconist’s and it had been recently taken away from him, in order to give priority to war invalids. (7) Se căsătoriseră, zise ea, de curând, el era un nou-venit în cartier, un învăţător care reuşise să se detaşeze aici la noi dintr-un sat din apropiere... (CMIDP, p.172) She said that they had recently got married, he was a new-comer to the neighbourhood, a teacher who had managed to come here from a nearby village... (8) Nu l-am mai revăzut câţiva ani ca să aflu chiar în primăvara debutului meu în volum, cu Întâlnirea din Pământuri, când m-am dus la el acasă să i-l dau, că fusese arestat de curând, dispăruse (îmi spuse soţia lui) pe drum, între birou şi casă. (VCP, p.236) I had not seen him for a few years just to find out that during the spring of my debut with the novel, The Meeting from the Lands, when I went to his house to give it to him, he had recently been arrested, he had vanished (his wife had told me) on his way,

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

de la început

home from his office. (9) Sile, care a venit de curând în celulă de la bucătărie, unde a stat vreo câteva luni, are la dânsul o punguliţă de plastic şi într-însa câţiva biscuiţi uscaţi şi opt bucăţele de zahăr. (JF, p.114) Sile, who had recently come to the cell from the kitchen, where he had spent a few months, had with him a small plastic bag and in it a few dry biscuits and eight lumps of sugar. (10) Un bolnav fragil, un client întârziat, acel blond livid ce pornea la Leysins, de unde, fireşte, amica fictivă a Elenei plecase de curând vindecată. (CMB, p.240) A frail sick man, a late customer, that livid blond-haired man who was starting for Leysins, wherefrom, Elena’s fictitious friend had obviously recently left cured. (1) De la început se simţise acolo pe planuri parcă inverse şi mobile care o ameţeau ca un trotuar rulant. (CMB, p.18) From the beginning she had felt there as if on reversed and mobile planes which would make her dizzy as an escalator. (2) De altfel, fata luase de la început bunul obicei să nu ajute pe Lina la menaj. (CMB, p.20) In fact, the girl had taken the good habit of not helping Lina with the household chores from the very beginning. (3) Părăsit de toţi, obosit, Felix examina mediul în care căzuse; Otilia îl surprinsese de la început şi n-ar fi putut spune ce sentiment nutrea faţă de dânsa, dar simţea că are încredere în ea. (EO, p.5) Forsaken by everyone, tired, Felix was examining the environment to which he had fallen; Otilia had puzzled him from the beginning and he wouldn’t have been able to say what feelings he had for her, but he felt he trusted her. (4) De la început ghicise în Otilia o prietenă de vârsta lui, un factor feminin care-i lipsise. (EO, p.12) From the beginning he had guessed in Otilia a friend of his age, a feminine factor that he had been missing. (5) Felix vizită dar din nou pe Titi, care îl primi cu bonomia lui placidă şi-l întrebă, ca să nu trădeze de la început scopul didactic al vizitei, dacă a citit La Chartreuse de Parme. (EO, p.17) Therefore, Felix visited Titi again, who welcomed him with his placid debonair manner and asked him, so that he would not betray from the begining the didactic purpose of his visit, whether he had read La Chartreuse de Parme. (6) Lumea e rea, vorbeşte, de aceea e bine ca un bărbat să spună de la început ce intenţii are. (EO, p.19) People are mean, they talk, this is why it is better for a man to state his intentions from the beginning. (7) Dacă vă punea casa pe numele vostru de la început, n-aveam atâta supărare! (EO, p.24) If he had placed the house in your name from the beginning, there would not have been so much anger! (8) – De Stănică ăsta am avut repulsie chiar de la început. Îl cred

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capabil de orice şi mă tem de el. (EO, p.33) “I felt disgust for this Stănică from the very beginning. I consider him capable of anything and I fear him.” (9) Titi picta, se legăna lângă sobă, şedea nemişcat pe marginea patului, când era plictisit, şi refuza orice abatere de la acest program, ascunzând prin posomorâre şi încăpăţânare antipatia faţă de spiritul independent al Anei, faţă de care încetase chiar de la început de a mai arăta tulburări erotice. (EO, p.52) Titi was painting, he would swing near the stove, sitting motionless on the edge of the bed, when he was bored, and refusing any break from this programme, concealing in his sadness and stuborness his lack of empathy for Ana’s independent spirit, towards whom he had stopped from the very beginning showing any erotic disturbance. (10) Intrase de la început în graţiile profesorului de psihiatrie, savant blând şi integru, căruia îi ceruse informaţiuni bibliografice ce dovedeau o orientare afară din comun. (EO, p.75) He had been from the very beginning on the good side of the psychiatry professor, who was a learned man, kind and full of integrity, whom he had asked for bibliographical information that proved an extraordinary sense of orientation. (1) O nespusă indulgenţă către acele sentimente filiale unse glasul de obicei strepezit al doctorului. (CMB, p.17) An unimaginable leniency towards those filial sentiments appeased the doctor’s usually sour tone of voice. (2) Cea dintâi complicaţie era că tînărul, ce nu-şi obosea de obicei gândul, acum se ocupa de femeia din dog-cart câteva minute după ce trecuse. (CMB, p.162) The first complication was that the young man, who did not usually tire his mind, was now preoccupied by the woman in the dog-cart a few minutes after she had passed by. (3) Consultase ca de obicei pe Drăgănescu şi bărbatul ei aprobase cu atât mai mult zel, cu cât avea ocazie să repare unele rezerve pe care le arătase cândva asupra lui Maxenţiu. (CMB, p.227) She had consulted Drăgănescu as usual and her husband had approved with so much zeal, since he had the opportunity to repair certain reserves she had sometimes shown upon Maxenţiu. (4) Nenorocita Lina trebuia să-şi dea ei singure toate argumentele conciliante pe care de obicei le aduc alţii. (CMB, p.249) Poor Lina had to give all conciliating arguments to herself, something that usually other people do. (5) Lui Mini aprecierea lui Nory, care era de obicei aşa de tăioasă când era vorba de Sia, îi păru curioasă. (CMB, p.256) Mini found Nory’s remark, who was usually so sharp when it came to Sia, curious. (6) Fireşte, executanţii veneau, de obicei, cu instrumentele şi partiţiile lor, dar la nevoie nu se putea invoca nici o lipsă. (CMB, p.281) Obviously, the performers usually came with their own

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

de regulă

instruments and staves, but in case of need no lack could be invoked. (7) De obicei, o vedetă muzicală se producea în fiecare joi, dând relief programului. (CMB, p.281) A music star would usually perform every Thursday, giving contour to the program. (8) Pe urmă m-a întrebat cum o mai duc, cum îmi mai împart viaţa, la ce ore mă găsesc acasă de obicei. (DA, p.237) Then she asked me how I was doing, how I was dealing with my life, what times people could usually find me home. (9) De altfel, n-o mai vedeam acum decât în timpul mesei de la prânz, când de obicei mă găseam cu dânsa, în afară de doamna Smaralda, pe Anişoara Sava, ori chiar şi pe tatăl acesteia, precum şi alţi musafiri. (DA, p.246) In fact, I would see her now only during lunch, when I would usually meet her, except for Mrs. Smaranda, Anişoara Sava, or even her father, as well as other guests. (10) De obicei, îmi închipuiam ce fericit aş fi dacă i s-ar întâmpla o primejdie, dacă ar fura-o, de pildă, cineva şi eu s-o scap. (A, p.23) Usually, I imagined how happy I would be if some danger ocurred with her, I someone stole from her, for instance, and I would save her. (1) Am câteodată porniri molatice de sibarit; decât, aceste porniri îmi vin, de regulă, tocmai atunci când le pot împăca mai puţin... (PDM, p.53) I sometimes have the soft urges of a sybarite; it’s only that these urges come to me usually, just when I can’t really reconcile them... (2) Prea înclinat, ploile torenţiale i-au săpat coastele, şi mâncături adânci de lut galben cu gingini verzi şi sărăcăcioase îl brăzdează din creştet până-n poale; iar poteca de suit şerpuieşte, de regulă, pe fundul adânc al acestor mâncături. (PDM, p.72) Too steep, the torrential rains had dug deep into its peaks, and deep bites into its yellow earth with green and empoverished meadows were crossing it from top to bottom; and the climbing path was meandering, usually, on the deep bottom of those bites. (3) După un ceas şi jumătate de un mers anevoios ieşirăm deasupra Cerbului; şi de unde credeam că vom întâlni vreuna din acele aşezături limpezi, ce de regulă se deschid pe vârful munţilor, ne trezirăm în faţă cu o nesfârşită încurcătură de poteci înguste şi cotigite care şerpuiau, se încrucişau şi se pierdeau pe sub tufele dese de mesteacăni ce ne împrejmuiau mersul. (PDM, p.84) After walking with difficulty for an hour and a half, we came out above the Stagg and where we thought we would meet one of those smooth settlements, that usually open at the top of the mountains, we found ourselves facing an endless network of narrow paths that were meandering, crossing and losing themselves under the dense shrubbery surrounding our way. (4) Aş fi sacrificat pe altarul umanităţii 25 de parale şi aş fi pus pe

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU Axinia să te frece cu rachiu şi cu sare; şi, mai la urmă, o bătaie n-ar fi fost tocmai lucru de mirare, de vreme ce orice luptă de fineţe diplomatică se sfârşeşte de regulă cu păruială, când, mai ales, e şi Rusu la mijloc. (PDM, p.126) I would have sacrificed 25 coins on the altar of humanity and I would have had Axinia rub you with plum brandy and salt; and in the end, a fight would not have been a thing to wonder, since any fine diplomatic battle usually ends up in a beating, when, Rusu, of all people, is there. (5) Tot mai târziu aveam să aflu că electricianul şi instalatorul n-aveau cum să lucreze în acord şi să câştige şi ei ceva bani peste salariul de bază, cum câştigau aproape toţi strungarii, dar îi pândeau pe cei fruntaşi care încasau de regulă între patru şi opt mii lei, fireşte, cu sprijinul nu atât al secretarului O.B. (cum se scria în presă), cât al celor de care depindea aprovizionarea... (CMIDP, p. 142) I was to find out later as well that the electrician and the plumber could not work in agreement and earn some money above their wages, as almost all lathe workers used to, but they would watch the best who would usually get between four and eight thousand lei, of course not so much with the help of the O.B. secretary (as the press used to write), but rather with the help of those that were providing the supplies. (6) Din punctul ăsta de vedere am un mare noroc că trăieşte mama – o s-o rog să mă întoarcă cu faţa la geam; să văd cerul, poate şi câteva păsări, de regulă ciori, dar mă voi mulţumi şi cu alea, să văd colţul balconului de la scara vecină,... (P, p.37) From this point of view I am extremely lucky that my mother is alive – I will ask her to turn me with my face towards the window, so that I can see the sky, maybe even some birds, usually crows, but I am going to be content with those as well, to see the corner of the balcony from the nearby building,... (7) Eram, orice s-ar spune, un bun amfitrion, vizitatorii mei plecau, de regulă, într-o stare vecină cu extazul, excepţie făcând Sonia, care intra de fiecare dată smiorcăindu-se şi tot aşa pleca. (EFV, p.58) I was, no matter what they say, a good host, my guests usually left in a state akin to ecstasy, with the exception of Sonia, who entered whining all the time and left likewise. (8) ...fiindcă avocaţii au această perspicacitate specială de a inventa, în lipsă de probe, nu probele înseşi, ci mijloacele prin care se ajunge la ele de o manieră absolut verosimilă şi logic inatacabilă, în direcţii ce depăşesc de regulă capacitatea de înţelegere a juraţilor... (PMB, p.173) because the lawyers have this special ability of inventing, faced with the lack of evidence, not the proof as such, but the means by which one reaches them in a completely incredible manner that is also logically impregnable, in directions that usually go beyong the jurors’ power of understanding...

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

de x ani, luni, zile, săptămâni, minute

(9) Fenomenul astfel rezultat a căpătat numele de infiltraţie sau igrasie şi, de regulă, este însoţit de un accentuat miros de mucegai. (SL, p.53) The phenomenon thus resulted has been dubbed with the label of infiltration or dampness, and is usually accompanied by a pronounced smell of mould. (10) Aşa fac de regulă fetele când epuizează toate mijloacele de salvare a despărţirii (deşi în fundul inimii ar voi să le lase amanţilor, drept amintire). (IV, p.85) This is what girls usually do when they exhaust all means of saving a break up (although deep down inside their heart they would like to live their lovers as souvenir). (1) Îi suporta de atâţia ani prezenţa. (CMB, p.22) He had been putting up with her presence for so many years. (2) De câteva zeci de minute, o parte dintre noi suntem morţi, efectiv în starea unor condamnaţi cărora li s-a respins cererea de graţiere, în ajun. (UNDINR, p.164) For some tens of minutes, some of us have been dead, in fact in the state of sentenced people who were denied pardon on the eve of the execution. (3) În lipsa dumnealui, domnul Toma se gândi cum să-l determine să se căsătorească cu vară-sa, care era asistentă medicală şi divorţase de câteva luni, a doua oară. (SL, p.120) In his absence, Mr. Toma thought of a way to make him marry his cousin, who was a medical nurse and who had been divorced a second time for a few months now. (4) Cu acelaşi prilej, doamna Gudelia i-a solicitat să înlocuiască garnitura robinetului de apă caldă de la bucătărie, care picură neîntrerupt de mai multe săptămâni, desigur numai între orele când se livrează apa caldă, solicitare căreia domnul Ion-şeful-de-scară i-a răspuns printr-o sugestivă ridicare din umeri. (SL, p.69) On that same occasion, Mrs. Gudelia had asked him to replace the valve gasket for the hot water in the kitchen, which had been continuously dripping for several weeks, of course, only during the hours when hot water was delivered, a request that Mr. Ion-building-manager had answered by a suggestive shoulder shrugging. (5) Această pildă a spus-o Simion într-o seară când unii începuseră a cârti că de două săptămâni nu se mai dă apă caldă şi că ar trebui ca domnul Ion-şeful-de-scară să meargă la asociaţia de locatari, pentru a face reclamaţie. (SL, p.260) This fable was told by Simion one evening when some people had started grumbling that there had been no hot water for two weeks and that Mr. Ion-building-manager should go to the dwellers’ association, in order to make a complaint. (6) Cum de reuşise să-şi aducă sculele şi celelalte lucruri trebuincioase, iarăşi e greu, dacă nu imposibil, de spus, cunoscând că liftul era blocat de aproape două săptămâni la etajul opt, iar

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încercările, ce-i drept, destul de timide, de a-l debloca, ale celor de la “Ascensoare”, chemaţi în cele din urmă de administratorul asociaţiei de locatari, rămăseseră fără nici un rezultat. (SL, p.274) However had he managed to bring his tools and other things he needed, it is again difficult, if not impossible to say, knowing that the elevator had been blocked for almost two weeks at the eighth floor, and all attempts, which had been frankly too shy, of unblocking it, by those from the “Elevators” company, eventually called by the building manager, had been pointless. (7) “Liftul blocului de pe Strada Oilor este blocat de aproape două săptămâni, fără ca organele în drept să ia măsurile ce se impun”, spunea în comentariul său domnişoara Mirela Romaneţ. (SL, p.277) “The elevator of the apartment building on Oilor Street has been blocked for almost two weeks, without the proper authorities taking the necessary steps,” miss Mirela Romaneţ said in her comment. (8) Liftul nu mai mergea de multe săptămâni, mormanele de gunoi creşteau văzând cu ochii, uşile holului de la intrare fuseseră scoase din ţâţâni, tencuiala începu să cadă de pe pereţi, prin acoperişul spart curgeau pâraie de fiecare dată când ploua, iar la subsol băltea apa şi se înmulţeau ţânţarii. (SL, p.287) The elevator had not been working for several weeks, the piles of garbage were raising every day, the doors to the entrance hallway had been taken out, the plaster had started to fall off the walls, through the cracked roof there were steams of water every time it rained, and in the basement there was water and mosqitoes thriving. (9) Dar soţia lui mi-a spus că dispăruse în mod neaşteptat de câteva zile, fără să lase nici un fel de indiciu unde ar putea fi găsit. (EFV, p.2) However, his wife told me that he had disappeared unexpectedly for a few days without leaving any clue as to where he might be found. (10) Erau exact cuvintele pe care el se străduia de mai multe zile să i le spună şi nu reuşea. (EFV, p.114) These were the exact words that he had been trying to tell her for several days and couldn’t. (1) O întorcea de trei ori de la uşă şi ea rămânea bucuros. (CMB, p.17) He would turn her from the door thrice and she would stay gladly. (2) Se mai uită o dată la treptele de marmură din cap. (CMB, p.27) She looked again at the marble stairs at the edge. (3) Lică nu întorsese capul, fiindcă o dată plecat de la un loc, nu se mai gândea înapoi. (CMB, p.30) Lică did not turn his head, because once leaving a place, he would not think back. (4) Avocatul Stavrat se oprise şi ieri, de două ori, în curtea

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

de x zile / luni / săptămâni / ani, etc

conacului bătrânesc, când au sosit şi când pe urmă s-au înapoiat de la Miron Iuga fără să fi intrat în casă. (R, p.175) Lawyer Stavrat had stopped over twice yesterday as well, in the yard of the old mansion, when they arrived and then when they came back from Miron Iuga without having entered the house. (5) Feciorul, într-o livrea puţin grotescă (fantezia Nadinei), veni să-l întâmpine şi-i raportă îndată că tânărul înăltuţ şi blond e un domn din Ardeal, că a mai fost pe-aici de câteva ori şi caută pe conaşul Gogu. (R, p.4) The servant, dressed in a grotesque uniform (Nadina’s fantasy), came to welcome him and immediately told her that the tall fair haired young man was a gentleman from Ardeal, that he had been there a few times before and that he was looking for master Gogu. (6) Odinioară îmi mai spusese asta de două sau de trei ori. (IV, p.1) Once he had told me that twice or three times before. (7) Cred că numai o dată sau de două ori mi-a cerut permisiunea ca între timp, până la ora plecării mele, să lipsească o oră împreună cu maşina. (BI, p.58) I think that he only asked for my persmission once or twice that in the meantime, until the hour of my departure, he should miss one hour together with the car. (8) De câteva ori, ca să evite orice accident, a luat trăsura. (BI, p.53) A few times, in order to avoid any accident, he took the carriage. (9) Iar pe ăla... şi n-o să-i dau eu lui explicaţii de ce l-am făcut să mă strige de două ori. Aşa, uneori trebuie să strigi pe cineva de mai multe ori, nu toţi oamenii seamănă unii cu alţii. (VCP, p.14) That one again ... and I am not going to offer him any explanations as to why I had made him call for me twice. This way, sometimes you must call for someone several times, not all people resemble each other. (10) Ar fi trebuit să-i spun, ca să exprim exact ceea ce simţeam, că mi-e atât de neplăcută vederea lui încât aş fi în stare să rămân repetent de atâtea ori până s-ar căra el din şcoala noastră. (VCP, p.57) I should have told him, in order to express precisely what I felt, that seeing him was so unpleasant that I would have been capable of repeating the class so many times until he left our school. (1) De-o săptămână parcă i-a luat mâna. (CMB, p.15) His hand seems to be gone for a week now. (2) A trebuit să perorez luni de zile până să aflu că le împrumuta şi că nu ea le aducea în halul în care le descopeream prin rafturi. (CMIDP, p.36) I had to babble for months on end until I found out that she was borrowing them but she was not the one to bring them back in that

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deplorable state I found them on the shelves. (3) Îmi dădui seama, avui o bruscă iluminare că mai aveam încă timp să dau înapoi, că timp de câteva luni săvârşisem un lucru foarte urât înjurându-mi prietenul, că poate ei doi se iubesc aşa cum sunt şi că intrusiunea mea brutală în viaţa lor n-avea nici o justificare. (CMIDP, p.51) I realized, it suddenly dawned on me that I had still time to go back, that I had done a very rude thing for several months, cursing my friend, that the two of them may be in love with each other the way they were and that my brutal intrusion in their lives had no justification at all. (4) “Aşa mi-a spus şi mie, îmi şopti vopsitul, şi stau aici de trei luni de zile. Mă ţin pentru experienţe, vin cu studenţii şi discută pe pielea mea... îi interesează...” (CMIDP, p.149) “This is what they told me as well,” the dyed man told me “and I have been staying here for three months. They are keeping me for experiments, they come here with students and discuss on my account…they are interested …” (5) S-a veştejit şi ea, dacă o vezi... Şi de câteva luni a mai născut şi un copil.. (CMIDP, p.153) She shrivelled as well, if you see her... And a few months ago she also gave birth to a child. (6) “Da, râse Lavinia, ştiu la ce te gândeşti, mi-a adus mie o prietenă Ulysse de James Joyce, eu nu l-am citit, îl ţin de şase luni pe noptieră şi n-am trecut de pagina o sută.” (CMIDP, p.182) “Yes,” Lavinia laughed, “I know what you are thinking, a friend has given me Ulysses by James Joyce, I have not read it, I have been keeping it for six months on my nightstand and I haven’t gone past page one hundred.” (7) Eu eram concentrat de două săptămâni la Azuga, ne-am întâlnit în restaurant şi m-a luat cu el. (UNDINR, p.121) I had been drafted to Azuga for two weeks, we met in a restaurant and I picked on him. (8) M-am interesat, puţin mai de aproape, şi am aflat că, de două săptămâni, nevastă-mea e bolnavă în pat. (UNDINR, p.134) I took a closer interest in it and I found that my wife had been ill in bed for two weeks. (9) Într-adevăr, sunt de vreo două săptămâni în pat, dar cred că nu e prea grav. (UNDINR, p.135) I have been indeed lying in bed ill for two weeks, but I think that it is not too serious. (10) De două săptămâni de când e aici, i-a smintit pe toţi... le-a luat o mulţime de parale. (UNDINR, p.147) For two weeks, ever since he has come here, he has turned everyone’s mind… he took a lot of money from them. (1) Frica de a fi prins într-un punct al Europei primejdios pentru viaţa comercială îl împinsese mai demult pe Saferian să facă speculaţii mai subtile în scopul de a-şi deplasa fondul principal în valori sigure spre alte sedii exterioare, fără a se îndura să

