East Indies, West Indies: Garcia de Orta and the Spanish Treatises on Exotic Materia Medica, in: Palmira Fontes da Costa, ed. Medicine, Trade and Empire: Garcia de Orta’s Colloquies on the Simples and Drugs of India in Context, Farnham, Ashgate, 2015: pp. 195-212.

Chapter 10

East Indies, West Indies: Garcia de Orta and the Spanish Treatises on Exotic Materia Medica1

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The arrival of the first copies of the Colóquios in the Iberian Peninsula marked an important change in the orientation of the study of spices and exotic materia medica. For the next 15 years the Iberian presses proved to be highly active in publishing various works on the subject, some of which rapidly achieved considerable success on the European market, to judge from the number of translations and editions to which they gave rise. This boom provoked by the arrival of the Colóquios appears to have stopped suddenly in 1580, the year of the unification of the Portuguese and Spanish Crowns in the person of Philip II. It could be said that the Hispanic imperial agenda on the communication of knowledge of materia medica deriving from the overseas territories was modified by the arrival of the work of Garcia de Orta and that, after 15 years of a policy of encouraging the circulation of that material, the unification of the Crowns brought with it a further change in that imperial agenda by blocking the continuity of that circulation, at least as far as printed works are concerned. The aim of this chapter is to analyse the works produced in the Iberian Peninsula during that 15-year period in order to demonstrate not only the importance and influence of the work of Garcia de Orta, but also the direct or indirect link between the Crown and publishing ventures during those years and the consequent silence that was imposed from 1580 on. The recent historiography on the imperial policies of the Iberian kingdoms and their significant intervention in the circulation of the knowledge that flowed from their overseas expansion and the scientific and technical challenges

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Funding for this research was provided by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Innovation [Cultura médica novohispana: circulación atlántica, recepción y apropiaciones, HAR2012–36102-C0201], and the Charles H. Watts Memorial Fellowship awarded by the John Carter Brown Library, Providence RI. My thanks go to Florike Egmond for her comments on this text and to Peter Mason for his help with the English version. 1

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it posed2 enables us to fit this episode into the general framework of the processes of knowledge communication in a specific political conjuncture and in an area that held an undeniable strategic and economic interest, not only for the Hispanic monarchy but also for global commercial trade.3 The consequences of the expansion of the Portuguese and Castilian transoceanic world trade in spices and exotic materia medica were already very evident in the mid-sixteenth century. Aside from what this meant for the merchants of the traditional routes before Iberian globalization, Portugal and Castile were competing mercantile powers in certain parts of the globe, while they were fated to be allies in others. At the time of the Colóquios, the basic interest of the Spanish and Portuguese was in the products of the East Indies, especially when, after 1565, the Spanish managed to open up the transpacific route between the Philippines and Acapulco thanks to the Manila Galleon. In spite of the great interest in the materia medica from the West Indies, it occupied second place. This was not only because of the enormous gap in the economic value of the spices and materia medica from the two Indies; it was also due to the importance that the study of Eastern materia medica had in the intellectual tradition of the European universities, where it had been present for centuries in the works that had been studied by scholars. I know that the topic is too broad to be covered properly here, but I do believe that it is historiographically relevant. The imperial programme included not only the strategic and geopolitical interests of the Spanish Crown, but also the cultural and symbolic interests of the Catholic monarchy of Philip II, shared by the elite of university physicians and surgeons. These interests are clearly demonstrated by the appearance of the works of three authors with different backgrounds, projects and intentions, although all of them fitted in one way or another into the imperial project of King Philip II. At least, this was the case until 1580, when the incorporation of the kingdom of Portugal in the ‘universal Catholic monarchy’ incarnated by Philip necessitated a redrawing of the strategies for the promotion of certain works on exotic materia medica, as indicated above. The first of the three works that best reflect the immediate impact that the work of Garcia da Orta produced in the Iberian peninsula is the Medicinal History of Things Taken from West India which Serve in the Use of Medicine, published

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2 Palmira Fontes da Costa and Henrique Leitão, ‘Portuguese imperial science: A historiographical review’, in Daniela Bleichmar, Paula de Vos and K. Huffine (eds), Science, Power and the Order of Nature in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires (Stanford, 2008), pp. 35–53; Timothy Walker, ‘Acquisition and circulation of medical knowledge within the early modern Portuguese empire’, Ibid., pp. 247–70; Antonio Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature. The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution (Austin, 2006). 3 Merchants & Marvels. Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe, eds Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen (Philadelphia, 2002); Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan, Colonial Botany. Science, Commerce and Politics (Philadelphia, 2005).

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in Seville by Nicolás Monardes in three parts between 1565 (only two years after Orta’s edition appeared in Goa) and 1574.4 The second work that interests us here was published two years earlier than the latter date: the Discourses on the Aromatic Things, Trees, Fruits, and Many other Simple Medicines that are Brought Over from the Eastern Indies that are Useful in Medicine by Juan Fragoso, published in Madrid in 1572.5 The third work is the Treatise on the Drugs and Medicines of the East Indies, with the Plants Drawn from Life by Cristóbal de Acosta, published in Burgos in 1578, just 15 years after the publication of the Colóquios.6 As I have suggested, it can hardly be fortuitous that precisely these three works were published within a period of no more than 15 years after the publication of the Colóquios and the opening up of the transpacific route by the Spaniards. Within the limits of the room available in this chapter, I shall try to examine the contexts in which these three works were produced and the profiles of their three authors. I shall also propose to interpret them within the complicated interaction of political, commercial and cultural interests of the Portuguese and Castilian Crowns during these 15 years that were so crucial for the futures of both of them. As Teresa Nobre de Carvalho pointed out in a paper published a few years ago, historians (including the most pro-Portuguese) have given the credit for the European circulation of Orta’s work to the editions of the Colóquios prepared by Clusius. It should also be acknowledged that Jaime Walter was the first Portuguese historian who stressed the importance of Cristovão da Costa’s work and its differences from the Colóquios in a long article published in 1963: ‘Por tudo o que atrás expusemos depreende-se que a obra de Cristovão da Costa não pode de modo algum ser considerada nem um resumo, nem uma

