Captives, Families or Traders: Ceramics at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico Tanya Chiykowski (Binghamton University)
[email protected]
Abstract
Results
Archaeologists in the Southwest US and Northwest Mexico use ceramics to understand the movement of people and ideas across the region. My research addresses the appearance of Hohokam plainwares at Cerro de Trincheras (CdT), Sonora, Mexico. Around AD 1300, Hohokam groups producing Sells Plain ceramics using paddle-and anvil techniques moved into the Altar Valley (Figure 1). Concurrently, 50 km further south, the population of the Middle Magdalena Valley rapidly increased, as Trinchereños (Trincheras Tradition peoples) built defensive terraced settlements. The largest site was Cerro de Trincheras a hillside village of approximately 1000 people. Here, Trinchereños potters continued to produce traditional coil-and-scrape ceramics, called Lisa 3. However, a third of the sherds archaeologists recovered were Sells Plain. Three possible explanations exist for this high frequency of Sells Plain paddle-and-anvil ceramics in the 14th century Middle Magdalena Valley: (1) Hohokam potters in the Altar Valley traded plainwares to CdT, (2) Hohokam households migrated into the Middle Magdalena Valley and produced ceramics at CdT and (3) Hohokam women moved to CdT, entering the labor pool as wives, captives or refugees. This paper evaluates these three possible explanations for intercultural interaction. Using petrography and stylistic analysis I show that the majority of Sells Plain ceramics on the cerro were locally made, and not associated with wider cultural changes, suggesting that Hohokam women moving to the site, possibly as captive or secondary wives.
Methods
Figure 1:Map of Study Area
First, I completed petrographic analysis of 31 sand samples and 240 ceramic sherds from northern Sonora. Using the criteria outlined by Miksa and Heidki (1995), I identified 400 inclusions in each petrographic slide. From the sand samples, I defined 8 petrofacies (areas of uniform sand composition). I then assigned sherds to specific petrofacies in the Altar and Middle Magdalena Valleys to determine where potters produced ceramics.
Second, I recorded observations on 137 vessels recovered from a cremation cemetery at the base of CdT. This stylistic analysis of vessels included size, shape, rim design, thickness etc. Where possible, I diagramed the scraping pattern on the interior and exterior of vessels, recording average scrape length, angle of striations and extent of overlap. This provided information on whole vessels, which is lacking from the site. Third, I reviewed excavation records (McGuire and Villalpando 2011) to complete a comprehensive analysis of technological style at CdT. This included a comparison between Hohokam and Trincheras ground stone, flaked stone, domestic and public architecture, and distribution of artifacts. The range and location of technological change provides insight into the demographics of migrants at Trincheras Tradition sites. RESEARCH POSTER PRESENTATION DESIGN © 2015
www.PosterPresentations.com
Petrography Results: Lisa 3 ceramics overwhelmingly originate in the Middle Magdalena Valley, suggesting minimal production by Trinchereñas women in the Altar Valley. Of the 4 sherds that match Altar Valley petrofacies, all came form multicomponent sites, and may predate Hohokam occupation of the valley. Potters exclusively produced Lisa 3A in the Middle Magdalena Valley. Localized production of Lisa 3A, using hybrid techniques, indicates that women of both potting traditions lived in close proximity at Trincheras sites in the Middle Magdalena Valley, confirming that Hohokam women moved to Cerro de Trincheras. The geological sourcing suggests no direct interaction between Trincheras and Hohokam potters in the Altar Valley. Women generally made and used Sells Plain ceramics at the sites they lived in, although some trade occurred. Of the Sells Plain sherds from the Altar Valley, 94% matched Altar Valley petrofacies. At Cerro de Trincheras, the majority of Sells Plain matched the petrofacies surrounding the cerro, indicating Hohokam women produced ceramics at the site. At smaller Trincheras sites in the Middle Magdalena Valley, potters used more diverse acquisition methods, both manufacturing Sells Plain locally, and trading outside the valley.