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS gândească măcar a părăsi ţara în care copilărise şi al cărei cetăţean se socotea şi unde ajunsese o figură familiară în cercurile de intelectuali. (BI, p.53) The fear of being caught into a more dangerous area of Europe for its trade life had pushed Saferian long ago to make more subtle speculation in order to change the main fund in safe values to outside headquarters, without even stopping to think of leaving the country where he had spent his childhood and whose citizen he considered himself and where he had come to be a familiar face in intellectual circles. (2) Încă mai demult contemplase pe Ioana, întâi cu coada ochiului, apoi privind-o franc cu pupilele lui de un albastru turburător. (BI, p.53) He had contemplated Ioana even longer ago, at first from the corner of the eye, then looking frankly straight into his pupils that were extraodinarily blue. (3) Tatăl, care a murit nu demult şi pe care l-am cunoscut, era un om foarte isteţ şi instruit, părând a nu fi chiar ţăran. (BI, p.72) The father, who died hot long ago and whom I knew, was an extremely smart and well-educated man, apparently not really a peasant. (4) – De ce credeţi dumneavoastră că n-a făcut crimă, când pumnalul e aici? – Tocmai de asta, pumnalul l-a dat mai demult. (BI, p.75) “Why do you think that he did not commit any murder, if the dagger is here?” “Precisely because of that, he gave the dagger long ago.” (5) Demult, datorită mai ales propagandei socialiste, ţărănimea trăia în alt climat, numai Hangerlioaica se izolase la un timp perimat. (BI, p.126) A long time ago, especially because of the socialist propaganda, the peasants lived in a different climate, only Hangerlioaica had isolated herself into an obsolete time. (6) – Ce-o mai fi făcând Pomponescu? Nu l-am mai văzut demult. (BI, p.158) “What would Pomponescu be doing? I haven’t seen him in a long time.” (7) Poate va fi fiind de la Iaşi, vreun profesor universitar gândeam, sau din alt oraş mare: Brăila, Galaţi ori Ploieşti, acest om despre impetuozitatea căruia prinsesem zvon demult, la o întâmplătoare ceremonie funebră. (DA, p.32) He may have been from Iaşi, some university professor I reckoned, or from another big city: Brăila, Galaţi or Ploieşti, this man whose impetuousness had been rumoured a long time ago, a an occasional funeral ceremony. (8) Toate evenimentele acelea avuseseră loc demult. (DA, p.49) All those events had taken place a long time ago. (9) Mi se pare extrem de curios că n-am băgat de seamă aceasta mai demult; aş fi fost scutit de o iluzie, a cărei pierdere acum mă

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costă dur. (DA, p.87) It seems odd that I had not realized that earlier; I would have been exempt from an illusion, whose loss now cost me dearly. (10) Surâdeam din ce în ce mai luminat, mai asigurat că Alba trebuie să-l fi izgonit demult, încât acum el se şi gândea la „orice nebunie”. (DA, p.230) I was smiling ever more brightly, assured that Alba must have chased him away a long time ago, so that now he was thinking of “anything crazy”. (1) Chiar şi Panait Sufleţel ar fi plecat dacă deocamdată persoana lui Hagienuş nu l-ar fi interesat mai mult. (BI, p.24) Even Panait Sufleţel would have left if Hagienuş had not interested him more as a person for the time being. (2) Dacă în Pomponescu, Gaittany nu prea credea, socotindu-l inamic al lui Ioanide, insinuaţia francezului îl zdrobi şi Ioanide deveni pentru el un om pierdut, cel puţin deocamdată. (BI, p.37) If Gaittany did not really believe in Pomponescu, considering him to be an enemy of Ioanide’s, the Frenchman’s innuendo crushed him and Ioanide became for him a lost man, at least for the time being. (3) Factorul acvatic se putea totuşi deocamdată suplini prin fântâni şi bazinuri. (BI, p.59) However, the acquatic factor could be replaced for the time being by menas of fountains and pools. (4) Deocamdată, arhitectul îşi notă această adresă, apoi, după oarecare codire, depuse la loc hârtiile aşa cum le găsise şi încuie sertarul la loc, luând cheia falsă. (BI, p.63) For the moment, the architect took down that address, then after some hesitation, he placed the papers in their spot as he had found them and loked the drawer, taking the false key with him. (5) Ioanide cădea tot mai mult în muţenia lui şi, în ciuda motivelor de a stârni un scandal imens, nu făcuse deocamdată absolut nimic. (BI, p.70) Ioanide was increasingly more falling into his silence and, in spite of the reasons for raising a huge scandal, he had not done anything for the tie being. (6) Arhitectul, cu totul preocupat, nu dădu nici o atenţie faptului şi nu remarcă deocamdată schimbările de mecanism din existenţa sa casnică. (BI, p.84) The architect, extremely preoccupied, did not pay any attention to the fact and did not notice for the time being the changes in the mechanism of his household life. (7) Deocamdată trebuia să mergem la Almaş. (DM, p.1) For the time being we had to go to Almaş. (8) Credeam, deocamdată, că am păşit pe lumea cealaltă... (DM, p14) I believed, for the time being, that I had stepped into the other world... (9) Astfel, lăsând măturoiul la o parte, ne deschise, deocamdată, o

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

deodată

des / deseori

odaie cu un singur pat. (DM, p.56) Thus, leaving the big broom aside, she opened for us, for the time being, a room with only one bed. (10) Jidovul, înmărmurit de spaimă, stătea nemişcat şi nu răspunse, deocamdată, nimic. (DM, p.60) The Jew, transfixed with fear, stayed motionless and did not answer, for the time being, anything. (1) Acum Rim părea, deodată, mai puţin vesel. (CMB, p.13) Now Rim seemed suddenly less cheerful. (2) Nu cutezase mai mult deodată. (CMB, p.25) She did not dare more at once. (3) Deodată Lenora se sculă brusc; îşi frânse mâinile, dete capul pe spate, strânse dinţii, îşi muşcă apoi pumnii şi foarte palidă, fără răsuflare, căzu la loc pe scaun, pe când Lina îi uda fruntea ei. (FD, p.2) Suddenly Leonora stood up abruptly; she had crumbled her hands, shook her head back, clenched her teeth, then bit her fists and very pale and almost without breath fall back into her chair, while Lina was pouring water onto her forehead. (4) E nostimă, Mini! închipuiţi-vă! Ca să nu plece la Sibiu schimbase deodată manevra. (FD, p.29) Mini is funny! Just imagine! She had suddenly changed the maneouvre so that she would not leave for Sibiu. (5) Îşi reaminti, deodată, vestibulul cel nou, părăsit, în care se plimbase în rătăcirile ei singuratice. (FD, p.30) She suddenly recalled the new abandoned hallway, where she had walked during her lonesome wanderings. (6) Mini fu deodată cuprinsă de aceeaşi desperare ca la plecare: de ce lipsise o zi întreagă din Cetatea vie? (FD, p.32) Mini was suddenly overwhemed by the same despair as upon departure: why had he missed an entire day from the living fortress? (7) Mini simţi deodată o plictiseală. (FD, p.47) Mini suddenly felt boredom. (8) Ieşiră pe uşă amândoi deodată, ceea ce-i făcu să se lovească. (FD, p.128) They both got out the door at the same time, which made them hit one another. (9) Căci văd deodată inşi mulţi privindu-mă speriaţi, urlându-mi. (UNDINR, p.120) For I suddenly saw a lot of guys looking scared at me, screaming at me. (10) Deodată, în dosul satului, un ropot de plesnete spre cer. (UNDINR, p.257) Suddenly, at the back of the village, there was a roar of whipping towards the sky. (1) Baba o prinsese deseori colectând dar nu spusese Linei nimic. (CMB, p.21) The old hag had often caught her collecting but had not told Lina anything.

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deunăzi

(2) Lică venea destul de des să o vadă, dar plimbările erau acum mult mai rare ca înainte. (CMB, p.30) Lică was coming to see her quite often, but their walks were now much rarer than before. (3) Deseori îi vin idei, mai ales înainte de a adormi, dar fiindcă nu le notează în momentul respectiv, până când se trezeşte le uită cu totul. (SL, p.23) He often gets ideas, especially before falling asleep, but since he does not write them down at that exact moment, he forgets all about them by the time he wakes up. (4) Ci, mult mai important este să fii cuviincios, să ai o atitudine binevoitoare faţă de toţi oamenii, să mergi cât mai des la biserică, să dai de pomană la cerşetori şi, dacă se poate, să ţii zilele de post. (SL, p.46) Yet, it is much more important to be civil, to have a benevolent attitude towards everyone, to go to church as often as possible, to give to the beggars and, if possible, to comply with all fasting days. (5) Conţinutul propriu-zis al întrebărilor testului se referea la aspecte dintre cele mai diverse ale vieţii obişnuite, de zi cu zi: soţul dumneavoastră adoarme mai des pe partea stângă, sau pe cea dreaptă? (SL, p.127) The actual content of of the questions on the test referred to the most diverse aspects of normal, everyday life: does your husband more often fall asleep on the left side or on the right side? (6) Pe măsură ce treceau anii, îşi spunea tot mai des că o iubise cu efort încă de la început şi se consola, ca şi ea, de altminteri, cu gândul că nu există căsătorii fericite... (EFV, p.94) As the years went by, she kept telling herself ever more often that he had loved her with some effort from the very beginning and she took comfort in the fact that there are no happy marriages... (7) O ceartă din ce în ce mai des pe Sonia, de la orice fleac. (EFV, p.114) He keeps scolding Sonia ever more often, for any trifle. (8) Trebuie să existe totuşi o explicaţie a faptului că, de la o vreme, ea gătea tot mai des clătite, făcuse, am putea zice, o pasiune pentru ele. (EFV, p.203) There must be however an explanation for the fact that, for some time now, she was cook ever more often pancakes, she had developed, as one might say, a passion for them. (9) Observând influenţa bună pe care Cici o exercita asupra nevesti-mii, o rugam să vină mai des pe la noi. (IV, p. 137) Noticing the good influence that Cici had over my wife, I asked her to come by more often. (10) Cât despre Stere, acesta avea treburile lui, nu-şi mai aducea aminte prea des de răposat. (G, p.108) As for Stere, he had his own business, he did not remember the deceased all too often. (1) – Nu se dezinteresează, domnule, protestă Gulimănescu, l-am văzut deunăzi pe Calea Victoriei la braţ cu fata lui, o cunosc acum

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

devreme

(faptul era adevărat). (BI, p.47) “He does not get disinterested, sir”, Gulimănescu protested, “I have seen him the other day with his daughter, for I know her now, at his arm on Calea Victoriei (the fact was true).” (2) Deunăzi însă, negăsind nici un vehicul, a fost nevoit să vină pe jos. (BI, p.58) The other day however, not finding any other vehicle, he had to come on foot. (3) – Nu ştii cine a venit deunăzi la mine la minister! (BI, p.174) “You don’t know who came to me at the ministry the other day!” (4) – Există, domnule ministru, o tradiţie respectată până mai deunăzi... – De ce până mai deunăzi? întrebă cu umor important Pomponescu. A călcat-o cineva? (BI, p.214) “There is, minister, a tradition that was complied with until the other day…” “Why until the other day?” Pomponescu asked with an important sense of humour. “Has anyone broken it?” (5) – Nory a întâlnit deunăzi pe fraţii mei, explică Elena. Eu nu i-am văzut încă şi nici nu vreau. (CMB, p.219) “Nory met my brothers the other day”, Elena explained. “I have not seen them yet and neither do I want to.” (6) – De ce glumeşti Nory cu lucruri care nu sunt de glumă? Tu singură ai fost acolo deunăzi... (CMB, p.221) “Why do you joke with things that are not to be joked with, Nory? You were there yourself the other day…” (7) – Vorbeai deunăzi cu o femeie urâtă şi de rând. (CMB, p.225) “You were talking to a common and ugly woman the other day.” (8) Până deunăzi era absorbită cu totul în comunitate. (CMB, p.237) Until the other day she was fully absorbed in the community. (9) Era acelaşi care fluiera de mult pe lângă garduri, care deunăzi fluiera pe Sia subt fereastra Rimilor, care fluiera uşor pe buze în atelierul domnului Paul şi între dinţi în urechea prinţesei Ada. (CMB, p.245) He was the same who had been whistling by the fences, who was whistling the other day at Sia under the windows of the Rims, who was lighly whistling his lips in Mr. Paul’s workshop and between his teeth in princess Ada’s ear. (10) Aşa cum deunăzi aşteptase să fie între ei acuzări şi iertare, aşa acum aştepta ca Rim să-i spună că nu mai au ce căuta la un loc şi ea să-i răspundă că crede la fel. (CMB, p.258) Just like he had waited the other day for there to arise acusations and forgiveness between them, she was now waiting for Rim to tell her that they had nothing to do together and that she should answer to him that she believed the same thing. (1) Când se strica timpul, se culcau devreme, osteniţi. (G, p.2)

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din nou

When the weather went bad, they would all go to sleep early, being tired. (2) Nevoia se ivise mai devreme decât crezuse. (G, p.81) The need had arisen earlier than he had thought. (3) Se scula mai devreme, tot aici îl găseau ceilalţi: Bulancea, Apopii şi Nenişor. (G, p.95) He would get up earlier, the others would still find him there: Bulancea, Apopii and Nenişor. (4) Linei i-a fost greu să bage de seamă. Untarul venea la timp nepotrivit, devreme. (G, p.95) Lina found it hard to notice. The butter boy was coming at a bad time, early. (5) Să fi avut cincizeci de ani, da nici nu-i dădeai, deşi albise devreme. (G, p.186) He must have been around fifty, but you would not say he was, although he had turned grey early. (6) Îi era frică să nu fi venit taică-său mai devreme de la munci şi să n-o găsească acasă. (G, p.251) She was afraid that her father might have come home earlier from work and he might not find her at home. (7) De atunci se scula în fiecare dimineaţă mai devreme şi îl pândea de la fereastră, să plece. (G, p.253) Since then she would get up earlier every morning and stalk him from the window, until he was leaving. (8) Într-o zi, Procopie se întorsese mai devreme şi dăduse peste ea cu nasul în hârţoagele lui. (G, p.253) One day, Pricopie had come back earlier and found her poking about his papers. (9) Lunea se sculau devreme şi plecau la muncă, tot osteniţi. (G, p.318) On Monday they would get up early and leave for work still tired. (10) Ar fi închis mai devreme, dar cum să te-nduri să dai cu piciorul banilor? (G, p.320) He would have closed earlier, but how can one bear to forsake making money? (1) – Plec şi eu! declară Mini şi trecu din nou în birou... (CMB, p.16) ‘I am leaving too!’ said Mini and passed into the office again... (2) Am vrut să-i trimit din nou scrisoarea, de astă dată deschisă, aşa cum procedasem la început. (IV, p.54) I wanted to send her the letter again, this time open, as I had done on other occasions. (3) Imaginaţia domnului Elefterie dădu din nou în clocot. Reveria sa căpătă din nou aripi, parcă mai ample, mai viguroase ca niciodată. (SL, p.24) Mr. Elefterie’s imagination reached boiling point again. His revery gained wings again, which were apparently more ample and more vigurous than ever.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

diseară, deseară

(4) – Pentru aceste cuvinte nu există vreo altă rimă, explică perfect lucid domnul Gheorghe – ocazie cu care medicii constatară nu numai că putea vorbi din nou, dar şi că boala de care suferise până atunci se vindecase spontan. (SL, p.29) “There is no other rhyme for these words” explained Mr. Gheorghe perfectly aware – on which occasion the doctors noticed that not only was he able to speak again, but the illness that had plagued him so far had suddenly been cured. (5) Pe palierul de la unu, se întâlni din nou cu domnul Ilie, care însă trecu mai departe cu două sacoşe goale în mână, ca şi cum nu l-ar fi cunoscut. (SL, p.37) He met Mr. Ilie again on the landing of the first floor, but he passed by him carrying two bags of groceries in his hands, as if he had not known him. (6) Profitând de noua situaţie creată, doamna Aglaia îşi eliberă mâna în care ţinea umeraşul şi încercă să-l folosească din nou ca armă. (SL, p.47) Taking advantage of the newly created situation, Mrs. Aglaia freed the hand with which she was holding the coat hanger and tried to use it again as a weapon. (7) – Poate ne întâlnim la o partidă de şah şi mai discutăm atunci... Rezulta clar că domnul Bartolomeu îl bătuse din nou şi de aceea evita să-l aibă de partener. (SL, p.70) “Maybe we’ll meet for another game of chess and then we’ll talk some more…” It was clear that Mr. Bartolomeu had defeated him again and this is why he was avoiding having him as partner. (8) Rudele din Botoşani izbucniră din nou. (SL, p.80) The relatives from Botoşani burst out again. (9) Domnul Elefterie începea să zapeze telecomanda, în căutarea vreunui canal pe care se transmitea fotbal sau box, în timp ce doamna Gleofina pufnea stăpânindu-şi tot mai greu iritarea, până când exploda într-un reproş veninos, şi cearta izbucnea din nou. (SL, p.85) Mr. Elefterie was starting to zap the remote in search for some channel that would be broadcasting soccer or boxing, while Mrs. Gleofina was huffing and puffing barely contaning herself, until she bursted into some venomous reproach, and the argument would start again. (10) A fost nevoit să meargă din nou la doctor, să-i dea altă reţetă. (SL, p.102) He had to go again to the doctor’s, so that he would be given another recipe. (1) La urmă şi ăsta, recalcitrantul, s-a dovedit mai flexibil... şi de asta îţi spun: deseară, nu mai târziu, pentru că mâine dimineaţă trebuie fixate locurile, mâine e luni şi începem... punem pe hârtie totul... deci deseară, la orele 9 fix, să fii la Colonade, la Şosea... ştii unde sunt Colonadele? (DA, p.66) In the end, the reticent one also proved to be more flexible...

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frecvent

and this is why I’m telling you: tonight, it is no longer late, because tomorrow morning the places must be settled, tomorrow is Monday and we start … to put everything on paper… therefore tonight, at nine sharp, you must be at the Colonades, at the Road… do you know where the Colonades are? (2) – Elviro, te rog, lasă-mă deocamdată. Vom vorbi deseară, când mă-ntorc, voi vedea ce e de făcut. (BI, p.53) “Elvira, please, let me be for now. We’ll talk tonight, when I’m back” (3) – Bietul papa, zise Otilia, înduioşată, ştiam eu că el e un om bun! Nu-mi trebuie nici un ban, dar îmi pare bine că se gândeşte la mine. Deseară am sa-i cânt la pian! (EO, p.172) “Poor father,” said Otilia commiseratingly, “I knew he was a good man! I do not need any money, but I am glad that he is thinking of me. Tonight I’ll play the piano for him!” (4) Dar deseară trebuie să facem o plimbare de adio, lungă, lungă, lungă... (A, p.42) But tonight we need to take a long, long, long farewell walk... (5) “Fetiţo, diseară Iorgu pleacă la ţară, că e 15 februarie şi trebuie să tocmească oameni pentru arături.” (UNDINR, p. 57) “Dear girl, tonight Iorgu is leaving the country, because it is the 15th of February and he needs to hire people for ploughing.” (6) – Domnule colonel, viu diseară. Am trăsură, lăsaţi-mă. (UNDINR, p.59) “Colonel, I am coming tonight. I have a carriage, allow me.” (7) – Domnule căpitan, voi scăpa la opt şi cinci, la nouă, voi trăi poate până la ora zece diseară... (UNDINR, p. 83) “Captain, I’ll be done at five past eight, at nine, I may be alive until ten o’clock tonight…” (8) Nu mai pot sta în loc, bănuind că diseară nu vom putea fi gata. (UNDINR, p. 97) I can no longer sit still, suspecting that we’ll not be able to be ready tonight. (9) Cum o să trăiesc diseară prin focuri de infanterie, prin lupte de baionetă, prin sute de explozii de obuze? (UNDINR, p. 127) How am I going to live tonight through the fires of the infantry, bayonet battles, hundreds of bombshell explosions? (10) Alerg fără rost în toate părţile, în bâlciul ăsta de oameni, care diseară vor juca, fiecare în parte, tragedia pe care era s-o joc doar eu aseară. (UNDINR, p. 153) I am running all over the place, in this funfair of people, who tinight are going to play, each and everyone in turn, the tragedy that I was going to play last night. (1) Greşeala lui Nietzsche, proclamă Al. Pal. în zgomotul asurzitor al camerei optsprezece [...] este că a dispreţuit cele mai virile sentimente şi printre ele pe cel mai îndeosebi viril, de care dau atât de frecvent dovadă eroii homerici sau eroii medievali: mila. (JF, p. 74) Nietzsche’s mistake, stated Al. Pal. in the deafening noise of room eighteen [...] is that he despised the most virile of feeling and

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS among them the most virile one, that Homeric or medieval heroes so frequently prove: mercy. (2) Cuvintele „niciodată” şi „întotdeauna” apăreau frecvent în vocabularul meu şi ele făceau parte dintr-un soi de antrenament menit să prevină decepţia în faţa neschimbătorului. (JP, p.164) The words “never” and “always” appeared frequently in my vocabulary and they were part of some sort of training meant to prevent deception in front of the unchanging. (3) Cititorul va constata, frecvent, o anumită disproporţie între anvergura problemelor atacate şi tratarea lor laconică, dacă nu, adesea, expeditivă. (MM, p.1) The reader will notice, frequently, a certain disproportion between the range of issues tackled and their laconic treatment, if not, often, expeditious. (4) Între aceste obstacole, foarte frecvent e neînţelegerea rostului propriu-zis al efortului moral, aşezarea imatură în raport cu lumea scopurilor şi a idealurilor. (MM, p.16) Among these obstacles, there is very frequently the misunderstanding of the proper sense of the moral effort, the immature placement as opposed to the world and to the ideals. (5) Deşi se vedea că foloseşte frecvent denumirea respectivului Cabinet, ucenica îi poci, cu dezinhibare, ultimul cuvânt. (C7RB, p. 74) Although one could tell that he used the name of that particular Cabinet frequently, the female apprentice mispronounced uninhibitedly the last word. (6) Jignit de aroganţa lor, dezamăgit de nerecunoştinţa lor, scârbit de prostia lor, Sadim îşi continuă totuşi munca, deşi va fi observat că, de la o vreme, unele scrisori nu-şi mai atingeau ţinta şi că, tot mai frecvent, efectul lor era contrar celui scontat. (PMB, p. 183) Offended by their arrogance, disappointed by their lack of gratitude, disgusted by their stupidity, Sadim continued his work nevertheless, although he would have noticed that for some time, some of his letters did not reach their goal and that, ever so more frequently, their effect was contrary to what was expected. (7) Ne atrăsese atenţia mai ales cifra 7, deoarece se repeta frecvent şi în circumstanţe similare, adică în grupuri care o conţineau de câte trei ori, cum ar fi acesta 7*-7-12-1-6-1-12-7, cu menţiunea expresă că primul 7 era de fiecare dată barat sau subliniat sau însemnat cu o steluţă. (PMB, p. 279) Our attention aws drawn to number 7, because it kept repeating frequently and under similar circumstances, that is in groups that contained it three times each, such as this one 7*-7-12-1-6-1-12-7, with the express mention that the first 7 was every time barred or underlines or marked by an asterisk. (8) A doua întrerupere a fost determinată de o necesitate ceva mai gingaşă, întrucât, ca orice pensionar, domnul Ion-şeful-de-scară are ceva probleme cu prostata şi urinează frecvent. (SL, p.75) The second interruption was determined by a somewhat milder

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iar / iară / iarăşi

necessity, because as any retired person, Mr. Ion-the-building-manager has certain problems with his prostate and urinates often. (9) Asemenea discuţii tensionate aveau loc tot mai frecvent după ce firma de confecţii la care dumneaei lucra dăduse faliment, iar patronul, supărat, îşi trimisese acasă toţi lucrătorii. (SL, p.112) Such conversations were taking place ever more often after the clothing company where she worked went bankrupt, and the owner, upset, had sent all the workers home. (10) Jignit de aroganţa lor, dezamăgit de nerecunoştinţa lor, scârbit de prostia lor, Sadim îşi continuă totuşi munca, deşi va fi observat că, de la o vreme, unele scrisori nu-şi mai atingeau ţinta şi că, tot mai frecvent, efectul lor era contrar celui scontat. (PMB, p.238) Offended by their arrogance, disappointed by their lack of gratitude, disgusted by their stupidity, Sadim continued his work however, although he would have noticed that certain letters had not been reaching their destination for a while and that ever more often, their effect was contrary to what was expected. (1) – Uite-i iar! (CMB, p.21) “Look at them again!” (2) Cinteza tot n-a sesizat intenţia gazdei şi a zburat iarăşi oprindu-se de astă-dată pe pervazul ferestrei. (IV, p.91) The chaffinch still did not see the host’s intention and flew away again stopping this time on the window sill. (3) Dar trenul nu a oprit, aşa cum anticipasem, numai a încetinit, apoi a prins iarăşi viteză. (EFV, p.14) Yet the train did not stop, as I had anticipated, it only slowed down, then it gathered up speed again. (4) Am grăbit pasul lăsând-o în urmă – se aşezase direct pe caldarâm, cu spatele la mine – dar după câteva clipe am văzut-o iarăşi apropiindu-se ameninţător din aceeaşi direcţie. (PMB, p.37) I started to walk faster leaving her behind – she had sat down right on the kerb, with my back towards her – but after a few moments, I saw her again coming closer to me from the same direction in a menacingly. (5) Însă când te apuci să cauţi unde anume stă pitit sufletul în ea, te loveşti iarăşi de aceeaşi penibilă neputinţă. (PMB, p.62) But when you set upon searching where exactly her soul is hiding, you keep hitting again the same pathetic weakness. (6) Pentru a fi mai convingătoare, îl prinsese iarăşi de mână cu amândouă mâinile ei. (PMB, p.65) In order to be more persuasive, she had caught his hand again with both her hands. (7) De la o vreme, judecătorul de instrucţie începuse a se plânge iarăşi că are probleme cu vederea. (PMB, p.84) For a while now, the investigation judge had started to complain again that he had problems with his eyes. (8) Povestind una, alta, ajunseserăm iarăşi pe străzile urbei. (PMB, p.257)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

ieri

Telling different stories, we had reached the streets of the town again. (9) Când melodia se termina, îi păstra mâna într-a dumnealui şi se depărta numai câţiva centimetri, atât cât să constate că un nasture se agăţase iarăşi în fireturi. (SL, p.48) When the song was over, he kept her hand into his and would stand back only a few centimetres, just to observe that a button remained stuck again in the laces. (10) Însă Avram, căpătând curaj după această neaşteptată promisiune, a început iarăşi a socoti pe degete cam câţi ar fi fost cei pe care se putea bizui, şi fiindcă nu-i ieşea numărul dorit, a mai încercat o dată. (SL, p.290) Yet Avram, taking heart after such unexpected promise, started to count on his fingers again how many had been those he could count on, and because he could come up with the desired number, he tried once more. (1) Acuma se trudea să-şi lege mai fercheş cravata verde la gât, nepăsător faţă de tot ce se petrecea, cu gândurile la fata grecului cu care a avut norocul să vorbească ieri şi care i-a zâmbit. (R, p.61) Now he was toiling at tying his green tie more handsomely, careless about everything else that was going on around, thinking about the Greek man’s daughter to whom he was lucky enough to have talked the day before and who had smiled at him. (2) Titu îi mulţumi cu efuziune şi-i povesti apoi cum a fost ieri prin sat, la Dragoş şi la popa Nicodim. (R, p.68) Titu thanked him with profusion and told him then how he had been the day before in the village to visit Dragoş and father Nicodim. (3) – Iacă sosii şi eu acasă ieri şi am venit pe la curte, răspunse Petre. (R, p.75) “Well, I arrived home yesterday and came around to court,” Peter answered. (4) Se pare că dintr-o vorbă aruncată a ieşit o întreagă poveste. Ieri, pe nepusă masă, socrul ei; azi, ţăranii. (R, p.104) It seems that from one word said to the wind there came about a whole story. Yesterday, all of a sudden, there was her father-in-law; today, the peasants. (5) – Cu atât mai puţin vă poate deranja mica mea rugăminte! insistă Platamonu onctuos, adăugând în sine că la cucoane nimic nu e definitiv şi clar, şi cum a vrut ieri şi nu vrea azi, poate să vrea iarăşi mâine. (R, p.127) “My small request cannot bother you so much!” Platamonu insisted unctuously, adding to himself that there is nothing definitive and clear with the ladies and how yesterday she wanted but today she did not, and maybe tomorrow she would want again. (6) Lupu Chiriţoiu socotea că trebuie să fie ceva adevărat, fiindcă şi el a auzit multe la Piteşti ieri, când l-a dus pe don’ Nică. (R, p.159) Lupu Chiriţoiu thought that it must have been true because he had also heard a lot yesterday in Piteşti, when he went to see master Nică.

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(7) – Măcar de-ar fi toţi ca dumnealui! strigă Petre. L-ai văzut şi ieri cum a venit între oameni... Dacă n-ar fi bătrânul... (R, p.162) “At least if everyone were like him!” Peter cried. “You also saw him yesterday how he came to be among the people… If it weren’t for the old man…” (8) Cei din satele vecine, care fuseseră ieri să întrebe despre călăreţii albi, au venit şi azi, aducând şi alţi tovarăşi, ca la o şezătoare mare. (R, p.168) Those from the neighbouring villages, who had also been there the day before to ask about the white horsemen, had also come that day, also bringing other comrades, as if for a big gathering. (9) Avocatul Stavrat se oprise şi ieri, de două ori, în curtea conacului bătrânesc, când au sosit şi când pe urmă s-au înapoiat de la Miron Iuga fără să fi intrat în casă. (R, p.175) Lawyer Stavrat had stopped over twice yesterday as well, in the yard of the old mansion, when they arrived and then when they came back from Miron Iuga without having entered the house. (10) N-a îndrăznit să spuie nici Nadinei, nici arendaşului ce a văzut ieri în Amara când a întors capul în maşină. (R, p.184) He did not dare to tell either to Nadina or to the tenant what he had seen the day before in Amara when he turned his head in the car. (1) ... noi n-am închis imediat, ca să mai primenim aerul, deşi se făcuse al dracului de frig... (Z, p.24) ... we did not open immediately in order to freshen the air, although it had grown terribly cold... (2) El s-a trezit imediat şi a început să ţopăie şi să clatine din cap. (Z, p.35) He woke up immediately and started to hop and nod his head. (3) A doua zi, am găsit înşirate pe prag şase aripi de fluture, identice una cu alta, le-am recunoscut imediat, erau ale lui toate şase, nici urmă de restul corpului, le-am ars acolo unde le găsisem. (Z, p.47) The next day, I found six butterfly wings lying in a row on the doorstep, all identical, I recognized them immediately, all six of them belonged to him, no trace of the rest of the body, so I burned them there where I had found them. (4) Pentru mine Măria făcea parte dintre ei, de aceea, ca să nu tac, i-am spus imediat că îmi place muzica, în special a greierilor... (Z, p.60) For me, Maria was one of them, that is why, I immedidately told her that I liked the music made by cicadas, just so that I would not keep silent... (5) Am recunoscut-o imediat, ştiam şi cum o cheamă. (Z, p.114) I recognized her immediately, I even knew her name. (6) Când se întâmplă asemenea lucruri oamenii le uită imediat de parcă asta ar rezolva ceva... (Z, p. 122) When such things happen people forget about them immediately as if that would solve anything...

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

în fiecare zi / săptămână / lună / an / duminică / dimineaţă / seară / după-amiază

(7) Noii veniţi intrau imediat în joc: se aşezau cuminţi pe scaunele libere şi tăceau. (Z, p.174) The new arrivals immediately entered the game: they would sit down in the empty chairs and keep silent. (8) „Cît costă? Ai să vezi imediat cît costă!” (JP, p.52) “How much is it? You will see how much it is immediately!” (9) Kant simţea cel mai mic început de transpiraţie, făcea imediat o haltă sub un pom... (JP, p.73) Kant would feel the slightest beginning of perspiration and he would immediately make a halt under a tree… (10) Individul e îmbrăcat într-o salopetă albă, elegantă, ceea ce îl distinge imediat de ceilalţi. (AS, p.138) The guy is dressed in white elegant overalls, which immediately distinguishes him from the others. (1) Venea pe la Sia în fiecare seară, cam pe la aceeaşi oră, când ştia că e mai liberă. (CMB, p.20) He was coming to see Sia every evening, around the same time, when he knew she was free. (2) – E beat? Întrebai în şoaptă. – Puţin. Nu se îmbate niciodate de toţ. Inse me chiame în fiecare noapte, când se face dor de ea... me strânge prea, tare... şi mai mult decât me strânge... me serute... (DA, p.192) “Is he drunk?” I asked whispering. “A little. He never gets completely drunk. But he calls me every night, when he misses her… he holds me tight, too tight… and more than tight … he kisses me…” (3) Donna Alba nu se urneşte din loc, ea a rămas în picioare, în faţa mea, cu mâinile înfipte în marginea biroului; dar ea nu mă priveşte, linia ochilor ei trece peste mine, ea vede ceva deosebit deasupra mea, în zarea ferestrei, că întreaga ei faţă e scăldată de prea vie, prea nouă lumină ca să nu lucească de-o stranie putere, chiar în desimea acestui amurg prea avansat, îmi simt inima întărindu-şi bătăile în tăcerea ameninţătoare, căci acum e ceva iminent şi grav în fiecare clipă care vine. (DA, p.232) Donna Alba does not move from her spot, she stands in front of me, with her hands clinging to the edge of the desk, but she does not look at me, her stare goes above me, she sees something specials above me, outside the window, because her entire face is covered by the too lively and bright light not to glow with a strange power, even to the thickness of the dusk, I feel my heart beating strong into the threatening silence, because now something imminent and serious in every moment that comes. (4) Şi spectacolul acesta se repeta în fiecare zi, cu o precizie exasperantă, la aceeaşi oră, cu acelaşi număr de bombe aruncate asupra oraşului şi cu aceeaşi inutilă intervenţie a obuzelor româneşti, fabricate în arsenalele apărării noastre naţionale. (RGA, p.3) And this show repeated itself every day, with exasperating precision, at the same time, with the same number of bombs

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în veci / în vecii vecilor

thrown over the city and with the same useless interventions by Romanian bombs made in the arsenals of our national defense. (5) N-o să duceţi nici o lipsă... O să vedeţi... O să coc dovleac în fiecare zi... (RGA, p.113) “You will never care for anything... You’ll see… I’ll bake pumpkin every day…” (6) Toto, pe care îl vedeam aproape în fiecare zi, mă ţinea, ca şi la Bucureşti, în curent cu toate noutăţile interzise cunoştinţei marelui public. (RGA, p.122) Toto, whom I saw every day, would keep me informed almost every day with the news banned for public knowledge. (7) Primul nume care îmi vine în gând este o Lotty se roagă poate şi astăzi pentru mine la icoana sfintei Paraschiva şi dacă nemţii nu vor fi reparat încă uzina electrică, probabil că Lotty ţine în fiecare noapte şi candela aprinsă... (RGA, p.154) The first name that comes to mind is a Lotty that may be praying even today for me to the icon of Saint Paraschiva and if the Germans had not repaired the electric plant yet, Lotty must be keeping the candle lit every night as well... (8) Fatalitatea ne urmăreşte cu încăpăţânarea ei de catâr, împrospătată în fiecare zi, nu mai ştiu din ce izvor, cu “apă vie”. (RGA, p.161) We are dogged by fatality which is as stubborn as a mule, refreshed every day, who knows from what spring, with “live water”. (9) Bucuria noastră patinează pe gheaţa inconştienţei eroice pe care bunul Dumnezeu ne-o procură în fiecare iarnă, pe lacul din Cişmigiu. (RGA, p.184) Our hapiness skates on the ice of heroic unconsciousness which the good Lord provides for us every winter, on the Cişmigiu lake. (10) Dar în fiecare an scria la sărbătorile consacrate şi în alte câteva împrejurări „unchiului Costache“, întrebând ce mai face „verişoara Otilia“, iar Otilia scria „unchiului Iosif“, întrebând ce mai face „vărul Felix“. (EO, p.3) But every year he would write for the ususal holidays to “uncle Costache”, asking about “cousin Otilia”, and Otilia was writing to “uncle Iosif”, asking about “cousin Felix”. (1) Nu ne-ar mai primi ei acolo în veci! (SL, p.173) He would never welcome us there! (2) Eu strălucesc în veci dinaintea feţelor voastre din voia părintelui meu... (LS, p.175) I am forever shining before you through the grace of my father’s will… (3) Că nici pe capul nevesti-tii nu poţi să stai şi să nu faci nimic, ai fi putut sta un oarecare timp dacă ai fi luat şi tu o fată cu scaun la cap, să înţeleagă că acuma ţi-e şi ţie greu, până trece greul, că n-o să ţină aşa cu metodele astea în vecii vecilor...(CMIDP, p.203) For you cannot linger in your wife’s way and do nothing, you could have stayed for some time if you had married an intelligent

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS girl, who would have understood that it is difficult for you now, until the bad times pass, that it would never ever work with these methods... (4) Eu sunt Omul şi nu voi muri în vecii vecilor. (EO, p.164) I am the Man and I will never ever die. (5) Vă vom fi în veci recunoscători. (EO, p.188) We will be forever grateful. (6) ...nimeni n-avea să descopere ce se făcuse cu mine, taina pieirii mele avea să rămâie în veci nepătrunsă – luasem toate măsurile. (CCV, p.115) ...nobody was to find out what had become of me, the secret of my death was to remain forever a mystery – I had taken all precautions. (7) Da, eu le-am auzit, aşa a fost! aici le-a rostit, în faţa mea, în camera aceasta; ele au rămas încă în aer, s-au pietrificat acolo, la momentul în care au fost rostite, şi pentru mine nu vor mai dispărea din auz în vecii vecilor. (DA, p.33) Yes, I have heard them, this is how it all went! He has uttered them here, in this room; they are still left in the air, petrified, the moment they had been uttered, and for me they will never ever vanish from hearing. (8) Dar depanarea împrejurărilor care urmară nu făcură decât să mă încredinţeze că nu greşisem şi că donna Alba îşi trasase dinainte limita până la care trebuia să meargă cu concesiile, limită care părea limpede să înglobeze programatic şi fără nici un preliminariu exact ceea ce aşteptam să obţin cu expunerea cinstită a sacrificiilor mele, cu a căror evocare crezusem c-o pot ispiti, cu invocarea patetică a mobilului ce m-a determinat la ele şi cu destăinuirea puterii ce persoana ei a avut şi va avea în veci asupra existenţei mele. (DA, p.159) But the unravelling of the circumstances that followed did nothing short of making me believe that I had not been wrong and that donna Alba had drawn herself beforehand the limit she could reach with her concessions, a limit that seemed clear to systematically incorporate without any preliminary the very thing I expected to get from the honest display of my sacrifice, whose reminder I used to believe could lure her, with the pathetic reminder of the reason that had attracted me to them and with the revelation of the power that her person had and will forever have on my life. (9) Şi pe fiece clipă simţea tot mai desluşit rădăcinile flăcării albe în sufletul său, pătrunzându-i toate fibrele, topindu-se cu izvorul vieţii şi stăpânindu-i fiinţa pentru toată viaţa şi în vecii vecilor... (PS, p.142) And he felt with every moment ever clearer th roots of the white flame in his soul, penetrating all his fiber, melting with the stream of life and taking over his being for his entire life and foerver and ever... (10) Dar meritul cel mare al socialismului în istoria omenirii este

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în x luni / săptămâni / zile / ani

tocmai îndrăzneala de a propovădui pe faţă ura, de-a împărţi pe oameni în două tabere, care să se urască în veci! (PS, p.153) But the greatest merit of socialism in the history of mankind is the very daring of straightforwardly preach hatred, of dividing people into two camps, that would forver hate each other! (1) În mai puţin de o lună, era aşezată la masa familiei! (CMB, p.28) In less than a month, she was sitting at the familiy table! (2) În doi ani îşi ridicase şi un depozit de lemne în spatele cârciumii, iarna vindea cu suta de kilograme nenorociţilor, ieşea şi din treaba asta ceva. (G, p.320) In two years he had built a warehouse for wood behind the pub, and during the winter he would sell a hundred kilos to the miserable ones, something was coming out of that as well. (3) M-am aşezat fără să mă dezbrac şi i-am spus bătrânului (care de fapt nu era chiar atât de bătrân) că am fost furioasă la telefon şi îmi cer scuze, n-am nici un drept asupra nimănui, căsătoria e un petic de hârtie care se poate anula în două săptămâni. (CMIDP, p.12) I sat down without undressing myself and I told the old man (who was not actually that old) that I had been furious on the phone and that I was apologizing, that I had no right on anyone, that marriage was a piece of paper that could not be annuled in two weeks. (4) Aş putea să te trimit pe front, îmi spunea, adică întâi la Sărata să faci instrucţie, şi Sărata asta e infernul lui Dante, un intelectual ca tine s-ar curăţa în două săptămâni de furunculoză, cel puţin, pe urmă dacă ai scăpa, direct în foc, pe linia întâia: de-acolo n-ai mai scăpa, fiindcă şi pe linia întâia sunt locuri unde mai ai şanse să scapi, cu o rană, dar din misiunile speciale, de sacrificiu, nu mai scapă nimeni. (CMIDP, p.74) I could send you to the battle front, he told me, that is first to Sărata to get trained, and this Sărata is Dante’s inferno, an intellectual like you would easily die in two weeks of furunculosis at best, then if you were to survive, you would get to the frontline: and you would not escape that, because even in the frontline there are places where you might still stand a chance of escaping alive, with a wound, but from special suicidal mission, nobody does. (5) Şi toate acestea foarte rapid, în câteva săptămâni şi sub starea de arest a acuzaţilor, cărora li se respinse cererea de a fi aduşi în instanţă martorii, chelnerul şi responsabilul. (CMIDP, p.92) And all that happened quickly, in a few weeks and with the arrest of the accused, who had been denied the request of witnesses being brought to court, the waiter and the supervisor. (6) Dacă numai în două săptămâni cât stătuse acolo aflase atâtea, asta însemna că într-un an se întâmplau zeci de drăcovenii şi nenorociri. (CMIDP, p.115) If in only two weeks which he had spent there he had found out so much, this meant that in one year tens of troubles and

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

înainte

misfortunes happened. (7) Divorţul se va termina în două săptămâni, te avertizez. (CMIDP, p.117) The divorce will be finalized in two weeks, I warn you. (8) Stai şi ascultă: fă-ţi toate socotelile, în două săptămâni divorţăm şi eu am părăsit acest oraş. (CMIDP, p.117) Sit and listen: you should consider that in two weeks we will get the divorce and I am leaving thist town. (9) Tu o să te faci de la o zi la alta şi mai negru şi... tu o să mori în trei săptămâni! Îi prooroci el. (CMIDP, p.144) You are going to get blacker from one day to the next and...you will die in three weeks! he foretold him. (10) Chestia aia din gât e o ciudăţenie, poate să treacă în câteva săptămâni, dar poate să şi dureze, sunt fenomene care ne scapă. (CMIDP, p.171) That thing in her throat is weird, it may pass in a few weeks, but it may also last, these are phenomena that elude us. (1) Înainte cerea prezenţa prietenelor anume pentru a se văita de necazurile conjugale. (CMB, p.18) Before she used to require her female friends’ presence in order to complain about her marital problems. (2) Înainte de a-i păşi pragul, Felix crezu de cuviinţă să zică „Bună seara“. (EO, p.7) Before entering the house, Felix thought it appropriate to say “Good evening”. (3) Mama a mai fost căsătorită înainte, şi când a luat pe papa, eu eram de câţiva ani... (EO, p.18) Mother had been married before, and when she married papa, I had been around for a few years... (4) Se plimbase prin mai toată Europa şi fusese şi căsătorit, înainte de a-şi sfârşi studiile, cu o femeie de care se despărţise sau rămăsese văduv (nu spunea limpede lucrurile). (EO, p.42) He had been all around Europe and he also had been married, before graduating, to a woman whom he had parted with or he had been widowed (he was never clear about what he was saying). (5) Trebuia să vă gândiţi bine înainte de a face pasul ăsta. (EO, p.47) You should have thought long and hard before taking this step. (6) Tu nu trebuie să te gândeşti la iubire, înainte de a-ţi face o carieră strălucită. (EO, p.52) You should not think about love before making a brilliant career for yourself. (7) – Ar fi în stare să spună că Costache n-a avut-o înainte şi că numai de câtăva vreme i-a venit, că Costache a început să devină iritabil, c-o goneşte pe ea, pe soră-sa. (EO, p.64) “She may be capable of saying that Costache had never had her before and that she had only come for a short time that Costache had started to be irritable, that he is chasing her sister away.” (8) Casa la care se opri, după număr, era scundă şi părea să fi fost

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înainte o prăvălie, ale cărei vitrine fuseseră astupate. (EO, p.67) The house in front of which he stopped, according to the number, was a low one and seemed to have been a store before, whose windows had been covered. (9) E posibil ca Ana să fi făcut înainte o imprudenţă şi să fi voit a o absolvi de ochii lumii, precum e cu putinţă ca să fi voit pur şi simplu să se mărite măcar pentru scurt timp, ca să nu i se scoată porecla de fată bătrână (avea atunci cam douăzeci şi cinci de ani), însă anume zvonuri auzite de Stănică fac mai probabilă o altă ipoteză. (EO, p.70) Ana may have committed an indiscretion and she may have wanted to absolve it from the rest of the world, just as she may have simply wanted to get married even for a short time, so that people would not call her an old maid (back then she was about twenty five), but certain rumours that Stănică had heard make another hypothesis probable. (10) Mâncase mai înainte şi nu mai avea în faţa lui decât firimituri de pâine şi o farfurioară întinsă cu cojile unui măr. (EO, p.125) He had eaten earlier and he only had in front of him breadcrumbs and a plate with apple peel. (1) ... păru dispusă la confidenţe, dar intimitatea lipsea încă. (CMB, p.15) ... she seemed willing to make confessions, but intimacy was still lacking. (2) Când trebuia să plece intra cu Sia în bucătărie unde baba era încă stăpână. (CMB, p.20) When she had to leave she would enter with Sia into the kitchen where the old hag was still mistress. (3) “O să petrecem frumos la iarnă!” se gândi Lina care încă mai avea altruism. (CMB, p.27) “We’ll have a wonderful time during winter!” Lina thought to herself since she was still feeling somewhat selfless. (4) La acest gând izbucnii în hohote lungi de râs, la fel de stranii pentru mine însumi, ca şi dorinţa de mai înainte de a-i vorbi încă, de a-l convinge. (CMIDP, p.59) At that thought I bursted out in long roars of laughter, as strange for myself as my previous desire of still talking to him, of convincing him. (5) Cum poate el auzi o discuţie de-aici, continuă Petrică, şi încă să-şi dea seama că e interesantă şi, culmea, că e prea tare, nu poate dormi? (CMIDP, p.67) How can he hear a conversation from here, Petrică continued, and moreover realize that it is interesting and, on top of it all, that it is too loud and he cannot sleep. (6) Îmi stătea încă în gât o mare veselie, o satisfacţie groasă, dacă nu grosolană, că dispăruse Petrică cel bleg şi duios, care mă plictisise destul şi reapăruse cel care mă încântase atâta vreme. (CMIDP, p.83) I still had in my throat a great joy, a thick if not crude layer of