Middle Altar Valley Unknown Magdalena Petrofacies Petrofacies Petrofacies Archaeological Sites in the Middle Magdalena Valley Cerro de Lisa 3 Trincheras Lisa 3A Sells Plain Small sites Early Ceramics in valley Lisa 3
35 35 29
6
3
2
18
Lisa 3A
10
Sells Plain/Red
10
4
2
Altar Valley Archaeological Sites All sites
Early Ceramics
26
Lisa 3
7
Lisa 3A
2
Sells Plain/Red
4 36
2
Figure 2: Sherds Assigned to Petrofacies in each valley
Vessel 5-Lisa 3A Vessel 5-Lisa 3A Vessel 137- Lisa 1 Vessel 137- Lisa 1 Whole Vessel Analysis Results: Scrape patterns on Trincheras Tradition ceramics show a trend towards a more regular and systematic method of thinning vessels via scraping. Of the sample of whole vessels from the cemetery, the average scrape length on Lisa 3 vessels was 7-15 cm. Trinchereñas potters scraped at a 15˚-40˚ angle (Figure 3). In comparison, the scraping pattern on Lisa 3A is irregular and chaotic, resulting in shorter overlapping scrape marks at multiple angles (Figure 3). This suggests that Hohokam potters making it were likely imitating Trincheras technological style, and were not included in Trincheras communities of practice. Vessel 41- Lisa 3A
Vessel 137- Lisa 1
Vessel 132- Lisa 3
Vessel 5-Lisa Vessel 132Lisa 3 3A
Vessel 41- Lisa 3A Vessel 137- Lisa 1 Vessel 97-Lisa 3
Vessel 137- Lisa 1
Vessel 41- Lisa 3A Vessel 132-Vessel Lisa 3 5-Lisa 3A
Vessel 41- Lisa 3A Vessel 5-Lisa 3A Vessel 132- Lisa 3 Vessel 97-Lisa 3 Vessel 49-Lisa 3A
Vessel 49-Lisa 3A
Figure 3: Scrape marks on vessels (Each box represents a 4 x 9cm area) Box represents approximately a 4cm x 9cm area
Box represents approximately a 4cm x 9cm area
Wider Technological Style: Over all, Hohokam changes to technological style at CdT are limited to female areas of domestic production, with no wider evidence to changes Vessel 41- Lisa 3A in artifacts, architecture or distribution of technological change at the site. Vessel 132- Lisa 3 Vessel 49-Lisa 3A Vessel 97-Lisa 3 Vessel 97-Lisa 3 Vessel 49-Lisa 3A Artifacts: Trinchereños continued to produce shell jewelry using the previously developed Trincheras TraditionObservations method oftaken faceted core removal of scraping marks on Observations taken of scraping marks on for Glycymeris bracelets, rather than the Hohokam method ofinterior obliterated core they decorated interior of vessel wall. these bracelets of vessel wall.removal (Price 2012). Additionally, with rectangular scroll work imitateda 4cm from Casas pottery, rather than thex 9cm zoomorphic designs of the Hohokam (Vargas Box represents approximately x 9cm areaGrandes Polychrome Box represents approximately a 4cm area 2011). Hohokam style artifacts are limited to 5 projectile points, 2 palettes, 2 perforators and a metate delgada. Architecture: There is no clear evidence for Hohokam style constructions at the site in either domestic or ritual constructions. Trinchereños 3A prepare formal hearths, plaster floors or incorporate large post continued to build ephemeral Vessel houses. Hohokam populations,Vessel they49-Lisa did not 97-LisaUnlike 3 holes into dwelling designs. Site inhabitants continued Trincheras Tradition ritual useofofscraping hill summits Observations takenalso of scraping marks earlier on Observations taken marks onas ritual space. of similar vessel wall. interior of vessel wall. Distribution: Archaeologists interior recover concentrations of Sells Plain throughout domestic areas of the site. In excavated contexts, these Boxbetween represents27-39% approximately x 9cm assemblage area paddle-and-anvil ceramics make up of thea 4cm ceramic (Gallaga 2011). The only place with a low proportion of Sells Plain is the cremation cemetery on the north side of the cerro, where only 5 % of vessels were this type. If Hohokam potters moved as part of a larger group, we would expect enclaves, or concentrations of Sells Plain and Hohokam traits. Instead all evidence points to integration of women into Trincheras households Observations taken of scraping marks on interior of vessel wall.