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

îndată

satisfaction, that Petrică the gullible and mild had disappeared and the one who had charmed me for such a long time had reappeared. (7) Ăsta nu e bărbat, am gândit uluită, e încă în scutece. Are dreptate taică-său... (CMIDP, p.85) This guy is not a man, I thought puzzled, he is still in diapers. His father is right... (8) Îmi dădui seama, avui o bruscă iluminare că mai aveam încă timp să dau înapoi, că timp de câteva luni săvârşisem un lucru foarte urât înjurându-mi prietenul, că poate ei doi se iubesc aşa cum sunt şi că intrusiunea mea brutală în viaţa lor n-avea nici o justificare. ... (CMIDP, p.91) I realized, I was suddenly enlightened that I still had tie to go back, that I had done a very bad thing for a few months by cursing my friend, that maybe the two of the loved each other as they I realized, it suddenly dawned on me that I had still time to go back, that I had done a very rude thing for several months, cursing my friend, that the two of them may be in love with each other the way they were and that my brutal intrusion in their lives had no justification at all. (9) Prin anii 53, adică la cinci ani după moartea lui Stalin, sau mai precis după ce Hruşciov îşi dădu acordul ca trupele sovietice să se retragă de pe teritoriul nostru (detaliile acestui fapt senzaţional cu importante consecinţe pentru noi nu se cunosc încă), Gheorghiu-Dej invită într-o zi la el un scriitor notoriu şi stătu cu el de vorbă îndelung la o cafea, nu despre literatură, bineînţeles, în care nu se amesteca direct, ci despre politică şi anume despre politica sa, politica începutului, adică tocmai a acestor ani, 48-52, a primelor planuri economice după naţionalizare. (CMIDP, p.142) Around ’53, that is to say five years after Stalin’s death, or more precisely after Hruschev agreed to the withdrawal of Soviet troops from our territory (the details of this sensational fact with important consequences for us are not known yet), Gheorghiu-Dej invited over a notorious writer one day and had a long conversation with him over a cup of coffee, not about literature, of course, where he would not intervene directly, but about politics and more precisely about his politics, the politics of beginning, that is about the very politics of those years ’48-’52, of the first economic plans after nationalization. (10) Şi încă mai vroiam să-i povestesc, să râdem împreună... (CMIDP, p.160) And I still wanted to tell her something, to laugh together... (1) Lina, care băga în ac, nu răspunse îndată. (CMB, p.9) Lina, who was pulling the thread through the needle, did not answer immediately. (2) De altfel, strada nu o lămuri îndată. (CMB, p.18) In fact, the street did not clarify it to her immediately. (3) Prinsese îndată situaţia. (CMB, p.20) He had immediately understood the situation. (4) Feciorul, într-o livrea puţin grotescă (fantezia Nadinei), veni

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să-l întâmpine şi-i raportă îndată că tânărul înăltuţ şi blond e un domn din Ardeal, că a mai fost pe-aici de câteva ori şi caută pe conaşul Gogu. (R, p.4) The servant, dressed in a grotesque uniform (Nadina’s fantasy), came to welcome him and immediately told her that the tall fair haired young man was a gentleman from Ardeal, that he had been there a few times before and that he was looking for master Gogu. (5) Se cunoaşte îndată că e boier... În sfârşit mi se pare că mi-a ajutat Dumnezeu... (R, p.11) One can immediately tell that he is a nobleman... At last it seems to me that God helped me... (6) – Evident, cum să n-o oferi şi statului, dacă ai putut s-o arendezi îndată ce ai luat-o? făcu Iuga apăsat, fără a-şi ascunde dispreţul. (R, p.41) “Of course, how can you not offer it to the state as well, if you were able to arendezi immediately after you took it?” Iuga said pointedly, without hiding his disgust. (7) Grigore le spuse că tânărul Herdelea ar dori să-şi găsească un rost în ţară şi Dumescu, fiind vorba de un ardelean, îi oferi îndată un loc de funcţionar la banca lui, deocamdată modest, fireşte, rămânând să se vază ulterior dacă va merita mai mult. (R, p.42) Grigore told them that young Herdelea would have liked to make a life for himself and since he was from Ardeal, Dumescu immediately offered him a position as a clerk at his bank, a modest one of course, for the time being, remaining to see afterwards whether he were worth more than that. (8) Când a intrat în odaie, după ce s-a despărţit de Titu Herdelea, a întâlnit îndată privirea Nadinei din fotografie. (R, p.43) When he entered the room, after parting with Titu Herdelea, he immediately met Nadina’s look from the picture. (9) Noul proprietar a venit, foarte prietenos, îndată ce a iscălit actele, şi a cerut lui Miron poveţe asupra mijloacelor de exploatare cât mai bună a pământurilor. (R, p.45) The new owner came, very friendly, immediately after having signed the papers, and asked Miron for advice on the means of best exploiting the lands. (10) Grigore a înţeles îndată de ce s-ar bucura bătrânul şi i-a răspuns că, în alegerea tovarăşei de viaţă, nu se poate lăsa condus de anume utopii, căci trecutul nu se mai întoarce, oricât am vrea noi să-l întoarcem. (R, p.57) Grigore immediately understood why the old man would rejoice and answered that in choosing a lifetime partner, he could not let himself be led by certain utopias, because the past was not coming back, no matter how much we would like it to. (1) Se aşezase întâi amândoi în dreptul ferestrelor, apoi se trăsese mai la o parte lângă perete. (CMB, p.19) At first, both of them sat in front of the windows, then they pulled back next to the wall.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

la (ora) x

(2) Lică gusta întâi, apoi da drumul. (CMB, p.21) Lică was first tasting, then letting it go. (3) Cea care tresări întâi, cea care zări întâi, fu Mini! (FD, p.15) The one who started first, the one who saw it first was Mini! (4) Stăpânul se opri întâi lângă Elena şi-i spuse: (FD, p.15) The master stopped first near Elena and told her: (5) Pe buna Lina, de altfel, o cunoscuse Mini mai întâi la băi, în treacăt, familiară ca de când lumea, serviabilă, robotitoare, aceeaşi Lină la care acuma venea ca şi la ea acasă. (FD, p.34) In fact, Mini had met the kind Lina at first at the spa, by chance, familiar since forever, affable, hardworking, the same Lina whom she was now visiting as if she were going home. (6) Subt forma asta de colecţionar şi diletant apăruse doctorul întâi lui Mini, pe când nu-1 cunoştea decât din refrenul „Rim” al bunei Lina. (FD, p.38) Mini had met the doctor under this form of a collector and dilletant as he had first appeared to her, when she only knew him from kind Lina’s “Rim” refrain. (7) Ceea ce mai întâi începu să-i dea de lucru lui Mini, pe când îşi pregătea frumos pe rând micile rituri ale toaletei de dimineaţă, era tocmai putinţa asta de asemănare a unei zile cu alta, în desfăşurarea zilelor aşa de uimitor deosebite una de alta. (FD, p.63) What set Mini thinking at first when she was nicely preparing her small toilet morning rituals, was the very possibility of one day ressembling the next, in the unravelling of days that were so amazingly different from each other. (8) Atunci o cunoscuse Lina întâi, fiindcă Lenora locuia la Mizil, cu tatăl ei divorţat, şi venea numai rareori la Tecuci, la mamă-sa, care sta cu băiatul, cu acel Lică Trubadurul. (FD, p.70) It was then that Lina had met her first, because Lenora was living in Mizil, with her divorced father, and only rarely did she come to Tecuci, to her mother, who was living with the boy, that Lică the Minstrel. (9) Aşezau întâi etajul pe piloni şi apoi lucrau de la el, în jos, tencuiala. (FD, p.79) They would first set the floor on the pillars and then they would work fro it down, the plaster. (10) Mai întâi fusese nemulţumită că nu au găzduit la ea, fiindcă, orice ar fi, aşa era cuviinţa şi nu admitea, când le putea oferi o ospitalitate aşa de largă, să o refuze... (FD, p.110) At first she had been displeased because they had not coe to stay at her place, because, no matter what, that was to custom and she would not accept it, when she could offer them such hospitality, that they should refuse it... (1) Mă scol la cinci ca să pot pleca la opt la spital, şi după dejun nu mă aşez jos până la consultaţii... (CMB, p.15) I get up at five so that I can leave for the hospital at eight, and after breakfast I do not sit down until the rounds...

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU (2) De aceea nu scoase o vorbă, deşi ştia că îl aşteaptă chiar în acea zi la ora două pe reprezentant. (BI, p.53) This is why he did not say a word, although he knew that a representative was waiting for him that day at two o’clock. (3) La ora două apăru reprezentantul german, care vorbea totuşi suficient româneşte, însoţit de Tudorel Ioanide, indiciu că localul se închiria în realitate pentru Mişcare. (BI, p.54) At two o’clock the German representative, who was however speaking Romanian well enough, appeared accompanied by Tudorel Ioanide, a clue to the fact that the place was actually rented for the Movement. (4) – În ziua de 4 decembrie la ora cinci seara ai văzut o maşină în faţa intrării facultăţii? (BI, p.86) “On the 4th of December at five o’clock in the evening did you see a car in front of the faculty entrance?” (5) – Prelegerea lui Dan Bogdan s-a terminat la ora şase, iar dumneata ai apărut la garaj la şapte jumătate. (BI, p.92) “Dan Bogdan’s lecture ended at six o’clock, and you showed up at the garage at seven thirty.” (6) În aceeaşi noapte, la ora unu, Munteanu intră în depozitul de la demisol al Casei de Artă, neglijat prin extravaganţa lui (halebarde, armuri, paveze, suliţe, un tun mic de lemn etc.), şi scoate pumnalul stil Renaştere (un simili pentru teatru, cumpărat din incompetenţă). (BI, p.113) The same night, at one o’clock, Munteanu entered the deposit at the semi-basement of the House of Art, neglected in its extravagance (halberds, armours, shields, spears, a small wood cannon etc.), and he takes out a dagger in the style of the Renaissance (a prop for the theatre, bought out of incompetence). (7) Prinţesa le primi la ora cinci, în picioare, lângă un fotoliu larg, pe rotile. (BI, p.127) The princess received them at five o’clock, on foot, next to a large armchair, on wheels. (8) Aceasta era dinainte furioasă, căci primise de la autoritatea militară invitaţia de a merge la ora zece la fort spre a vedea pe Hangerliu. (BI, p.212) She was furious from before, because she had received from the military authority the invitation of going at ten o’clock to the fort to meet Hangerliu. (9) – Cum se poate? Ţi i-au furat ţiganii când erau mici? – Nu, mi i-a răpit fatalitatea. Pe unul l-am pierdut adineaori, la ora opt. (BI, p.238) “How can that be? Have the gipsies stolen them from you?” “No, fatality deprived me of them. I have just lost one at eight o’clock.” (10) La ora trei, Smărăndăchioaia ceru scuze telefonic, sub cuvânt că a fost la Gaittany, la Casa de Artă, o recepţie foarte interesantă, pe care nu s-a îndurat s-o părăsească. (BI, p.259) At three o’clock, Smărăndăchioaia asked for apologies on the

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

la început

phone, under word that there was a very interesting reception at Gaittany, at the House of Art, one she could not help leaving. (1) La început făcuse chiar mofturi ca să primească... (CMB, p.20) At the beginning he had even been whimsical in order to receive... (2) La început Rim declarase că va lăsa aceşti bani mamei sărace şi văduve. (CMB, p.24) At the beginning Rim had declared that he would leave the money to the poor widowed mother. (3) Sia, la început bosumflată că nu mai mănâncă singură la voia ei, se însenină la gândul progreselor ce va avea de povestit lui Lică. (CMB, p.28) Sia, upset at first because she could no longer eat to her heart’s content, calmed down at the thought of the progress she would tell Lică about. (4) La început, ceruse voie lui moş Costache să iasă, obişnuit cu normele internatului, însă bătrânul, surprins de această cerere, îi spuse că poate să lipsească şi ziua, şi noaptea... chiar şi noaptea. (EO, p.24) At first, he had asked for old man Costache’s permission to go out, accustomed to the norms of the student hostel, but the old man, surprised by this request, told him that he could very well miss both during the day, as well as during the night… even at night. (5) Atunci Titi scoase din cutie cartea, pe care Felix n-o recunoscu la început, fiindcă era îmbrăcată, cu îngrijire, în hârtie albastră. (EO, p. 31) Then Titi took the book, which Felix did not recognize at first, out of the box, because it was carefully covered in blue paper. (6) Pascalopol trata pe tânăr, la început, cu politeţe rezervată, aruncându-i câte o vorbă, câte o privire fugară. (EO, p. 46) Pascalopol treated the young man, at first, with reserved politeness, saying a word or two, and casting a cursory glance. (7) Urechea nu percepea la început decât un scârţâit confuz, apoi începea să desfacă ţârâiturile în infinitele lor componente, distingând semnale şi răspunsuri, întreruperi, tonuri felurite. (EO, p. 47) The ear perceived at first only a confusing screeching sound, then it started to undo the ringing sounds into their infinite components, distinguishing signals and responses, interruptions, various tones. (8) Dragă Otilia, Plecarea ta neaşteptată, hoţească a zdruncinat în mine, la început, toate credinţele. (EO, p. 126) Dear Otilia, Your unexpected, stealthy departure shattered within me, at first, any faith. (9) Îşi zise la început că era cuminte să nu se amestece în

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chestiunea aceasta. (EO, p. 145) He told himself at first that it was not wise to get tangled into that matter. (10) Vioiciunea colegului îl surprinsese la început, ca şi lectura lui, şi în faţa unei aşa de violente activităţi teoretice se simţise inferior. (EO, p. 173) His colleague’s sharpness surprised him at first, as well as his readings, and faced with such violent theoretical activities he had felt inferior. (1) Era cu mult mai conciliant. Dar nu mai era bolnav. (CMB, p.13) He was much more appeasing. But he was no longer ill. (2) Nu mai am nevoie să alerg atât. (CMB, p.14) I no longer need to run so much. (3) Nu mai e primejdie să ne despărţim acum la bătrâneţe. (CMB, p.15) We are no longer running the risk of separating now in our old age. (4) Dar nu, la Manigomian nu mai mă duc! (BI, p.1) But no, I am not going to Manigomian’s anymore! (5) Evit de la o vreme să mai ies la ceasul când apune soarele. (BI, p.2) I have been avoiding to go out anymore at a time when the sun sets. (6) De fapt ascunsese ceva; Ioanide mai zisese: «Madam Valsamaky-Farfara, buzele tale sunt roşii ca cireşele amare de la Tămbureşti!» (BI, p.5) In fact he had hidden something; Ioanide had said: «Madam Valsamaky-Farfara, your lips are as red as the black cherries Tămbureşti!» (7) Madam Farfara nu mai avea parfum biologic, mirosea a colonie şi a cold cream. (BI, p.17) Madam Farfara no longer had a biological perfume, she smelled of cologne and cold cream. (8) Convorbirea continuă pe tema fructelor, Hagienuş declarând că niciodată nu va mai avea senzaţia pe care a încercat-o lângă Malaga, într-o livadă de portocali, când a desprins fructul proaspăt din pom. (BI, p.26) The discussion continued about fruit, Hagienuş stating that he would not have that sensation he experienced near Malaga, in an orange tree orchard anymore, when he picked the fresh fruit from the tree. (9) Pe de altă parte, Ioanide mai era obiectul de contemplaţie şi reflecţie al lui Gonzalv Ionescu. (BI, p.28) On the other hand, Ioanide was still the object of contemplation and reflection for Gonzalv Ionescu. (10) Gândindu-se ce-ar zice dobitocii aflând ce idei trec prin mintea sa, Ioanide râse aproape deschis, de unul singur, şi-şi mai umplu o ceaşcă de ceai. (BI, p.33)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

mâine

Thinking about what those idiots might say upon finding out the type of ideas that were going through his mind, Ioanide laughed almost openly, by himself, and poured himself another cup of tea. (1) Eşti sigur că mâine sau poimâine ţăranii nu vor continua operaţia prin bărbile boierilor şi arendaşilor creştini? (R, p.83) Are you sure that tomorrow or the day after the peasants won’t continue the operation through the beards of the boyards and the Christian tenants? (2) Mâine să vorbeşti cu Pica, să-i atragi atenţia asupra primejdiilor... (BI, p.42) “Tomorrow you should talk to Pica, to draw her attention on the dangers…” (3) – Ce să-i faci?... întreţinu el conversaţia. Generaţie febrilă. Mâine omenirea o să aibă în mod normal 38 sau 39 de grade. (BI, p.75) “What can you do?...” he kept the conversation going. “It’s a feverish generation. Tomorrow mankind will wil normally have 38 or 39 degrees.” (4) – Vii mâine la consiliu? îl întreba un coleg. (BI, p.81) “Are you coming to the council tomorrow?” a colleague asked him. (5) Mâine s-ar fi îngrăşat şi ar fi căpătat moravuri deşănţate şi acea neglijenţă fizică proprie celor din branşa sa. (BI, p.125) Tomorrow he would have put on weight and he would have got shameful vices and that physical negligence typical of those in his trade. (6) – Aşa este comerţul. Azi câştigi, mâine pierzi, una peste alta. (BI, p.138) “That’s the way of trade. Today you win some, tomorrow you lose some, all in all.” (7) – De ce să vii? se alarmă Gaittany. Nu e nevoie să te oboseşti. Mâine dimineaţă îţi trimit prin curier suma şi contractul. (BI, p.141) “Why should you come?” Gaittany got alarmed. “There is no need for you to bother. Tomorrow morning I’ll send you the amount and the contract by courier.” (8) – Dar dacă vrei, adăugă Gaittany spre a nu deveni suspect şi indelicat, te aştept mâine la orele unsprezece. (BI, p.142) “But if you want to,” Gaittany added so that he would not seem suspicious and lacking delicacy, “I’ll be waiting for you tomorrow around eleven.” (9) – Sunt al dumitale numaidecât! După aceea concedie pe ceilalţi cu o bonomie fără replică: Aşadar, ne revedem mâine! (BI, p.226) “I’ll be with you right away!” After which he dismissed everyone with such debonair that left no room for a reply. “Therefore, we’ll see each other tomorrow!” (10) – Se dă ca sigur ştirea că germanii au să ne înmâneze azi sau mâine o notă cu privire la condamnarea lui Hangerliu şi Tudorel.

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“It is for sure that the Germans will hand us today or tomorrow a note regarding Hangerliu and Tudorel’s sentencing.” (1) Cere mereu cuptor de cărămidă şi hrubă boltită. (CMB, p.14) She is always asking for a brick oven and a curved pit. (2) – De ce, domnule, de ce să plătim mereu tot noi, ăştia săraci? (SL, p.20) “Why, sir, why do we, the poor, have to be the ones who always pay?” (3) Nici în holul de la intrarea în bloc nu putea risca; pe acolo trec mereu persoane şi mai ales copii, care i-ar fi putut şterpeli vreo piesă, numai aşa, ca să se joace cu ea sau să încerce după aceea s-o vândă în bazar. He could not risk it in the entrance hallway of the apartment building; there are always people, especially children that always pass by, who could have taken some spare part, just for the fun of it, to play with itor to try afterwards ro sell it in the bazaar. (4) – Nu pot, fiindcă mereu se găseşte cineva să trântească uşa liftului. (SL, p.73) “I can’t, because there is always someone to slam the door of the elevator.” (5) Căci, odată ajunşi la locul de înhumare, întrucât preotul nu mai contenea să se uite mereu la ceas şi să ameninţe că, dacă mortul nu ajunge acolo în următoarele cinci minute, el pleacă acasă, rudele din Botoşani nu-şi mai putură reţine nemulţumirea. (SL, p.78) Because, once at the burial grounds, since the priest could not help always looking at his watch and threatening that, if the deceased was not there in the following five minutes, he was going home, the relatives from Botoşani could no longer withhold their discontent. (6) – N-ar trebui să te mai scarpini. Cum eşti tu căpos şi te scarpini mereu, nu e de mirare că s-a împânzit pe tot corpul, îi zise. Îl ştia aşa de când erau mici – se băteau mereu. (SL, p.102) “You shouldn’t scrath anymore.” “Stubborn as you are and you are always scratching, it should not come as a surprise that you are covered all over,” he said. He had known him like that ever since they were children – they were always fighting. (7) Pragul de la baie era prea înalt şi se împiedica mereu de el. (SL, p.115) The threshold in the bathroom was too high and he was always stumbling upon it. (8) Doar când mergea să mai stea de vorbă cu Roxana, fata de la bar, fiindcă o găsea mereu citind, parcă s-ar fi pregătit pentru facultate, lua şi dumnealui vreo foaie de ziar, ca să nu stea chiar degeaba. (SL, p.177) It was only when he was going to talk to Roxana, the girl from the bar, because he always found her reading, as if she were getting ready to enter college, that he was taking some newspaper sheet, so that he would not stay idly. (9) Îşi aminti tot felul de amănunte neconvenabile din trecutul său,

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

nicicând

dar îşi spuse că vina o purta Ceauşescu, fiindcă viaţa era foarte grea, nu se găsea de mâncare şi din cauza asta se certa mereu cu nevastă-sa, care nu ştia deloc să gătească. (SL, p.183) He remembered all sorts of inconvenient details from his past, but he told himself that it had been Ceauşescu’s fault, because life was rough, ther ewas no food and because of that he was always fighting with his wife, who couldn’t cook at all. (10) Dacă ar locui cu tine în garsonieră, n-ai mai putea să intri la toaletă când ai nevoie, sau, când ai intra, ai simţi mirosul necurăţeniilor lăsate de el acolo, fiindcă uită mereu să tragă apa, nu ţi-ai mai găsi lucrurile la locul lor şi ţi s-ar părea mereu că cineva umblă în ele, când ai vrea să dormi, el s-ar uita la televizor, ai face mereu curăţenie la bucătărie, dar ai găsi mereu vasele nespălate, sau când ai da vreun telefon ţi s-ar părea că el trage cu urechea... (SL, p.185) If he were to live with you in your studio, you could no longer enter the toilet when you need it, or, when you do, you would smell the dirt he left there, because he always forgets to flush the toilet, you would not find you things in their places and it would always seem as if someone were messing around with them, when you are asleep, he would watch television, you would always clean the kitchen, but you would always find dirty dishes, or when you phoned someone you would always be under the impression that he was eavesdropping... (1) Toate aceste gânduri i se confirmau ori de câte ori trebuia să meargă la domnul Şarl, însoţindu-l, ca acum, pe comisar, sau numai ajungea în cartierul Ţărăncuţa, unde se afla casa acestuia, şi dând curs unei dorinţe irepresibile, ceva asemănător în multe privinţe viciului, care conţine amestecate şi teamă şi plăcere şi umilire, intra pe această stradă sau măcar se oprea pentru câteva minute la un capăt al ei, bunăoară la intersecţia Frumuşica, venind direct dinspre piaţă, iar dacă venea dinspre oborul de vite, oprindu-se în crucea Migdalelor (cum i se zicea intersecţiei din celălalt capăt), pentru a gusta încă o dată din ameţeala aceea stranie a retrăirii unui vis pe care nu l-ai avut nicicând. (PMB, p.43) All these thoughts were confirmed whenever he had to go to Mr. Şarl, accompanying the commissioner, like he was now, or he only got to Ţărăncuţa neighbourhod, where his house was, and yielding to an irrepressible desire, something ressembling vice in many respects, which contains both fear and pleasure and humiliation, he was entering that street or at least he stopped for a few moments at one end of it, for instance at the Frumuşica crossroads, coming straight from the market, and if he was coming from the cattle fare, stopping at the Migdalelor crossroads (as the intersection at the other end was called), in order to taste once more from that strange dizziness of reliving a dream he had never had. (2) La fel cum despre culoare nu putem spune hotărât dacă este o însuşire a obiectului, a luminii, a ochiului, a spiritului sau a ceva ascuns dincolo de toate acestea, nu vom fi nicicând în măsură să

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU răspundem dacă forma desăvârşită a unui pantof e determinată de forma piciorului, de privirea noastră sau de capriciul unui cizmar beţiv şi care-şi bate zilnic nevasta. (PMB, p.62) Just like we cannot say decisively that colour is a feature of the object, light, eye, spirit or something conceal beyond all that, we will never be capable of answering whether the complete form of a shoe is determined by the shape of the foor, by our look or by the whim of a drunken shoemaker who is beating his wife every day. (3) ... cerşetoarea îi va fi destăinuit că frumuseţea ei fusese obţinută prin magie şi de aceea speria oamenii, jalnica lor fericire nu-ţi este hărăzită, îi va fi spus ea, iar de iubirea lor nu vei avea parte nicicând, tu trebuie să faci lucruri de seamă, care să-i umple de admiraţie şi să-i înspăimânte, tu eşti menită să-i cucereşti altfel... (PMB, p.152) ...the beggar will have revealed to him that her beauty had been obtained by means of magic and that is why it scared people, their pathetic happiness is not meant for you, she will have told him, and you will never enjoy their love, you have to do important things, which should make them admire you and fear you, you are meant to conquer them in a different manner... (4) Dar de această dată se petrecuse parcă un miracol cu ei, îl urmăreau efectiv captivaţi, părând a descoperi lucruri la care nu se gândiseră nicicând, o lume nouă în jurul lor. (SL, p.31) But this time a miracle seemed to have happened with them, they were watching him fascinated indeed, apparently discovering things they had never thought of, a new world around them. (5) Cine n-a simţit cum în el s-a adunat în vârtej mişcarea lumii, cum în clocotul său se mişcă lumile nesfârşite şi nebănuite, acela nu va înţelege nicicând de ce după astfel de clipe omul devine esenţial altul, o fiinţă scoasă dintre fiinţe, precum nu va înţelege de ce o singură zi de asemenea fulgerări neîntrerupte ar fi destul pentru a-i consuma definitiv fiinţa... (CT, p. 47) He who has not felt within him the movement of the world gathering within him, how in its turmoil neverending and unsuspected worlds are moving, that person will never understand why after such moments man becomes essentially another, a being taken out from beings, just as he will not undestand why a single day of such uninterrupted frictions would be enough to permanently consume his being... (6) În minele de plumb de la Baia-Sprie omorâsem pe unul, fiindcă îl văzusem la faţă, îi suportasem ura, ne priviserăm ochi în ochi şi gândul uciderii se născuse în mine cu o forţă copleşitoare; când se împlinise, nicicând nu simţisem un sentiment atât de puternic de libertate, deşi ştiam bine că eram închis într-un lagăr şi silit să cobor în mină şi să muncesc din greu câte şaisprezece ore pe zi. (CMIDP, p.126) I had killed a guy in the lead mines from Baia-Sprie, because I had seen his face, I had put up with his hatred, we had looked into each other’s eyes and the thought of killing him appeared within

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

niciodată

me with overwhelming strength; when it came true, I had never experienced such a powerful feeling of freedom, although I knew only too well that I was locked in a labour camp and forced to descend into the mine and work hard sixteen hours a day. (7) Vedeam pentru întâia oară un astfel de spectacol divin şi nicicând nu mi-aş fi închipuit că într-o femeie puteau să stea ascunse astfel de comori, de o atât de umilă şi în acelaşi timp de suverană tandreţe... (CMIDP, p.244) I saw for the first time such a divine show and never had I imagined that such treasures could be concealed within a woman, which were at the same time tenderly humble and sovereign... (8) Nu-l voi urma nicicând; devenit antiliberal odată cu vârsta, aprobă critica severă a doctrinarilor care, zice, îl irită cu vorbe mari ca dreptatea, ordinea, civilizaţia. (JF, p. 167) I will never follow him; turned antiliberal with age, he approved the severe criticism of doctine people which apparently irritate him with big words such as justice, order, civilization. (9) Şi n-aveam vreme nici pentru guturai, nici pentru pneumonie; nici măcar nu mi-am pregătit un reumatism, căci n-am cunoscut mai apoi nicicând asemenea morb. (ŢDDN, p. 12) And I had no time for sneezing, pneumonia, I had not even prepared for rheumatism, for I have never known such illness afterwards. (10) Nicicând nu-i părură cele două răni alburii aşa de grozave, aşa de adânci, ca acum. (S, p.37) Never before had those two whitish wounds seemed so great, so deep, as then. (1) N-aş fi crezut niciodată să primească aşa de lesne pe Sia. (CMB, p.15) I would have never thought that he would receive Sia so easily. (2) – Nu te-am auzit niciodată vorbind de fata asta! (CMB, p.15) ‘I have never heard you speak about this girl.’ (3) Duduia Mari se măritase cu negustorul îmbogăţit, ea, care nu crezuse niciodată în necesitatea căsătoriei şi tocmai atunci, când comunismul amorului era în toi! (CMB, p.153) Miss Mari had married the rich merchant, she, who had never believed in the necessity of marriage and right then. (4) N-ai avut niciodată necazuri, şi la întâia supărare îţi dai turnul! (FD, p.2) You have never had any troubles, and at the first one you are giving up your tower! (5) Acele povestiri, prin repetiţia lor banală, scoteau pe Mini din răbdări, dar îi populau mintea cu fizionomia acelui târguşor, pe care spera să nu-1 vadă aievea niciodată. (FD, p.5) Those stories, by their common repetition, would drive Mini out of her wits, but they would fill her mind with the physiognomy of that small borrough, which she was hoping not to ever see in real life. (6) Pe Mini, care nu leşinase niciodată, o mira şi interesa mult

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fenomenul. (FD, p.27) Mini, who had never fainted, was both puzzled and interested in the phenomenon at the same time. (7) Un olandez fără glorie în viaţă, mort prematur şi recent, urmărea neobosit un ideal de artă, pe care îl încercase în nenumărate forme de schiţe, unele duse până la perfecţie, dar cu obsesia permanentă a cărora nu ajunsese niciodată la săvârşirea unui tablou. (FD, p.39) A Dutch guy without glory during his life, prematurely and recently dead, was relentlessly pursuing an ideal in art, which he had attempted under various forms and sketches, some of them carried to perfection, but with the permanent obssession of whose he had never come to finish a painting. (8) Credeai că nu va putea purta pălărie niciodată şi apărea înfăşurată în vreo imensă blană de tigru – moda sălbatecă – cu tot acel vâlvoi vaporos dispărut sub toca netedă a cărei dungă aspră de catifea se cobora pe sprâncene fără ca un fir răzleţ să îndulcească obrazul bizar... (FD, p.44) You would think that she would never wear a hat and she appeared wrapped in some huges tiger fur – the wild fashion – with all that light hair disappearing under the smooth cap whose harsh velvet stripe was coming down the eyebrows without any stranded hair to sweeten the strnage cheek... (9) Şi am băgat de seamă! Acestea sunt zilele oamenilor cu voinţă, şi am mai băgat de seamă, oamenii cu voinţă nu trebuie să se gândească niciodată la astfel de nimicuri şi trebuie să întreprindă tot ce au de întreprins oricând s-o nimeri. (DA, p.2) And I took notice! Those were the days of people with strong will and I also noticed that people with a strong will do not have to ever think about these trifles and they have to do all they have to do whenever it may come. (10) Am înţeles repede în această mare clădire că dacă aş avea vreo nefericire personală din pricina vreunui semen al meu, niciodată nu m-aş adresa aci ca să mi se repare nemulţumirea. (DA, p.32) I quickly understood in this huge building thatif I were to have some personal mishap because of another person, I should never address it here and expect it to be repaired. (1) A aflat numaidecât. (G, p.258) He found out right away. (2) Dricul a sosit numaidecât după prânz. (G, p.291) The hearse arrived right after lunch. (3) Pierduse pasul şi nu mai vedea urmele celor din faţă, pe care valurile de ninsoare le acopereau numaidecât. (G, p.337) He had lost his step and could no longer see the traces of those ahead of him, which were immediately covered by the waves of snow. (4) Gheorghe a înţeles numaidecât. (G, p.355) Gheorghe understood right away.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

ocazional

(5) Prin forţă în istorie nu trebuie înţeles numaidecât imperialismul vital, sau acestuia trebuie să i se dea o accepţie mult mai amplă. (SFR, p.1) One need not immediately understand vital imperialism by force in history, or it need to be given a much larger meaning. (6) Fetele au alergat numaidecât să schimbe faţa de mătase a fotoliului... (M, p.5) The girls immediately run off to change the silk over of the armchair... (7) M-am gândit numaidecât la d-ta, şi Consiliul te-a acceptat, pe răspunderea noastră. (M, p.9) I immediately thought of you and the Council accepted, on our word. (8) Când a aflat Harold, a ţinut numaidecât să sărbătorim înaintarea mea în grad şi în leafă printr-un mic banchet în "China-Town". (M, p.10) When Harold found out, he immediately wanted to celebrate my promotion in rank and salary by a small banquet in Chinatown. (9) Răspunsei ceva indiferent şi pe un ton distant, ceea ce observă numaidecât d-na Sen. (M, p.53) I answered carelessly and aloof, which madam Sen immediately noticed. (10) Observai numaidecât că era emoţionată. (M, p.54) I immediately noticed that she was bashful. (11) Credeam că are să râdă, dar ea rămase deodată împietrită în mijlocul odăii, exclamă ceva în bengali şi fugi numaidecât. (M, p.75) I thought she was going to laugh, but she suddenly remained transfixed in the middle of the room, exclaimed something in Bengali and immediately ran away. (1) Trecând ocazional prin piaţa unde Ioanide ridicase biserica, Gonzalv rămase surprins. (BI, p.236) Passing occasionally through the market where Ioanide had errected the church, Gonzalv was puzzled. (2) Figura noului preot păgân era concepută după a rivalului: nu mai e un civil care slujeşte ocazional, ci un preot de profesie, curat şi pios, exemplar. (JF, p.231) The figure of the pagan priest was conceived following that of the rival: he is no longer a civilian who occassionally sermons, but a professional priest, clean and pious, exemplary. (3) Probabil că, nemulţumit de rezultatele sub aşteptări ale colaborării cu grefierul, procurorul a socotit de cuviinţă să apeleze la serviciile unui concurent, fiindu-i cunoscute de mai demult, din vremea când frecventa şi el ocazional separeul de la Concordia, versurile triviale şi stupide despre femei pe care avocatul le recita toată ziua, iar uneori le mai şi fredona. (PMB, p.74) Most likely, the prosecutor, discontent with the results below expectations of his collaboration with the bailiff, deemed it appropriate to appeal to the services of a competitor, whose trivial

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silly lines about women she had been familiar with from before, from the time when he would also occasionally attended the booth in Concordia, lines that the lawyer used to recite all day long, and which would also sometimes even hum. (4) În traseul exodului, un singur personaj (anacronic prin raportare la epoca sa) străbate calea în sens invers: scriitorul care se întoarce în patria pierdută, fie că o face ocazional, în expediţii umanitare sau turistice, fie într-un sens mai adânc, prin revenirea la creaţia în limba maternă... (L, p.178) Only one character (anachronic by comparison to his epoch) was walking the path in the opposite direction on the track of the exodus: the writer who was going back to his lost country, he either did it occasionally, during humanitarian or touristic expeditions, or in a deeper way, by going back to creating in his native tongue… (5) Erau poate sute, dacă-i numărai şi pe vagabonzii care, ocazional, când le crăpa buza după un jeneever, o târfă sau un pat peste noapte, suiau pe-o ladă de scândură şi stăteau acolo două-trei ore, în ţoalele lor puturoase, fără să-şi dea osteneala să nu se mişte, iar când vreun turist arunca bănuţul în conservă doar se-nclinau, batjocoritor ai fi spus, şi de multe ori o ştergeau chiar atunci, mulţumiţi cu atât. (O, p.345) They may have been hundreds, if you had counted the vagrants as well, who, occasionally, when they felt the craving for jenever, a whore or a bed for the night, would climb a wooden crate and would stay there for two or three hours, in their stinking clothes, without bothering to move, and when some tourist was throwing them a coin into the can, they would only bow, mockingly one might say, and most of the times they would run away right then and there. (1) Odată, la o astfel de sindrofie semioficială, improvizată fără un motiv precis, numai spre a se face curte lui Gavrilcea, aşa cum altădată se făcuse lui Pomponescu, Hagienuş puse întrebarea: (BI, p.158) Once, at such a semi-official gathering such as this one, improvised without a precise reason, only to court Gavrilcea, just like he had done with Pompenescu some other time in the past, Hagienuş asked the question: (2) – Mai bine... ah, ce bine ar fi să se termine odată povestea asta... (UNDINR, p. 137) “It’s better… well, it would be so good for this whole story to end…” (3) Mai bine am intra odată în război, să se termine. (UNDINR, p. 143) We’d better enter the war once and for all so that it can all end. (4) Din oamenii aceia, din lumea lor cu bucurii şi deznădejdi, cu permise şi aniversări, care era şi lumea mea, m-am desprins odată cu camarazii mei – ca pe un vas nevăzut. (UNDINR, p. 162) It was from those people, from their world of joys and despair,

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

odinioară

with hypotheses and anniversaries, a world that was also mine, that I came out from at the same time as my comrades – as if on an invisible ship. (5) O întârziere întinsă, şi pe urmă alte şuierături. Ne prăbuşim odată cu ele. (UNDINR, p. 189) A long delay and then other whistles. We crumble at the same time with them. (6) O, dare-ar Dumnezeu să se sfârşească odată, că de atâta război ni s-a acrit sufletul şi ne-au secat lacrimile. (PS, p.35) Oh, if only God willing it will all stop once and for all, because we are all turning bitter and we are running out of tears from so much war. (7) Acum barem de-ar veni odată pacea, să mai scape oamenii de chinuri şi de groază. (PS, p.35) Now if only peace came once and for all, to deliver people from torment and dread. (8) Aşa chiar tu mi-ai spus-o odată, într-o discuţie, la Budapesta, la unchiul meu, şi n-am uitat-o. (PS, p.55) This is exactly what you have told me once, in a conversation, in Budapest, at my uncle’s, and I haven’t forgotten it. (9) Dacă voi mai sta în lumea aceasta, simt că ura mă va pierde, trebuie să mă piarză, căci va trebui să izbucnească odată, chiar împotriva voinţei mele! Şi atunci... (PS, p.89) If I am to stay in this world any longer, I feel that hatred will waste me, it has to, because it will have to burst out once, even in spite of myself! And then... (10) Se întoarse tocmai la vremea cinei, senin, ba găsi de cuviinţă să şi glumească, la masă, cu Rodovica, amintindu-i cum s-au bătut odată, în copilărie, ca orbeţii, pe malul Someşului. (PS, p.116) He came back in time for dinner, serene, and he also deemed it appropriate to make some jokes at the dinner table, with Rodovica, reminding her how they had fought once, when they were children, like no other, on the bank of the river Someş. (1) Întorcând privirea spre apus, îţi vine să crezi că un popor de uriaşi a însufleţit cândva aceste locuri şi că, precum odinioară s-a zvârlit munte peste munte spre a se lua cerul cu asalt, tot astfel şi aici s-au îngrămădit, una peste alta, acele stânci enorme spre a-şi da, poate, pământul mâna cu cerul. (PDM, p.25) Turning one’s head to the west, you can believe that a people of giants has once inhabited these places and that just like once mountain was thrown over another mountain to charge onto the sky, here gathered the same way one over the other those enormous rocks so that the earth may shake hands with the sky. (2) Într-una din nopţi, adormind el cu gândul ţintă la dorinţa ce-l chinuia de-i rodea băierile inimii, văzu în vis iară pe zâna din vâlceaua cea cu flori unde i se arătase odinioară. (B, p.37) One of the nights, falling asleep with his thought set on the wish that had been tormenting his heart, he saw again in his dream the fairy from the flowery dell where she had once appeared to him.

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(3) Doamne, ce frică-mi era odinioară de lumea umbrelor! (IV, p.1) God, I was so afraid once of the world of the shadows! (4) Odinioară îmi mai spusese asta de două sau de trei ori. (IV, p.1) Once he had told me that twice or three times before. (5) Ca şi odinioară, în odăiţa scundă de la mansardă, când o cucerisem întâia dată tot cu ajutorul lacrimilor, am simţit şi acum paşii ei care se apropiau şovăielnici, o mână care îmi mângâia părul. (IV, p.114) Just like in the past, in the small room in the attic, when I had conquered her the first time still with the help of my tears, I felt even now her steps approaching hesitantly, a hand caressing my hair. (6) Era de ajuns să-mi închipui pe Mihaela în braţele lui Nenişor (ce nume!) dându-i-se cu frenezie, aşa cum făcea cu mine odinioară, ca să-mi simt toată fiinţa măcelărită de acele degete vrăjmaşe, adevărate cuţite. (IV, p.125) It was enough to imagine Mihaela in Nenişor’s (what a name!) arms, giving herself to him, as she had done it with me once, to make me feel my entire being slaughtered by those enemy fingers, which resembled true knives. (7) Am tresărit, ca odinioară Arhimede în scăldătoare. (IV, p.131) I startled, as Archimedes once did in the tub. (8) Am vrut atunci să te îmbrăţişez cu de-a sila, aşa cum făcuseşi şi tu cu mine odinioară, pe scara mansardei, ca să mă aleg măcar cu atâta, să-mi potolesc gura arsă. (IV, p.152) I wanted to take you in my arms against your will, as you ad done it with me once, on the stairs to the attic, so that I get at least that, in order to calm my burning mouth. (9) Războiul a luat locul de frunte în concepţia lui de viaţă, din care odinioară vruse să-l elimine. (PS, p.37) The war took over the most important place in his life conception, where once he wanted to eliminate it. (10) – Ascultă, Varga... Tu ai fost odinioară om şi te lăudai că, sub mundirul militar, vei purta veşnic o inimă! (PS, p.99) “Listen here, Varga… You were once a man and you were boasting that, under the military uniform, you will always have a heart!” (1) Gestul ca atare, oricât s-ar vrea de neglijent, conţine o anumită doză de risc, deoarece cele două fire electrice ale fostului comutator, aflate în continuare sub tensiune şi neavând capetele bine izolate, aşa cum prevăd normele de tehnica securităţii şi protecţia muncii, ar putea provoca oricând electrocutarea celui care, din inconştienţă sau neatenţie, le-ar atinge simultan. (SL, p.7) The gesture as such, no matter how careless, has a certain amount of risk, because the two electric wires of the former switch, still connected to the electricity since they do not have their ends isolated, as established by the norms for labour safety and

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

pe vremuri

protection, may cause at any moment the electrocution of the person who unawares or carelessly, were to simultaneously touch them. (2) – Soţia dumitale, făcu Sultana un gest de dispreţ, poţi s-o laşi oricând, ştiu perfect că nu-i acorzi nici o importanţă... (BI, p.43) “Your wife, went on Sultana with a gesture showing despise, can be left at any time, I know it only too well that you are not paying any importance to her….” (3) Civilizaţia noastră e făcută pentru a fi purtată oricând pe spinarea calului, nimeni n-are curajul de a pune piatră peste piatră şi a întemeia ceva solid. (BI, p.57) Our civilization is meant to be carried on horse back at any time, nobody has the courage to lay one stone over another and forge something solid. (4) Avem onoarea a vă aduce la cunoştinţă că puteţi ridica oricând salariul dumneavoastră la Sucursala nr. 4, unde aţi fost repartizat. (BI, p.71) We are honoured to let you know that you can come to pick up your salary at any time from our susbsidiary no. 4, where you have been assigned. (5) Ioana nu era de faţă, poate plecase acasă, întoarcerea ei se putea produce oricând. (BI, p.116) Ioana was not present, she may have left home, her return could happen at any moment. (6) – N-aveţi decât, zicea Conţescu – secretar general către celălalt Conţescu, îţi ofer locul meu oricând. (BI, p.139) “Suit yourself”, Conţescu – secretary general would say to the other Conţescu, “I offer you my place anytime.” (7) – Vă stau oricând la dispoziţie. (BI, p.176) “I am at your disposal whenever.” (8) Văzu pe Otilia în trăsura cu doi cai albi, care era închiriată de Pascalopol, şi şedea oricând la îndemâna ei, agitând un pacheţel cu mâna. (EO, p.29) He saw Otilia in the carriage drawn by two white horses, that Pascalopol had rented, and that was at her disposal at any time, shaking a small parcel in her hands. (9) Am de la moş Costache învoirea să te răpesc oricând. (EO, p.74) Old man Costache has granted me the permission to kidnap you whenever. (10) Îţi dau voie să vii oricând ca să încerci să mă tragi pe calea pierzării. (EO, p.92) I allow you to come whenever to try and take me off the road to perdition. (1) Doctorul Rim credea chiar că pe vremuri urâta de Lina o fi făcut ochi dulci verişorului care, desigur, nu-şi bătuse capul cu ea, dar o găsea şi acum bună de jumulit. (CMB, p.22) Doctor Rim used to really think that in the past ugly Lina must have made sheep’s eyes at her cousin, who, obviously, hadn’t bothered with her, but now found her good to rip off.