Works Cited Gallaga, Emiliano Murrieta- 2011 Tepalcates Trinchereños: The Ceramic Analysis from Cerro de Trincheras. In Excavations at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico, edited by Randall McGuire and Maria Elisa Villalpando, pp. 93–110. Tucson.
Miksa, Eliabeth, and James M. Heidke1995 Drawing a Ling in the Sands: Modes of Ceramic Temper Provenience. In The Roosevelt Community Development Study: Volume 2 Ceramic Chronology, Technology and Economics, pp. 133–205. Anthropological Papers No14. Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson. Price, Mary F.2012 Ritual Crafting, Power and the Organization of Shell Ornament Production at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora Mexico. Binghamton University.
McGuire, Randall H., and Maria Elisa Villalpando 2011 Introduction. In Excavations at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico, edited by Randall McGuire and Maria Elisa Villalpando, pp. 1–40. Arizona Vargas, Victoria 2004 Shell Ornaments, Power, and the Rise of Cerro de Trincheras: Patterns through State Museum Archaeological Series 204, Tucson. Time at Trincheras Sites in the Magdalena River Valley, Sonora. In Surveying the Archaeology of 2015 War and Defense on Cerros De Trincheras in Sonora, México. American Antiquity 80(3): 429–450. Northwest Mexico, edited by Gillian Newell and Emiliano Murrieta Gallaga, pp. 65–76. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Discussion Until recently, debates about migration have assumed the large scale strategic relocation of families and communities. In contrast, I propose that women arrived at CdT through a process I term micromovement- the small scale involuntary relocation of individuals, usually women or children across community boundaries. This demographic change may have occurred by direct force (captive taking), or indirectly through the movement of refugee wives. McGuire and Villalpando (2015) discuss the evidence for endemic warfare in northern Sonora at this time. Supporting micro-movement at Cerro de Trincheras: 1) Petrography: Sells Plain ceramics made with sands from the Middle Magdalena valley demonstrate that Hohokam potters produced pottery at CdT. In contrast, there is minimal petrographic evidence for Trinchereñas living in Hohokam villages moving to the Altar Valley, suggesting that women moved in one direction, from Hohokam settlements into Trincheras sites. 2) Artifact Distribution: Once at CdT, Hohokam women integrated into Trincheras household, rather than forming their own domiciles. There was no change to domestic architecture, ritual, or daily activities such as stone tool production and shell jewelry manufacture. The restriction of change to female only activities further supports that Hohokam women alone, not families/groups, entered CdT. 3) Visibility: In a new community, outside of kin protection, these Hohokam women filled the role of secondary wives, deemphasizing their outsider identity at Trincheras sites. Decorated wares are exceedingly rare, and usually originated outside of the valley. Some Hohokam women attempted to blend into their adopted society by imitating Trincheras coil-andscrape ceramics. At CdT we see the impact of warfare on the Hohokam women at the site. While important cultural conduits, these women were at a social disadvantage. The distribution of Sells Plain suggests Hohokam women at the site did not form their own households, and instead integrated into Trinchereños domestic units, sometimes imitating Trincheras technological style creating Lisa 3A. Despite these attempts to adopt new lifeways, their contributions to Trincheras society may have been less valued. Community members used fewer vessels in ritual locations such as the cremation cemetery. Overall, Hohokam women forced to the site by endemic violence were socially disadvantaged, and second class citizens at the site.
Acknowledgements: This project was the result of much intellectual, logistical and financial support. Funding for research came from the National Science Foundation (Award DDIG # 1119716), and the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society. Much of the initial analysis occurred while at the Amerind Foundation as a visiting researcher. Both Elisa Villalpando (INAH Sonora) and Dr. Randal McGuire (Binghamton University), have generously shared access to collections, research and academic advice. INAH allowed analysis of materials. Many, many other researchers have taken the time to listen, critique and provide valuable feedback during the research process. Thank you to all involved in this project development!