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU (2) Cu aceste scrisori, pe care pe vremuri doamna le trimisese unui frate al lui, banditul o exploata pe Donna Alba. (DA, p.94) With those letters, that the Mrs had sent in the past to a brother of his, the scoundrel was exploiting Donna Alba. (3) – Să mă bată Dumnezeu dacă mai sunt! Se lepădă Hagienuş. Am fost pe vremuri, dar n-am plătit cotizaţia de zece ani de zile, uite, mă jur! (BI, p.26) “I’ll be damned if I am!” Hagienuş swore to it. “I was in the past, but I have not paid the subscription for ten years, look, I swear!” (4) Toată lumea e de acord cu împricinatul în această privinţă, problema a fost dezbătută pe larg pe vremuri şi autoritatea superioară a interzis regulamentar orori de acelea pe care le-a veştejit acuzatul. (BI, p.79) Everyone agrees with the defendant in this respect, the matter was extensively debated in the past and the higher authority has banned such horrors, as the ones the defendant has done, according to the rules. (5) Am pus puţină ordine în lucrurile mele şi am găsit o mulţime de proiecte ce mă entuziasmaseră pe vremuri şi pe care le-aş fi putut realiza. (BI, p.85) I have put some order into my stuff and I found a lot of projects that had made me enthusiastic in the past and which I could have made. (6) Mi se pare, aşa am auzit, că fusese pe vremuri actriţă. (EO, p.138) It seems to me, this is what I heard, that she had been an actress in the past. (7) Pe vremuri semnătura preotului pe carnetul elevilor în vacanţă era obligatorie alături de a tatălui şi putea influenţa nota la purtare. (CMIDP, p.117) In the past, the priest’s signature on the pupils’ grade cards during the holidays was compulsory next to that of the father and could influence the grade for behaviour. (8) Nu-ţi spun ce-aş fi putut gândi eu în clipele acelea, ce-mi sugera acel surâs, pe care îl mai văzusem odată, pe vremuri, fiindcă eu nu mai mă iau după semne de-astea, care ne pot înşela, cum s-a întâmplat atunci, în acea noapte nefericită, când te-am lovit... (CMIDP, p.158) I am not going to tell you what I could have thought during those moments, what that smile, which I had seen once before, suggested to me in the past, because no longer follow such signs, that can deceive us, as it happened back then, during that unhappy night, when I hit you... (9) “Atunci aveţi hipertensiune arterială. Aşa-zisele migrene de care sufereau cucoanele pe vremuri au dispărut...” (CMIDP, p.172) “In that case you muct have high blood pressure. The so-called migraines that ladies used to have in the past have

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

pentru moment

gone...” (10) “Prea târziu, Petrini, zise ea cu melancolie, tu aş putea spune că ai rămas acelaşi, cu toate că ai suferit şi în viaţă şi ca bărbat îndrăgostit şi de mine pe vremuri, şi pe urmă şi de nevastă-ta care te-a părăsit, dar nu poţi spune despre mine că sunt aceeaşi.” (CMIDP, p.195) “Too late, Petrini”, she said melancholically, “I can say that you remained the same, although you have suffered in your life and as a man in love with me in the past, and then with your wife that left you, but you cannot say about me that I am the same.” (1) … nu-l durea nimic pentru moment, dar lua precauţiuni. (CMB, p.9) … nothing was hurting him for the time being, but he was taking precautions. (2) Nu era rolul ei să se amestece în treburile casnice ale Rimilor pentru a le turbura liniştea, care pentru moment era o realitate precisă. (CMB, p.176) It was not her role to meddle in the household affairs of the Rims in order to trouble their peace, which for the time being was an exact reality. (3) Pentru moment nimic n-o interesa decât bunăstare materială. (CMB, p.211) For the time being nothing interested her more than material welfare. (4) Eu ştiu însă că salvare, pentru moment, nu mai e. (UNDINR, p.237) I know however that for the time being there is no salvation. (5) Erau multe, cel puţin o sută, dar pentru moment nu mă interesa decât tânărul. (N, p.184) There were many, at least one hundred, but for the time being I was only interested in the young man. (6) El crede că ce importanţă au acolo nişte şuruburi! Le strângi, nu le strângi, pentru moment stă el agăţat globul? (CMIDP, p.189) He thinks that some screws over there are not that important! You can tighten them, for the time being is the globe hanging or not? (7) Totuşi nu slăbi prea tare şi când îi spusei că ar fi bine s-o duc la un doctor făcu un gest curios cu palma: da, dar nu acum, şi apoi unul aproape nedefinit care putea să însemne că să părăsesc acest subiect... pentru moment, o să-mi spună ea când. (CMIDP, p.213) Yet she did not lose too much weight and when I told her that it would be better if I took her to a doctor she made a strange gesture with the palm of her hand: yes, but not now and then one that was almost indefinite which could mean that I should abandon the subject... for the time being, she would tell me when. (8) Sau să vă cumpăraţi o faţă de masă şi s-o puneţi pe deasupra, dacă ţineţi cu tot dinadinsul la planşeta asta, dacă n-aveţi pentru

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permanent

moment destui bani pentru un birou mai spaţios... (CMIDP, p.238) Or you should buy a tablecloth to place it above, if you want this board at all costs, if you do not have enough money for the time being for a more spacious office... (9) Dar el a descoperit, ignorând pentru moment istoria, că scena este ocupată de demoni, care, însuşindu-şi ideile necesităţii istorice, dansează călcând peste vieţi omeneşti. (IÎ, p.59) But he discovered, ignoring history for the time being, that the stage was occupied by demons, which, having having acquired the ideas of historical needs, were dancing by stepping over human lives. (10) Pentru moment, domnul Gheorghe nu mai avea nimic de adăugat. (SL, p.153) For the time being. Mr. Gheorghe had nothing else to add. (1) Se anemiază stând permanent pe un scaun de bolnav! (CMB, p.16) He will become anemic if he stays permanently in a sick man’s chair. (2) Bătrânul Iuga continua a-şi păstra locuinţa în care s-a născut şi, cum el şedea aproape permanent la ţară, casa veche părea mai vie decât cea nouă. (R, p.52) Old Iuga continued to keep the house where he had been born and, since he was almost permanently staying in the countryside, the old house seemed more alive than the new one. (3) Spre amiază îşi mai făceau apariţia reporteri, redactori, veşnic grăbiţi şi agitaţi şi nemulţumiţi, discutând violent şi abţinându-se permanent de a scrie. (R, p.148) Towards noon forever hurying agitated and dissatisfied reporters and editors kept coming violently debating and permanently refraining from writing. (4) De când Nadina se afla în divorţ, mâncau aproape permanent împreună, sau ei la ea, sau ea la ei. (R, p.187) Ever since Nadina was getting a divorce, they would almost always eat together, either they at her place or she at theirs. (5) De altfel oamenii care trăiesc permanent în primejdie ajung să nu-şi mai dea seama de ea. (R, p.223) In fact, people that permanently live in danger come to not take notice of it anymore. (6) La el, fenomenul vorbirii se forma undeva într-un loc usturos şi, după un parcurs sufocant ca cel al unui cheag embolie, vorbele gâlgâiau în gâtlej într-o salivă sărată, aşa că permanent cuvintele îi păreau coagule scăpate de pe buze. (CMB, p.68) In him, the speech phenomeon was forming somewhere where it hurt and, after a suffocating track similar to that of an emboly, his words would gurgle in his throat in salty drool, so that his words permanently appeared to be coagulating as if dropped from his lips. (7) Foarte deşteaptă, cu oarecare instrucţie, Ada, care nu cunoştea

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

poimâine, răspoimâine

meditarea şi reculegerea, conversa permanent. (CMB, p.84) Very smart, with a certain education, Ada, who was not familiar with meditation and recollection, would permanently talk. (8) Maxenţiu îi ţinea, astfel, permanent, într-o stare de emoţie şi de înfiorare în jurul iubirii şi a morţii. (CMB, p.257) Maxenţiu would otherwise, permanently keep them in a state of emotion and thrill over love and death. (9) Trăia acum permanent din aranjamente pe a căror gravitate nu o simţea, înlesnite fiind de Drăgănescu. (FD, p.96) He was now permanently living from arrangements whose gravity he did not feel, all being procured by Drăgănescu. (10) O prefera, mai ales pentru că avea un număr oarecare de tablouri vechi, achiziţii proprii, care locuiau pereţii permanent, ca nişte gazde statornice, oferind ospitalitate indulgentă carnavalului imobil al expoziţiilor lor. (FD, p.125) He preferred her, especially because she had a certain number of old paintings, her own purchases, that permanently inhabited her walls, like steady hosts, offering an indulgent hospitality to the immobile carnival of their exhibition. (1) – Azi n-am putut trece pe la Pomponescu, era prima scăpare a lui Hagienuş, tocmai poimâine pot să merg, când e şedinţă la madam Pomponescu. (BI, p.174) “I was not able to pass by Pomponescu today, was Hagienuş’s first slip, it is only the day after tomorrow that I can leave, when there is a meeting at Mrs. Pomponescu.” (2) – Vin poimâine! zise el. (BI, p.247) “I’m coming the day after tomorrow!” he said. (3) – Nu! se rugă Indolenta, de altfel scuturându-l de praf pe palton, înconjurându-l cu atenţii. Nici poimâine, nici răspoimâine. Am repetiţii! Ce vrei? (BI, p.253) “No!” Indolenta beseeched him, in fact shaking his coat of dust and surrounding him with attention. “Not the day after tomorrow, or the day after that. I have rehearsals! What do you want?” (4) Mâine-poimâine, când m-oi scula din pat, m-apuc eu să zidesc casă, cum nu s-a mai văzut în Bucureşti, cu cărămidă sănătoasă şi grinzi uscate, numai să găsesc salahori ieftini. (EO, p.175) Tomorrow or the day after tomorrow, when I get out of bed, I’ll set upon building a house like no other was seen in Bucharest, with healthy bricks and dried beams, if only I could find cheap labourers. (5) Moare, Doamne fereşte, mâine-poimâine, căci la altceva nu te poţi aştepta când un om a căzut o dată lovit de dambla, şi eu nu ştiu deloc cum stau lucrurile lui. (EO, p.183) He is dying, God forbid, tomorrow or the day after tomorrow, because One cannot expect anything else when a man has once fallen as if struck by madness, and I do not know at all how his things stand. (6) Vino poimâine la cimitir, îmi mai strigă cu capul afară, depărtându-se, iau cuvântul. (CCV, p.128)

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primăvara, vara, toamna, iarna

“Come the day after tomorrow to the cemetery”, he cried with his head out, going away, “I am taking the floor.” (7) După puţin timp sosi fratele ei, care spuse fără legătură: “Ştii că poimâine e ziua Irinei!” (MCDN, p.73) After a short while her brother arrived, who said with no connection at all: “You do know that the day after tomorrow is Irina’s birthday!” (8) Azi voi culege firimituri vechi, uscate, din mâna ei subţire, iar mâine, ori poimâine, cine ştie, voi vedea frumuseţea ei albă pălind, când va zări comoara pierdută, cheia liniştii şi a fericirii ei de-acuma în mâinile mele. (DA, p.102) Today I am going to pick up the old dried up crumbs from her thin hand, and tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow, when she perceives the lost treasure, the key to her calm and happiness was from now on in my hands. (9) Vă rog să mă detaşaţi la biroul cenzurii din Iaşi. Mâine, poimâine, tot o să veniţi şi dumneavoastră. (RGA, p.87) “Please dispatch me to the censorship office in Iaşi. Tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow, you will still come there.” (10) Aşa trebuie să i se fi cântat femeii acesteia vânjoase, făcută pentru luptat cu ea – mamei ei, bunicei ei. Până la Sfântă Marie... Până poimâine... (UNDINR, p.53) This is how they must have sang to that stout woman, made for fighting with her – her mother, her grandmother. Until Saint Mary’s day… Until the day after tomorrow… (11) – Bine... bine... am să beau până poimâine seară. Şi voi ce aţi stat, mă? (UNDINR, p.72) “Alright…alright… I am going to drink until the day after tomorrow evening. And what where you doing sitting there?” (12) – Nu! se rugă Indolenta, de altfel scuturându-l de praf pe palton, înconjurându-l cu atenţii. Nici poimâine, nici răspoimâine. Am repetiţii! Ce vrei? (BI, p.253) “No!” Indolenta beseeched him, in fact shaking his coat of dust and surrounding him with attention. “Not the day after tomorrow, or the day after that. I have rehearsals! What do you want?” (1) Vara mă scăldam de 3-4 ori pe zi (uneori şi noaptea pe lună). (A, p.10) In the summer I would go swimming 3-4 times a day (sometimes even at night if there was a moon). (2) În clasele primare am fost amorezat de două ori! Întâi, de o fată tot cam de vârsta mea – cu care visam, vara când mă culcam, să fac tot felul de aventuri. De obicei, îmi închipuiam ce fericit aş fi dacă i s-ar întîmpla o primejdie, dacă ar fura-o, de pildă, cineva şi eu s-o scap. A doua oară am fost amorezat de o fată tot din şcoala primară – o chema Profira – care a murit, pe când o „iubeam“. (A, p.17) During my primary grades I was in love twice! First, with a girl about my age – with whom I dreamt, in the summer when I went to bed, to have all sorts of adventures. Usually, I would imagine how happy I would be if something bad occur if she ran

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS some sort of danger, if for instance someone were to kidnap her and I were to save her. The second time I was in love with another girl still from primary school – her name was Profira – who died, as I was “loving” her. (3) În doi ani îşi ridicase şi un depozit de lemne în spatele cârciumii, iarna vindea cu suta de kilograme nenorociţilor, ieşea şi din treaba asta ceva. (G, p.320) In two years he had built a warehouse for wood behind the pub, and during the winter he would sell a hundred kilos to the miserable ones, something was coming out of that as well. (4) Iarna suferea de el, îi îngheţa... Mi-acoperea pe ale mele cu un gest reţinut, vrând parcă să spună că nu în zadar muncise dacă eu o să am o soartă mai bună. (VCP, p.89) During the winter he suffered because of it, they froze... He would cover mine with a refrained gesture, as if wanting to say that he had not worked in vain if I were to have a better fate. (5) Catastrofa de la Stalingrad din iarnă fusese bine filtrată în presă, se sugerase că o bătălie pierdută nu însemna încă nimic, nemţii erau mai departe în inima Rusiei şi că în vara aceasta (vara obţineau ei succese spectaculoase) vor da o bătălie decisivă şi vor câştiga, fără doar şi poate, în acest an, războiul. (VCP, p.89) The winter catastrophe in Stalingrad had been well filtered in the press, they suggested that a lost battle meant nothing yet, the Germans were further from the heart of Russia, and that during that summer (in the summer they would get their most spectacular success), they would have a decisive battle and they would undoubtedly win the war that year. (6) Ştiam ce e, dar această boală, frigurile, îmi trecuse demult şi niciodată nu mă apucaseră toamna, ci totdeauna în iunie. (VCP, p.14) I knew what it was, but this disease, the chills, had passed long ago and I would never have it during the autumn, but always in June. (7) De aceea umbla aşa de încotoşmănat şi iarna şi vara şi, cu toate că la analiză s-a dovedit că rinichii lui sunt putrezi, el nu se temea câtuşi de puţin; atâta timp cât îi ţinea la căldură, n-avea habar. (DA, p.53) That is why he was going about so warmly dressed both in the winter as well as in the summer, and even though the analysis showed that his kidneys were rotten, he was not showing any fear at all; as long as he was keeping them warm, there would be no trouble. (8) Vara ne despărţirăm, amândouă plecând la moşie, iar eu la mare. (DA, p.246) In the summer we parted ways, they both went to the estate, and I to the seaside. (9) Când reveniră, toamna târziu, mă prezentai chiar în ziua sosirii, să le aduc omagiile mele. (DA, p.247) When they came back late in the autumn, I presented myself

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rar, rareori, arareori

the very day they arrived, to pay them hommage. (10) Toamna trebuia să plec în străinătate, ataşat la o legaţie pentru vagi studii comparative – sinecură aproape suficient justificată. (A, p.12) During the autumn I had to go abroad, as an attache to a delegation for vague comparative research – an almost sufficiently justified sinecure. (1) Rareori numai, albastrul limpede al cerului adânc se pătează de câte un punct negru, dar trecător: e un vultur prădalnic care ocheşte poate din înălţimile văzduhului vreo sprintenă veveriţă. (PDM, p.25) Only rarely, did the clear blue of the deep sky get stained by some black but passing dot: it is a praying vulture that may be eyeing from the height of the sky some quick-footed squirrel. (2) Haim Duvid, ceasornicar din Paşcani, şi-a adus nevasta la băi şi, ca să nu stea degeaba, îşi exercită meseria, dar cu intermitenţe mari, serviciile lui fiind cerute rar de cele vreo sută de ornice câte a socotit el în Bălţăteşti. (A, p.15) Haim Duvid, a clockmaker from Paşcani, took his wife to the baths and, so that he would not stay idle, he was doing his job, but with large breaks, his services being rarely required by the one hundred watches and clocks which he had counted in Bălţăteşti. (3) Adela râde rar – un râs intern, copilăresc, cu participarea pieptului, ca o huruială de hulub, cum râdea la şapte ani. (A, p.37) Adela laughs rarely – an inner childish laughter, which overcomes her chest, like the howling of a pigeon, as she used to laugh when she was seven. (4) Adela cântă mult la piano. (În zilele frumoase cântă rar şi mai mult seara, pentru că se adună lumea la gard, şi ideea că „dă concert“ o plictiseşte, mai ales că doamnele şi domnii aceştia de aici o aplaudă uneori din drum, din ce în ce mai puţin discret.) (A, p.128) Adela plays the piano a lot. (On beautiful days she rarely plays and especially in the evening, because people gather at her fence, and the idea that she is having a “concert” bores her, especially since these ladies and gentlemen here sometimes applaud her from the road, more and more discreetly.) (5) Curând desimea codrilor ne sorbi în adâncurile sale nestrăbătute şi, rareori numai, câte un strop de cer albastru sau câte un fulg de lumină mai picurau răzleţe, din înălţimile încâlcite ale bolţilor de crengi, peste umerii şi peste capetele noastre. (PDM, p.58) Soon the density of the forest absorbed us into its untrodden depths and, only rarely, a drop of blue sky or a flake of light would pour from the tangled heights of the arches made by the branches, over our shoulders and above our heads. (6) Cum i se întâmpla nu rareori, tăcutul Butoiescu «critică» la început lucrarea (aşa se exprima Ioanide). (BI, p.13) As it usually happened, the silent Butoiescu at first “made a

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

recent

critique” of his work (in Ioanide’s words). (7) Arhitectul ezită de a o deschide, cum făcea nu rareori când voia să-şi prezerve spiritul de preocupări supărătoare. (BI, p.47) The architect hesitated to open it, as he usually did when he wanted to preserve his spirit of annoying preoccupations. (8) Prinţul rămânea nu rareori cu gura căscată şi mai presus de toate scotea din gâtlej un râs înfiorător, un fel de behăit de capră, replică înjosită a hohotului jovial al lui Gaittany. (BI, p.72) The prince would not rarely be left agape and above all he would laugh a horrific laughter, some sort of goat bellowing, a trvial reply to Gaittany’s gregarious laughter. (9) Arareori cele două trupuri se suprapuneau desăvârşit, dar un aşa de mare contrast era totuşi ceva rar. (FD, p.69) The two bodies would seldom overlap so perfectly, but such a big contrast was still something rare. (10) Atunci o cunoscuse Lina întâi, fiindcă Lenora locuia la Mizil, cu tatăl ei divorţat, şi venea numai rareori la Tecuci, la mamă-sa, care sta cu băiatul, cu acel Lică Trubadurul. (FD, p.70) Back then it was that he had first known Lina, because Lenora was living in Mizil, with her divorced father, and she would only rarely come to Tecuci, to her mother, who was living with that boy, Lică the Minstrel. (1) Am citit recent că Spania a depăşit nivelul fatal şi a intrat în rândul ţărilor ai căror locuitori câştigă mai mult de o sută de dolari pe lună. (IÎ, p.5) I have recently read that Spain has overcome the fatal level and has entered the circle of countries whose inhabitants earn more than one hundred dollars a month. (2) Iată, de pildă, am cumpărat recent Sadoveanu, Anii de ucenicie, Ion Barbu, Versuri şi proză, şi fiindcă era vorba de un scriitor din judeţul meu, Galaction, Chipuri şi popasuri. (IÎ, p.37) Look, for instance, I have recently bought Sadoveanu, The Apprenticeship Years, Ion Barbu, Poetry and Prose, and since we were talking about a writer from my own county, Galaction, Faces and Stopovers. (3) În acest sens cred că Truman Capote, care a câştigat recent cu ultima sa carte, intitulată Cu sânge rece, două milioane de dolari, va avea mult de suferit, mai ales că e şi tânăr, are abia în jurul a patruzeci şi cinci de ani. (IÎ, p.177) To this extent, I think that Truman Capote, who has recently made from his latest book, entitled In Cold Blood, two million dollars, will have a lot to suffer, especially since he is also young, barely about forty five. (4) Îmi amintesc că observaţia aceasta am recunoscut-o recent în cartea despre viaţa şi învăţătura Marelui Jetsun Milarepa pe care, din păcate, l-am ignorat atâta vreme. (Z, p.99) I remember that I have recently recognized this remark in the book on the life and teachings of the Great Jetsun Milarepa, whom, unfortunately, I have ignored for so long.

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regulat

(5) Probabil că într-o zi va deveni posibil ca, pornind de la un mic fragment prelevat din organismul omului, sau al oricărei alte vietăţi, acesta să poată fi reprodus şi multiplicat în serie, prin operaţii specifice de laborator, aşa cum citise recent într-o publicaţie medicală, obţinându-se sute şi mii de indivizi cu caractere identice... (PMB, p. 58) Probabily one day it will be possible that starting from a small fragment taken from man’s or any other living thing’s body, it could be reproduced and serially multiplied, by means of specific lab operations, as he had recently read in a medical journal, thus obtaining hundreds and thousands of individuals with identical characters... (6) ...cât priveşte vecinii, cel de peste drum, plutonier major la regimentul de artilerie, s-a mutat recent în casa cumpărată de la un bătrân plecat la copii, după moartea soţiei, venit relativ recent în oraş... (PMB, p. 126) ...as far as the neighbours are concerned, the one across the street, an officer with the artilery regiment, had recently moved into the house bought from an old man gone to live with his children, after his wife’s death, who had recently arrived in town... (7) Astfel vorbea, simţindu-şi papila gustativă beteagă de la nişte citate aramaice, greceşti şi latineşti, cu ajutorul cărora triumfase recent în câteva turniruri teologice...( C7RB, p.11) This is how he spoke, feeling his taste bud numb from some Aramaic, Greek and Latin quotations, with the help of whose he had recently triumphed in several theological tournaments... (8) În celulă a venit întâmplător cineva care o întâlnise destul de recent. (JF, p.74) Someone who had quite recently met her accidentally came into the cell. (9) Focul de la Goia apărea, de unde privea bătrânul, alături de Ruginoasa, dar mult mai viu, semn că începuse mai recent. (R, p.149) The fire in Goia appeared, whereform the old man was watching, next to Ruginoasa, but much more lively, a sign that it had started more recently. (10) Pleşu a scris recent cel mai devastator text din istoria culturii române dedicat unui caz de „obscenitate publică”: cel despre Adrian Păunescu. (JP, p.74) Pleşu has recently written the most devastating text in the history of Romanian culture dedicated to a case of “public obscenity”: the one about Adrian Păunescu. (1) Obişnuisem o pereche de porumbei să vină la fereastra mea, unde le aruncam regulat firimituri de pâine. (IV, p.126) I had made it a habit for a pair of doves to come to my window, where I was regularly leaving breadcrumbs. (2) Îi dăruisem casa, transferasem pe soţul ei, îl avansasem, şi de curând colaboram regulat la ziarul pe care-l citea. (IV, p.254) I had given her the house as a present, I had transferred and

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS promoted her husband, and I had been collaborating regularly for a short time with the newspaper she was reading. (3) După întâlnirea din parc începui să mă văd cu fostul judecător regulat, şi anume sâmbătă seara, şi totdeauna la el acasă, unde în faţa televizorului şi la un pahar de vin precedat de sendviciuri, pe care ni le servea soţia lui, vedeam seriale englezeşti sau americane, care ne distrau cum nu se mai poate, şi apoi începeam să trecem în revistă viaţa oraşului şi a persoanelor şi personalităţilor care constituie totdeauna pentru oameni – şi constituia şi pentru noi – subiect inepuizabil de uimire, surpriză şi reflecţie... (CMIDP, p. 53) After the meeting in the park I started to see the former player regularly, namely on Saturday evenings and always at his house, where in front of the TV and a glass of wine preceded by sandwiches served by his wife, we watched English and American TV series, which entertained us tremendously, and then we started to review the life of the city and of the persons and personalities that always constitute for people – and constituted also for us – an endless source of amazement, surprise and reflection... (4) Şi mă conduse câteva sute de metri pe bulevard, vorbindu-mi simplu şi cu afecţiunea de odinioară de necesitatea de a ne revedea de-aici înainte regulat... (CMIDP, p. 142) And he walked me a few hundred metres down the boulevard, talking to me plainly and with the affection he once had about the need to see each other again regularly from now on... (5) Creşte sau nu creşte productivitatea muncii, noi, şefii, ne încasăm primele noastre regulat... (CMIDP, p. 175) Whether work productivity increases or not, we, the bosses, cash our bonuses regularly... (6) Da, desigur, de vreme ce arăta că lipseau de la cursuri, că nu-şi dădeau regulat examenele, că veneau acasă seara târziu, că-şi supărau bieţii părinţi care se speteau să le plătească taxele şi să le cumpere cărţi. (JF, p.47) Yes, of course, since it showed that they were skipping classes, that they were reguarly not taking their exams, that they were coming home late, that they were upsetting their poor parents who were working very hard to pay their fees and buy them books. (7) – Chiria o plătea regulat? – Regulat, maică, cu o lună înainte. Acum când a plecat mi-a dat pe două luni înainte, ca să n-aştept dacă întârzie pe unde s-a dus. (BI, p.84) “Was he paying his rent regularly?” “Regularly, dear, a month in advance. Now that he has left he gave me two months in advance, so that I would not wait in case he is late where he has gone.” (8) Astfel, primea regulat din străinătate un buletin bătut la maşină, pe care-l consulta singură. (BI, p.131) Thus, she regularly received from abroad a typed bulettin, which she used to consult on her own.

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(9) Moş Costache predă în taină doctoria Otiliei, rugând-o să i-o dea regulat, după cum scrie în reţetă. (EO, p. 235) Old man Costache secretly gave Otilia de medicine, asking her to give it to her regularly, according to the receipt. (10) – Ei... ai să-l vezi dumneata, că doar trebuie să cadă el amu de undeva; domnu Arsene îi de la Ieşi şi vine la noi regulat în fiecare vară. (PDM, p.257) “Well... you’ll see him, for he must come right about now from somewhere; Mr. Arsene is from Iaşi and comes by regularly every summer.” (1) Şi totuşi, în clipa când şi-l aminti, îşi aminti simultan că şi-l mai amintise odată, fără să poată determina când anume, fără să fie sigur că în cursul acelei dimineţi, sau altcândva, cu mult înainte de a-l fi visat. (PMB, p.36) And yet, the moment he remembered him, he remembered at the same time that he had remembered about him once before, without being able to determine when it had been exactly, without being certain that it had been during that morning, or some other time, long before having dreamed about him. (2) Gestul ca atare, oricât s-ar vrea de neglijent, conţine o anumită doză de risc, deoarece cele două fire electrice ale fostului comutator, aflate în continuare sub tensiune şi neavând capetele bine izolate, aşa cum prevăd normele de tehnica securităţii şi protecţia muncii, ar putea provoca oricând electrocutarea celui care, din inconştienţă sau neatenţie, le-ar atinge simultan. (SL, p.7) The gesture as such, no matter how careless, has a certain amount of risk, because the two electric wires of the former switch, still connected to the electricity since they do not have their ends isolated, as established by the norms for labour safety and protection, may cause at any moment the electrocution of the person who unawares or carelessly, were to simultaneously touch them. (3) Şi, aproape simultan cu calamburgiul, s-a apucat şi el (prăvălindu-se insolent pe ultimul rând de banchete al sălii) să-şi îngâne poemele sale inepte, de începător, la urechea cu pieliţă dogoritoare a unei necunoscute. (C7RB, p.48) And, almost at the same time as the stand up comedian, he also started (insolently dropping into the last row of seats in the hall) to mutter his inept beginner’s poems, into the burning ear of an unknown woman. (4) Înainte de Andra, Pink avusese o prietenă, Cami, care se ocupa, simultan, cu admiterea la medicină şi înnebunirea aspiranţilor la farmecele ei. (C7RB, p.127) Before Andra, Pink had had a friend, Cami, who was busy at the same time passing the admissions for medicine and making crazy all her admirers. (5) Şi cei trei magi ai Liceului „Pipera” îşi împinseră simultan, cu călcâiele, scaunele de bucătărie în spate, pregătindu-se de plecare.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

târziu

(C7RB, p.153) And the three wise men of the Piper Highschool, pushed with their heels the kitchen chairs back at the same time, getting ready to leave. (6) Uşa se deschise şi cei şase, maşini şi oameni, îi trecură pragul simultan. (RT, p.163) The door opened and the six of them, cars and people, entered at the same time. (7) Iar ultima gură de ceai îi smulse simultan un zâmbet – se îndrăgostise cu adevărat. (P, p.11) And the last sip of tea had made her smile at the same time – she had truly fallen in love. (8) Un sistem de marketing foarte modern şi eficient, inventat de americani, în care cumpărătorul devine simultan şi vânzător al produsului respectiv. (SL, p.32) A very odern and efficient marketing system, invented by the Americans, where the buyer becomes seller of that particular product at the same time. (9) Ei însă se ridicară aproape simultan şi, înainte de a ieşi, Ciobanu Lenuţa stâlci ţigara în scrumieră. (SL, p.59) However, they rose almost at the same tine, and before going out, Ciobanu Lenuţa put off her cigarette into the ashtray. (10) Rămase astfel o bună bucată de drum, încercând să determine dacă ceea ce spusese mai devreme agentul era doar o coincidenţă sau fluxul unei bănuieli care îi traversase simultan. (PMB, p.75) He stayed like that a long time, trying to decide whether what the agent had told him before was a mere coincidence or the flow of a suspicion that was crossing their minds at the same time. (1) Mai târziu, meseriile variate pe care le cercase, se alesese tot drumeţe. (CMB, p.19) Later, the various trades he had attempted proved to be temporary. (2) Tata nu era moş deloc, iar acest domn atât de perspicace şi de elegant nu era nici el mai tânăr de patruzeci de ani, cum aveam să aflu mult mai târziu. (VCP, p.42) Father was not an old man at all, and this gentleman who was so astute and elegant was not himself younger than forty, as I was to find much later. (3) M-am trezit târziu cu o senzaţie apăsătoare de chin. (VCP, p.79) I woke up late with a pressing sensation of torment. (4) Ceea ce pasionează un elev în şcoală şi e revelator pentru înzestrarea pe care o demonstrează el mai târziu, e un simplu accident, alteori o bizarerie. (VCP, p.92) Whatever is the passion of a school pupil and is revealing for the skill that he proves later on, is a mere accident, some other times a peculiarity. (5) Mai târziu, din aceeaşi direcţie sosi greoi, sprijinit pe braţul unui servitor, Saferian Manigomian, căruia bineînţeles Hagienuş

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se feri a-i face vreo aluzie la cele văzute. (BI, p. 15) Later, Saferian Manigomian, whom Hagienuş obviously avoided any allusion to what he had seen, arrived from the same direction, with difficulty, leaning on a servant’s arm. (6) Este sigur că doctorul punea pe hârtie simple hieroglife, în scopul de a-şi reconstitui mintal mai târziu culoarea zilelor trăite. (BI, p. 34) The doctor was certainly writing simple hieroglyphs on paper, in order to later mentally reconstruct the color of those days he had lived. (7) Mai târziu arhitectul primi o altă scrisoare, din Cairo, înlăuntrul căreia găsi o adresă bătută la maşină, în englezeşte, din partea unei societăţi. (BI, p. 72) Later the architect received another letter, from Cairo, inside of which he found an address typed in English, from a trading company. (8) Mai devreme sau mai târziu, tot îşi făceau gustul. (BI, p. 74) Sooner or later, they would still have it their way. (9) – Sau, ca să mă exprim mai bine, ai venit prea târziu. (BI, p. 82) “Or, to put it better, you came too late.” (10) Scrisoarea a fost găsită de poliţie mai târziu şi pusă la dosarul afacerii Dan Bogdan, ce se va ivi în curând. (BI, p. 90) The letter was later found by the police and placed in the Dan Bogdan file, that was to emerge soon. (1) Aşteptase toată ziua vizita lui Lică. (CMB, p.20) She had been waiting all day long for Lică’s visit. (2) De când vă aşteaptă domnişoara!... Toată ziua vorbeşte de dumneavoastră... (RGA, p.159) “The miss has been waiting for you for a long time!... She talks about you all day long…” (3) Toată ziua voi fi ocupat cu tratativele ce trebuie să duc cu nişte capitalişti, care vor, nici mai mult, nici mai puţin, să mă aibă de tovarăş. (DA, p. 64) I will be busy all day long with the negotiations that I must have with certain capitalists, who want, neither more, nor less, to have me as their companion. (4) Pe când, dacă aş fi să sun toată ziua la uşa Voicuţei, aşa cum mă cicăleşte ea că n-o fac, îmi închipui că aş scandaliza pe aceşti oameni serioşi şi bogaţi, care sunt părinţii ei şi cu care aduce mai mult gravul Radu şi cealaltă soră a lui, decât zglobia aceasta de Voicuţa. (DA, p. 100) Instead, if I were to ring all day long at Voicuţa’s door, as she pesters me not to, I imagine that I would scandalize all those serious rich people, that are her parents and whom serious Radu ressembles more as well as his other sister, than this cheerful and lively Voicuţa. (5) După ce, cu chiu cu vai, găsim câteva grajduri şi două odăi pentru odihnă, suntem toată ziua chemaţi la regiment pentru a

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

tocmai

primi ordine administrative, pentru încheieri de acte. (UNDINR, p.221) It does not matter that we find with great difficulty a few stables and two rooms for rest, but we are also called in to the regiment all day long in order to get administrative orders and to sign all sorts of papers. (6) Întâlnim, după atâta vreme, întâia oară, serviciile regimentului şi toată ziua ne e luată cu diverse completări de rubrici, rapoarte, lămuriri. (UNDINR, p.253) We meet, after such a long time, for the first time, the services of the regiment and all day is taken by the various filling in of papers, reports, clarifications. (7) Ieri am fost la mama... că sunt singură toată ziua... (UNDINR, p.255) I was at my mother’s yesterday… because I am alone all day long… (8) Aici ciocănea şi cosea şi bombănea toată ziua, ghemuit pe scăunelul cu trei picioare, bătrânul Mendelson, sfădindu-se cu muierea, ori dăscălindu-şi ucenicul, dacă n-avea alături vreun muşteriu cu care să tăifăsuiască. (R, p.53) Old Mendelson was knocking, sewing and mumbling there all day long crouching on his three-legged stool, bickering with his wife, or scolding his apprentice, if he had no client with whom to chat. (9) – Huo, potaie, ce ai cu cocoşul! Făcu Ioana fără însă a se uita, zorită cum era să pregătească mâncarea găinilor ce începeau a se aduna acasă de pe unde hoinăreau toată ziua, fiindcă începea să se însereze. (R, p.84) “Go away, scraggy dog, what’s your beef with the rooster!” Ioana said without looking, hurrying to prepare the food for the chickens that were beginning to gather home from where they had wandered all day long, because it was beginning to get dark. (10) Titu văzu încurcătura lui şi avu un cuţit în inimă, gândindu-se cum l-a mai invitat astă-vară să vie încoace şi să stea la dânsul şi toată ziua numai poezii să scrie. (R, p.126) Titu saw his confusion and felt a dagger in his heart, thinking how he had invited him that summer to come over and stay with him and write poetry all day long. (1) – O cafea? – A, nu tocmai am băut una adineauri, răspunse. (SL, p.26) “A cup of coffee?” “Well, no I have just had one a moment ago”, he answered. (2) În orice caz, în lipsa dumnealui, părea să-şi fi defulat o bună parte din frustrările cotidiene asupra rufelor pe care tocmai se pregătea să le întindă la uscat în balcon. (SL, p.32) At any rate, in his absence, she seemed to have unravelled a great deal of her daily frustrations onto the laundry which she was just getting ready to hang on the balcony to dry. (3) Şefa de cabinet le-a comunicat printr-un bileţel scris la

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU calculator că domnul prefect tocmai plecase la Bucureşti, ca să le rezolve la guvern principalele revendicări, respectiv mărirea de salariu. (SL, p.37) The cabinet chief had told them in a note written on the computer that the prefect had just left for Bucharest, to solve their main requests with the government, that is the rise in salaries. (4) Cu o anumită strângere de inimă, cu sentimente contradictorii, domnul Ion-şeful-de-scară împături foaia pe care tocmai se pregătea să o afişeze şi o băgă în buzunarul interior al hainei. (SL, p.46) With a certain amount of reticence, with contradicting feelings, Mr. Ion-building-manager folded the piece of paper he had just prepared to post and put it into the inner pocket of his coat. (5) – Ba nu, căci tocmai mă pregăteam să închei prin a spune că, dincolo de toate acestea, pentru mine eşti mai frumoasă decât Sulamita, iar inteligenţa ta înspăimântătoare o întrece pe a lui Solomon... (SL, p.55) “On the contrary, because I was just getting ready to end by saying that beyond all that, to me, you are more beautiful than Sulamita, and your frightening intelligence surpasses Solomon’s…” (6) În aceeaşi clipă, însă, aplicând principiul cea mai bună apărare este atacul, domnul Anghel i-a cârpit una scurtă peste gură, fiindcă tocmai îl scuipase, apoi a eschivat uşor şi lovitura dumneaei s-a destrămat în aer. (SL, p.58) At the same time, however, by applying the principle of the best defence is attack, Mr. Anghel hit her over the mouth briefly, because she had just spat on him, then he lightly dodged her blow which was wasted in the air. (7) În timp ce domnul Eftimie începea să urce scările, domnul Anghel tocmai le cobora, grăbit să se întoarcă la serviciu după pauza de masă... (SL, p.74) While Mr. Eftimie was beginning to go up the stairs, Mr. Anghel was just coming down, in a hurry to go back to work after lunch break... (8) Temistocle tocmai ieşea pe uşă, trimis de bunica Elemosina să cumpere orez, căci dumneaei avea de gând să facă nişte sarmale. (SL, p.95) Temistocle was just going out the door, sent by grandma Elemosina to buy some rice, because she was planning to make some minced meat rolled in sauerkraut. (9) Acum, când dumneaei tocmai se pregăteşte să traverseze strada, aşteptând mai întâi culoarea verde a semaforului, aşa cum nu fac în majoritatea lor ceilalţi pietoni, pentru a se îndrepta apoi prin spatele magazinului alimentar spre intrarea în blocul unde îşi are locuinţa, îşi poate confirma că a avut în definitiv o zi reuşită din toate punctele de vedere, în pofida micilor incidente petrecute la cimitir. (SL, p.107) Now, when she was just preparing to cross the street, waiting first

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

tot

tot timpul

for the green colour of the traffic lights, unlike most other pedestrians, in order to then head behind the food store towards the entrance into the apartment building where she lived, she could confirm that she had had in fact a successful day from all points of view, in spite of the small incidents that had occurred at the cemetery. (10) Ceva mai devreme, dumnealor tocmai constituiseră grupul de iniţiativă pentru înfiinţarea unei noi formaţiuni politice, iar acum urcau către etajul opt, întrucât domnul Vasile îşi exprimase dorinţa să-i lase lui Simion nişte pantofi la reparat... (SL, p.126) A little earlier, they had just set up the initiative group for starting a new political party, and now they were going up to the eighth floor, because Mr. Vasile had expressed the wish to leave Simon some shoes to be mended... (1) Şi de ce oare Rim o tot chema cu gura plină...! (CMB, p.13) And why ever did Rim keep calling her with his mouth full...! (2) – Când tot sui şi tot scobori, cum a făcut el astăzi, nu-i de mirare să fii ostenit; doar n-a fi cumpănă de fântână, căci numai ea nu osteneşte, deşi veşnic suie şi scoboară... (PDM, p.36) “When you keep going up and then going down, as he did today, it does not come as a surprise that you are tired; for it is not the arm of a fountain, because it is the only thing that does not get tired, although it goes up and down forever…” (3) Bătrânul tot se mai codea. (G, p.17) The old man was still hesitating. (4) Aglaia tot mai stăruise. (G, p.20) Aglaia had still insisted. (5) Tot nu isprăvise cu bocitul. (G, p.22) She was still not done with weeping. (6) Tot cu grija în sân şedea meşterul, că mai fugiseră altele de la părinţi. (G, p.26) The master was still in fear, because other girls had also feld from their parents. (7) Jucau tot pe vine, cu sticlele-n mâini. (G, p.31) They were still palying squatting, with the botles in their hands. (8) Rudele socrului tot nu terminaseră. (G, p.32) The father-in-law’s relatives still had not finished. (9) Aglaia tot mai striga pe rând numele unora. (G, p.41) Aglaia was still crying some people’s names at a time. (10) Aglaia tot mai trăncănea. (G, p.45) Aglaia was still rambling on. (1) A treia zi însă, cu câteva ore înainte de a o revedea, sufletul meu se golea insesizabil, sau mai bine zis bucuria mea se precipita, şi din această precipitare reapărea îndoiala, chiar spaima de a nu auzi astăzi un lucru care de fapt existase tot timpul, şi anume declaraţia ei de neputinţă ca un dat care nu putea fi învins, de a-l părăsi pe Petrică. (CMIDP, p.52) On the third day however, a few hours before seeing her, my soul would imperceptibly empty itself, or better said my joy would

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU rush in, and from this rush doubt would reappear, even the fear of not hearing today of a thing that had in fact existed all along, namely her statement of weakness as a given that could not be vanquished, that of leaving Petrică. (2) Tot timpul mă ferii dinaintea puţinelor ferestre; stăteam mai mult prin faţa locuinţelor vecine, pândind să văd cine intră şi cine iese... (DA, p.41) I kept away from the windows all the time; I used to stay mostly in front of the neighbouring houses, watching to see who was going in and who was coming out... (3) De aceea doamna Alba nu-mi mai apăru aşa de înaltă, ca înainte tot timpul; dimpotrivă, era o femeie potrivită, aş putea zice înăltuţă, foarte puţin plină, umană şi fină, şi era nespus de frumoasă. (DA, p.73) This is why Mrs. Alba did not appear so tall to me anymore, as she used to in the past all the time; on the contrary, she was an average woman, I could say rather tall, a little chubby, humane and delicate, and she was extremely beautiful. (4) Are grijă de altminteri să stingă lumina şi tot timpul nu vorbeşte decât franţuzeşte, grai din care Irma nu pricepe decât câteva cuvinte. (DA, p.192) In fact she takes care of putting the light out and she speaks all the time only French, a language in which Irma can understand only a few words. (5) Imaginea noastră despre funcţionarul public este, în general, una negativă, antipatică. Asta, din motivul că avem mai tot timpul nevoie de serviciile acestor oameni, iar ei de ale noastre niciodată! (SL, p.24) Our image of public clerks is generally a negative one. This is because, we need the services of these people almost all the time, and they ours – never! (6) Simion trebuia convins că oamenii au nevoie de serviciile sale, nu va putea să le mai repare încălţămintea dacă stă tot timpul închis în lift. (SL, p.53) Simion needed to be persuaded that people needed his services and they he will not be able to repair their shoes anymore if he stayed in the elevator all the time. (7) Românii au o morală specială, ale cărei reguli generale sunt recunoscute de toţi şi în gura mare, ba poate chiar într-un mod cam exagerat, căci se vorbeşte mai tot timpul despre calităţi ca cinste, sinceritate, devotament etc., dar regulile valabile în general nu-şi găsesc deloc aplicabilitatea în cazurile particulare, ale indivizilor concreţi. (SL, p.132) Romanians have a special kind of morality, whose general rules are acknowledged by everyone out loud, maybe even in an exaggerated manner, because people speek almost all the time about qualities such as honesty, sincerity, devotion, etc., but the generally valid rules do not find endorsement in particular cases, in particular individuals.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

ulterior

(8) - Ei, nea Simioane, te-ai mai gândit? - Tot timpul mă gândesc. (SL, p.147) “Well, Simion, have you thought about it?” “I think about it all the time.” (9) Eu am bâiguit nu mai ştiu ce şi, când am fugit din patul ei, nu ştiu cum am ajuns acasă, mă gândeam tot timpul că e prietenă cu mama, când venea pe la noi mă ascundeam, îmi era ruşine, până într-o bună zi când hop! mi-a trecut ruşinea de la sine, poate pentru că în ziua aceea mama a zis să joc şi eu, să-i ţin un pic locul până face cafelele... (Z, p.81) I muttered something, I don’t remember what, and, when I ran out of her bed I do not know how I got home, I was thinking all the time that she was a friend of my mother’s, when she came by I would hide away, I was ashamed, until one day when guess what! my shame went away on its own, perhaps because that day my mother told me to play as well, to stay there instead of her while she was making the coffee… (10) Ne-am plimbat vreo două ore, vorbea tot timpul de proteze, îi evitam privirea, mă uitam în sus. (Z, p.166) We walked for two hours, she was speaking all the time about posthetics, I avoided looking at her, I was looking up. (1) Grigore le spuse că tânărul Herdelea ar dori să-şi găsească un rost în ţară şi Dumescu, fiind vorba de un ardelean, îi oferi îndată un loc de funcţionar la banca lui, deocamdată modest, fireşte, rămânând să se vază ulterior dacă va merita mai mult. (R, p.57) Grigore told them that young Herdelea would have liked to make a life for himself and since he was from Ardeal, Dumescu immediately offered him a position as a clerk at his bank, a modest one of course, for the time being, remaining to see afterwards whether he were worth more than that. (2) Da, şi eu cred că era atins de scânteia divină când se sprijinise pe masele plebee în lupta contra lui Pompei, şi chiar şi ulterior, după ce fu învinuit că vrea să devină imperator. (CMIDP, p.38) Yes, I too believe that he had been touched by the divine spark when he had appealed to the common masses in his fight against Pompei, and even afterwards, after he was accused of wanting to become an emperor. (3) Melancolia care năvăleşte asupra ta e blândă şi învăluitoare, puterea ta de a iubi rămâne neatinsă, întrebările care vin ulterior nu au mare putere, chiar dacă afli că ai fost trădat. (CMIDP, p.76) The melancholy that overwhelms you is mild and enrapturing, your power to love is left untouched, the questions that come afterwards have little power, even if you find out that you have been betrayed. (4) Şi mai pretindeai ulterior şi pretinzi şi acuma că mă iubeai în clipele acelea. (CMIDP, p.102) And you also used to pretend afterwards and you still do that you loved me in those moments. (5) Ulterior am aflat că odată, prietenii lui, în toiul unei petreceri,

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i-au aranjat acasă în garsonieră un om mort în pat... (CMIDP, p.176) Afterwards I found out that once, his friends, during a party, had arranged in his bedsit in his own bed a dead man... (6) „Dacă sunt condamnat pe viaţă, mi-a spus el ulterior, îl voi folosi”. (CMIDP, p.182) “If I am sentenced to life imprisonment,” he told me afterwards, “I’ll use it.” (7) Dar nu ştiam că reuşisem doar parţial, în sensul că verdictul fusese considerat de judecător drept moderat, după cum îmi declară ulterior, clientul meu riscând, zise el, să ia douăzeci de ani. (CMIDP, p.194) But I did not know that I had succeeded only partially, to the extent that the verdict had been considered by the judge as a moderate one, as he declared to me afterwards, my client ricking, as he told me, twenty years. (8) Ulterior aş fi aflat că ea era legată chiar pe toată viaţa şi că ar fi vrut să se întoarcă acolo de unde încercase să evadeze. (CMIDP, p.201) I would have found out subsequently that she was actually bound for life and that she would have wanted to go back wherefrom she had attempted to escape. (9) Anume puncte trebuiesc complet curăţate şi pe ele înălţate edificii cardinale, indiferent ce destinaţie li s-ar da ulterior. (BI, p. 24) Certain points need to be completely cleared and on them cardinal buidings to be errected, irrespective of the destination they might receive afterwards. (10) Grigore le spuse că tânărul Herdelea ar dori să-şi găsească un rost în ţară şi Dumescu, fiind vorba de un ardelean, îi oferi îndată un loc de funcţionar la banca lui, deocamdată modest, fireşte, rămânând să se vază ulterior dacă va merita mai mult. (R, p. 27) Grigore told them that young Herdelea would like to make a place for himself in the countryside and Dumescu, being a Transylvanian, immediately offered a job as a bank clerk in his bank, a modest one for the time being, of course, remaining to see afterwards whether he was worth more. (1) De ordinar însă, Hangerliu se descurca uşor, invitându-se la masă la numeroasele rude, uneori cerând dinainte informaţii asupra meniului. (BI, p.17) Usually, however, Hangerliu would manage easily, by inviting himself to dinner to his countless relatives, sometimes asking beforehand about the menu. (2) Femeile îmbătrânesc uneori fiziceşte. (BI, p.38) Women sometimes age physically. (3) Uneori şedea şi în uşa magazinului şi dacă auzea pe unii remarcând un obiect şi întrebându-se de nu e scump, intra în vorbă cu ei. (BI, p.61) Sometimes he would stay in front of the store and if he heard

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

veşnic

others making remarks about an object and asking themselves whether it was expensive or not, he would start talking to them. (4) Uneori, observările tehnice ale lui Botticelli erau interesante. (BI, p.73) Sometimes, Botticelli’s technical remarks were interesting. (5) Ioanide nu era mistic şi viziunea învârtirii fenomenologice lua la el uneori proporţiile unei nevroze. (BI, p.86) Ioanide was not a mystical person and the vision of phenomenological upturn sometimes took with him the proportions of a neurosis. (6) Urletul se prefăcu treptat în geamăt, congestiunea feţei, în paloare cu emisiune de sudori, şi violenţa fizică, într-o tremurătură continuă, cu scuturături mai puternice uneori. (BI, p.136) The screaming gradually turned into moaning, the congestion of the face turned to palour and sweat, and physical violence, into a continuous trembling, with strong shakes sometimes. (7) – Uneori parcă sunt mai simpatici ai altuia, îi adopţi prin alegere, fără riscuri, decât să te pomeneşti că ai dat la lumină fiinţe cu care n-ai nimic comun. (BI, p.159) “Sometimes, other people’s children seem nicer, you tend to adopt them by choice, without risks, rather than waking up to having given birth to beings you have nothing in common with.” (8) Uneori el nu mă lasă să gândesc, să lucrez. Alteori el mă lasă. (A, p.14) Sometimes he does not let me think, work. Some other times he does. (9) Uneori am postit complet, fără să mănânc nimic toată ziua – şi asta de bună voia mea. (A, p.26) Sometimes I fasted all day without eating a single thing, and this was done willingly. (10) Uneori la masă erau cîte 40 de musafiri. (A, p.37) Sometimes there were even 40 guests at the table. (11) Uneori îi simţea plecarea printr-o spaimă, o stingere interioară, o dosnicie sau o umbră în care sufletul dibuia îngrijorat drumul. (FD, p.83) Sometimes she felt his departure as some sort of fear, an inner fading, a remoteness or a shadow where the soul was feeling the road worriedly. (1) Peste toate gândurile şi închipuirile micuţului însă plutea veşnic o iubire foarte nelămurită, în care stăpânea Dumnezeu... (PS, p.37) Over all the thoughts and illusions of the little one however, there was always floating some kind of very confused love, where God was the master... (2) Cervenko era om voinic, spătos, cu o barbă cafenie care-i acoperea aproape tot pieptul şi cu nişte ochi în care plângea veşnic o suferinţă tainică. (PS, p.45) Cervenko was a big, broad shouldered guy, with a brownish beard that was covering almost his entire chest and with eyes

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where there was always some secret suffering crying. (3) – Ura naşte veşnic ură, zise Apostol, cutremurându-se. (PS, p.72) “Hatred always breeds hatred”, said Apostol, shuddering. (4) – Ascultă, Varga... Tu ai fost odinioară om şi te lăudai că, sub mundirul militar, vei purta veşnic o inimă! (PS, p.99) “Listen here, Varga… You were once a man and you were boasting that, under the military uniform, you will always have a heart!” (5) Veşnic te chinuieşte rostul vieţii dacă n-ai pe Dumnezeu în suflet şi niciodată nu ştii unde-i binele şi unde-i răul, căci ce-a fost bine azi, mâine va fi rău... (PS, p.158) You are foever tormented by the purpose of life if you do not have God in your soul and you never know where the good is or where the bad is, because what was good today, tomorrow will be bad... (6) Un strop de apă adunat din ploi sau din roua nopţilor zace veşnic pe fundul acestei scobituri căptuşite cu mătreaţă; şi cu această apă sfânta îşi alina setea... (PDM, p.12) A drop of water gathered from the rains or from the dew of the nights lies forever on the bottom of this hollow padded with dandruff; and the saint would quench her thirst with that water... (7) – Când tot sui şi tot scobori, cum a făcut el astăzi, nu-i de mirare să fii ostenit; doar n-a fi cumpănă de fântână, căci numai ea nu osteneşte, deşi veşnic suie şi scoboară... (PDM, p.36) “When you keep going up and then going down, as he did today, it does not come as a surprise that you are tired; for it is not the arm of a fountain, because it is the only thing that does not get tired, although it goes up and down forever…” (8) Trebuie să ştii, domnule, că Bijucă al meu e un nesuferit; uite cum rămâne veşnic în urmă şi mă lasă singură... (PDM, p.148) You must know, sir, that my Bijucă is an awful person; look at him always lagging behind leaving me alone... (9) Şi, fără să vrea, acea fată îmi devenise o piedică mare în afacerile amoroase, căci o găseam veşnic la geam, ca o spioană fără voie. (A, p.42) And, without wanting it, that girl had become a big obstacle in my love affairs, because I would always see her at the window, as if an unwilling spy. (10) Magazia, negustorul au căpătat pentru mine un prestigiu extraordinar, şi mă uitam veşnic cu duioşie şi cu inima ridicată în magazia aceea. (A, p.63) The shed, the merchant had aquired for me extraordinary prestige, and I was always looking at that shed with gentleness and a heightened heart. (1) Era temperat şi nimeni nu-l văzuse vreodată beat, necum fata. (CMB, p.21) He was a well-balanced man and nobody had ever seen him drunk, least of all the girl.

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS (2) N-am auzit vreodată să fie bolnav, în ciuda feţei palide şi scobite în obraji. (BI, p.48) I had never heard of him being sick, in spite of his pale face and cheeks. (3) – Primea vreodată persoane străine în casă? (BI, p.92) “Was he ever welcoming strangers in his house?” (4) De ar fi fost vorba să nu mai poarte vreodată tunică, i-ar fi plăcut mult cravatele roşii. (CMB, p.150) Had it come to never again wearing a tunic, he would have iked the red scarves a lot. (5) De fapt, Rim nu ştiuse. Închipuise poate, în râs, o romanţă de juneţă a Linei cu Lică, iar dacă cumva se întrebase vreodată a cui e Sia, nici un moment nu-i venise în minte că Lina ar fi putut avea curajul să o aducă în casă... (CMB, p.250) In fact, Rim had not known. He may have imagined, as a laugh, some young romance between Lina and Lică, and if at any point he had wondered whose was Sia, at no time had it crossed his mind that Lina would have had the courage to bring her home... (6) Lina nu era acasă şi Rim fu mirat că Mini, de la uşă, în loc de vreo nouă descoperire, îl întrebă dacă a fost vreodată la Hallipi, la moşie. (FD, p.66) Lina was not home and Rim was surprised that Mini asked him from the ddorway, instead of a new discovery, if he had ever been to Hallipi, to their country mansion. (7) Pentru Mini, Lenora nici nu putuse fi vreodată altfel decât măritată. (FD, p.70) For Mini, Lenora could have never be anything else but married. (8) Pe urmă aflai din şoapta publică o noutate (pentru mine) care mă făcu să holbez cei mai uimiţi ochi care s-au holbat vreodată: temutul avocat ucisese în duel acum trei ani pe un alt purtător de nume istoric: Tudor Buzescu, bogătaş, cu mari capitaluri în întreprinderi, şi membru în multe consilii de administraţie. (DA, p.47) Then I found out from public rumours a piece of news (for me) which made me stare with the most puzzled eyes ever: the feared lawyer had killed in a duel three years before another bearer of a historic name: Tudor Buzescu, a rich man, with money placed in plants, and mmeber on various managemetn boards. (9) Cum însă, de câţiva ani încoace, coridorul nu s-a mai ocupat vreodată complet, lucrurile au rămas aşa şi nici madama – din vara trecută, de când le-a curăţat de praful pe dinăuntru – n-a mai dat prin ele. (DA, p.159) However, since for a few years now, the corridor had never been filled completely, things remained like that and neither did the madame – starting last summer, since she cleaned the dust inside – go through them. (10) Nu ştiu dacă aţi avut vreodată această impresie, dar ori de câte ori am văzut o femeie frumoasă într-o dimineaţă de iunie, am

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crezut că ea se încheagă chiar pe loc din nelămuritul acela prea luminos al aerului îmbătător de tare. (DA, p.178) I do not know whether you have ever had that impression, but every time I saw a beautiful woman on a morning in June, I thought that she embodies herself on the spot from that confused light of the incredibly strong inebriating air. (1) Gaittany, care poseda un număr incalculabil de rubedenii în cele mai notorii familii, avea aproape zilnic pe agendă câte-o vizită de făcut. (BI, p.26) Gaittany, who had an incommesurate number of relatives in the most notorious of families, had almost daily a visit to pay marked in the agenda. (2) Sufleţel sorbea o gură de lapte, ştergându-se de frişcă pe buze, şi vâra în gură o prăjitură din mormanul de dulciuri pe care diligenta Aurora («ca Penelope de harnică», îi zicea Sufleţel) le avea zilnic în casă. (BI, p.125) Sufleţel would sip a mouthful of milk, wiping the cream from his lips, and gulping a piece of cake from the pile of sweets that the dilligent Aurora (“as industrious as Penelope”, as Sufleţel called her) had in her house on a daily basis. (3) Lucra cel mult două ore zilnic şi nu întocmise în doi ani mai mult de două coale, de care autoritatea era foarte mulţumită, deoarece Sufleţel trimisese coalele la specialişti din străinătate, care le recenzaseră cu mari laude. (BI, p.154) He was working two hours every day at best and he had not drafted in two years more than two sheets, which the authorities were pleased with, because Sufleţel had sent those sheets to specialists abroad, who had reviewed and praised them. (4) – Iese-n fiecare zi, domnule, şi dimineaţa şi după masă, aşa că a ieşit şi atunci. – Nu v-a spus unde se duce zilnic? (BI, p.168) “He goes out every day, sir, both in the morning as well as in the evening, therefore he must have gone out then as well.” “Hasn’t he told you were he goes daily?” (5) – Printre flori îmi plac crizantemele, garoafele şi trandafirii, puţin stânjeneii şi crinii roşii, care, din nefericire, nu durează. Trebuie să ai mulţi, ca să tai zilnic. (BI, p.211) “I like chrysanthemums, carnations and roses among the flowers, a little bit irises and red lilies, which, unfortunately, do not last. You need to have a lot in order to cut them daily.” (6) Creşterea bărbii îl supăra şi pretinse a fi bărbierit mai des şi a i se tăia unghiile, pe care de altfel şi le curăţa zilnic de impurităţi. (BI, p.273) The growth of his beard upset him and he claimed to be shaved more often and for his nails to be cut, which he would otherwise clean daily of impurities. (7) Gonzalv Ionescu, în ciuda forfotei celorlalţi, venea de la o vreme zilnic la Academie, cerând mormane de cărţi, de pe care îşi scotea fişe. (BI, p.281)

A SYNTACTIC APPROACH TO ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND ROMANIAN TEMPORAL AND ASPECTUAL ADVERBS

ziua, noaptea, dimineaţa, după- amiaza, seara, lunea, joia, etc

Gonzalv Ionescu, in spite of everyone else’s fretting, had been coming to the Academy every day for some time, asking for piles of books, wherefrom he made a lot of notes. (8) Un timp se mulţumi deci să treacă zilnic pe la locuinţele fostelor soţii, lucru obositor. (BI, p.283) Therefore, he contented himself to pass by his former wives’ houses every day for a while, something that was quite weary. (9) Din motive de igienă şi din plăcere paternă, Gonzalv se obişnuise a face aproape zilnic o cât de scurtă preumblare cu băieţii şi fetiţa, la şosea sau la Cişmigiu, cu care prilej le administra şi puţină instrucţie, arătându-le spre exemplu lebăda, semnalându-le păsările. (BI, p.290) Because of hygene and paternal love, Gonzalv had taken the habit of taking almost every day a short walk with the boys and the girl, on the main street or in Cişmigiu, when he took the opportunity of giving them lessons , showing them for instance the swan, pointing the birds to them. (10) Gaittany venea zilnic cu maşina, arunca un ochi spre patul unde zăcea Conţescu, apoi, înclinându-se în faţa doamnei Conţescu, îi săruta mâna şi se retrăgea zicând invariabil: (BI, p.314) Gaittany was coming by car every day, casting a glance at the bed where Conţescu was lying, then, bowing in front of madam Conţescu, he would kiss her hand and withdraw invariably saying: (1) Dar aş înnebuni să stau prea multă vreme fără să ies, fără zgomot, lumină, mese fine. Nici noaptea nu pot să dorm. (EO, p.138) But I would go insane if I sat for too long without going out, stealthily, light, fine meals. I can’t even sleep at night. (2) Lunea se sculau devreme şi plecau la muncă, tot osteniţi. (G, p.318) On Monday they would get up early and leave for work still tired. (3) Noaptea punea lanţul pe poartă şi pândea să nu-i facă zgâtia numele de ruşine. (G, p.26) At night he was putting the chain on the gate and watch for that devlish girl not to bring shame to his name. (4) De obicei, o vedetă muzicală se producea în fiecare joi, dând relief programului. (CMB, p.281) A music star would usually perform every Thursday, giving contour to the program. (5) Alteori ne înţelegeam ca dimineaţa să am eu grijă şi de-ai lui iar el să aibă după masă. (VCP, p.64) Some other times we agreed that in the morning I should take care of his and he should do that in the afternoon. (6) Acesta, din cauza lipsei de societate, nesimţindu-se bine singur, prelungea dejunul şi participa la un ceai zilnic, după amiază. (BI, p.291) Due to the lack of company, not feeling well by himself, he

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DARIA PROTOPOPESCU used to prolong lunch and take part at tea every day in the afternoon. (7) După o vreme găsi, în chiar argumentaţia domnului al cărui nume îl trecem sub tăcere, o mică fisură, în sensul că şi “realitate” e tot un cuvânt, ca şi Dumnezeu, de altfel, rezultatul unor aproximări conceptuale – deşi seara sau dimineaţa, în timp ce-şi spunea rugăciunea, lucrurile deveneau dintr-o dată mult mai simple... (SL, p.174) After a while he found, even in the argumentation of the gentleman whose name we keep to ourselves, a small breach, to the extent that even “reality” was a word, just like God, in fact, the result of certain conceptual approximations – although in the evening or in the morning, while he was saying prayers, things suddenly became much simpler… (8) Domnul Ilie ieşea seara în grădină, pe furiş, ca să nu-l vadă vecinii, şi privea dezolat cum cresc buruienile. (SL, p.178) Mr. Ilie was secretly going out in the garden in the evenings, so that his neighbours would not see him, and he looked desolate as the weeds were growing. (9) După-amiază, de la trei la cinci, dumnealui se odihneşte, iar seara după ora nouă cântă la restaurantul “Decebal”, sau, dacă e cazul, la vreo nuntă. (SL, p.182) In the afternoon, from three to five, he rests, and in the evening, after nine o’clock he sings at the “Decebal” restaurant, or, if case be, at some wedding. (10) Pe vremea aceea îl uram cu toţii, din diferite motive. Sau că ne dădea salam cu soia, sau că n-aveam meciuri la televizor, ca să nu mai spun că ne scotea şi la muncă voluntară, în fiecare duminică. Seara, înainte de a adormi, mă gândeam în fel şi chip cum i-aş putea veni de hac. (SL, p.229) Back then, we all hated him, for various reasons. Either because he was feeding us soy salami, or because there were no football games on TV, not to mention the fact that he was taking us out to do voluntary work every Sunday. In the evening, before going to sleep, I was thinking of all sorts of ways of being able to kill him.

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Literary works cited: A = Adela, Garabet Ibrăileanu, Editura Minerva, 2006 A fi sau... = A fi sau a nu fi... modern, Flavius Guiaş, Antimis Editura Virtuala AS = Aventuri solitare, Octavian Paler, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 2008 B = Basme, Petre Ispirescu, Editura Hyperion, 2010 BI = Bietul Ioanide, George Călinescu, Editura Cartea Românească, 1978 CCV = Craii de Curtea Veche, Mateiu Caragiale, Editura Minerva, 2006 CF = Copiii fiarei, C.T. Popescu, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 1998 CMB = Concert din muzică de Bach, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu, Editura de Stat pentru Literatura şi Artă, 1957 CMIDP = Cel mai iubit dintre pământeni, Marin Preda, Editura Cartex, 2008 C7RB = Cei şapte regi ai oraşului Bucureşti, Daniel Bănulescu, Editura Nemira, Bucureşti, 2001 CT = Capcana timpului, Lucian Mareş, disponibil la: www.scribd.com DA = Donna Alba, Gib Mihăescu, Editura Minerva, 2005 DN = Decameronul din Nowhershire, Mihai Rădulescu, disponibil la: www.scribd.com EFV = Erou fără voie, Petru Cimpoieşu, Editura LiterNet, 1995 EO = Enigma Otiliei, George Călinescu, Editura Eminescu, 2004 FD = Fecioarele despletite, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu, Editura Eminescu, 1982 G = Groapa, Eugen Barbu, Editura Curtea Veche, 2011 IÎ = Imposibila întoarcere, Marin Preda, Editura Curtea Veche, 2010 IV = Invitaţie la vals, Mihail Drumeş, Editura Art, 2011 JF = Jurnalul fericirii, Nicolae Steinhardt, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 2008 JP = Jurnalul de la Păltiniş, Gabriel Liiceanu, Editura Humanitas, 2008 L = Lumea, Sanda Cordoş, disponibil la: www.scribd.com LS = Luntrea sublimă, Victor Kernbach, Editura Lucman, 2001 M = Maitreyi, Mircea Eliade, Editura Humanitas, 2008 MCDN = O moarte care nu dovedeşte nimic, Anton Holban, Editura ERC Press, 2009 MM = Minima moralia, Andrei Pleşu, Editura Humanitas, 2013 N = Nostalgia, Mircea Cărtărescu, Editura Humanitas, 2013 Nu = Nu, Eugen Ionescu, Editura Humanitas, 1991 O = Orbitor, Mircea Cărtărescu, Editura Humanitas, 2007 P = Pianoman, Ştefan Caraman, Editura Paralela 45, Braşov, 2000 PDM = Pe drumuri de munte, Calistrat Hogaş, Editura Curtea Veche, 2011 PMB = Povestea marelui brigand, Petre Cimpoeşu, Editura Dacia, 2000 PS = Pădurea spânzuraţilor, Liviu Rebreanu, Editura Gramar, 2007 R = Răscoala, Liviu Rebreanu, Editura Cartex, 2006 RGA = Roşu, galben şi albastru, Ion Minulescu, Editura Minerva, 1990 RT = Război total, Victor Bucur, disponibil la: http://www.generalfiles.biz S = Scrieri, Ion Agârbiceanu, Editura pentru literatură, 1962 SFR = Schimbarea la faţă a României, Emil Cioran, Editura Humanitas, 1990 SL = Simion liftnicul, Petru Cimpoieşu, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 2011 ŢDDN = Ţara de dincolo de negură, Mihail Sadoveanu, Editura Herra, 2007 UNDINR = Ultima noapte de dragoste, întâia noapte de război, Camil Petrescu, Editura pentru literatură, 1962 VCP = Viaţa ca o pradă, Marin Preda, Editura Curtea Veche, 2010 Z = Zenobia, Gellu Naum, Editura Humanitas, 2003

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