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Nicolás Monardes, Dos libros. El uno trata de todas las cosas que traen de nuestras Indias occidentales que sirven al uso de Medicina y cómo se ha de usar la rayz de Mechoacan, purga excelentíssima. El otro libro trata de dos medicinas maravillosas que son contra todo veneno: la piedra Bezaar y la yerva Escurçonera, Sevilla, en casa de Sebastián Trugillo; Segunda parte del Libro de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias occidentales que sirven al uso de la Medicina. Do se trata del Tabaco y de la Sassafras y del Carlo Sancto y de otras muchas yervas y Plantas, Simientes y Licores …, Sevilla, en casa de Alonso Escribano, 1571; Primera y Segunda y Tercera partes de la Historia Medicinal de las Cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven en Medicina (Sevilla, 1574). 5 Juan Fragoso, Discursos de las cosas Aromáticas, árboles y frutales, y de otras muchas medicinas simples que se traen de la India Oriental, y sirven al uso de medicina (Madrid, 1572). 6 Cristóbal de Acosta [Christovão da Costa], Tratado de las Drogas y Medicinas de las Indias Orientales con sus Plantas debuxadas al bivo … en el qual se verifica mucho de lo que escrivió el Doctor Garcia de Orta (Burgos, 1578). 4

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cópia, nem uma tradução dos Colóquios’.7 However, this is a reductive view of the European fortune of the Colóquios, because it fails to take into account the particular Iberian circulation in Spanish and in a form independent of that of Clusius, though chronologically parallel to it, as Table 10.1 tries to show. Nobre de Carvalho stated clearly that the works of Garcia de Orta, Juan Fragoso and Cristóbal de Acosta played a decisive role in the management of natural resources in the Iberian empires, in fact much more than had hitherto been revealed.8 The novelties that Orta’s work offered the Iberian reader were set within a complex discussion that presupposed a profound knowledge of both the GrecoRoman classical tradition and the medieval Islamic tradition. An intellectual product like this immediately attracted the attention of physicians, surgeons and apothecaries throughout the Peninsula, not only of those like Fragoso and Acosta who were interested specifically in the products of the East Indies, but also of other writers of treatises who were in principle interested in American medicines. Monardes’s Historia medicinal (Seville, 1565–74)

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It may seem surprising to include a work explicitly devoted to the materia medica of the West Indies to demonstrate the impact of the work of Garcia da Orta. However, I think that Monardes’s work should be situated in the context of the changes of strategy and interest experienced by traders in exotic materia medica of the two Iberian kingdoms. These changes were due not only to the opening up of the Manila Galleon route in 1565, but also to the direct efforts of the monarchy to stimulate the trade in spices and medicinal simples from America, as formulated in the instructions given to Francisco Hernández in January 1570 to go and explore the medicinal herbs, first in New Spain and subsequently in Peru.9 This is why Table 10.1 includes the key dates of the Hernández expedition, since we believe that it is inseparably connected with the editorial production of these years and with the imperial programme on the overseas trade in medicinal simples.

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Jaime Walter, ‘Os Colóquios de Garcia de Orta no Tractado de las drogas de Cristovão da Costa’, Garcia de Orta, 11 (1963): 799–832, cf. p. 832. 8 Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, ‘A apropriação de Colóquios dos simples de Garcia de Orta por dois médicos ibéricos de Quinhentos’, in Palmira Fontes da Costa and Adelino Cardoso (eds), Percursos na História do Livro Médico, 1450–1800 (Lisbon, 2011), pp. 59–72. 9 José Toribio Medina, Biblioteca hispano-americana (1493–1810) (Santiago de Chile, 1900), vol. 2, pp. 293–4. The English translation of the document could be consulted in: The Mexican Treasury. The Writings of Dr. Francisco Hernández, ed. Simon Varey (Stanford, 2000), pp. 46–7. On Hernández expedition, see also: José M. López Piñero and José PardoTomás, La influencia de Francisco Hernández en la constitución de la botánica y la materia médica modernas (Valencia, 1996), pp. 35–52. 7

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On the other hand, the Historia medicinal taken as a whole offers, as we shall see, some features that suggest that Monardes rapidly became familiar with the work of Garcia da Orta, even without the evidence of the explicit citations from his work. But let us first briefly consider the context of production of the Historia medicinal with a sketch of its author.10 Nicolás Monardes was born in Seville, around 1508. His parents were an Italian bookseller and Ana de Alfaro, daughter of the physician and surgeon Martín de Alfaro. In 1533, Monardes graduated in medicine from the University of Alcalá de Henares. After returning to Seville, he did his practical training with Garcia Pérez de Morales, whose daughter Catalina he married in 1537. They had seven children, four of whom moved to America. Before he published the first part of his Historia medicinal, Monardes practised medicine in Seville for more than 30 years. This medical experience allowed him to acquire social prestige and economic prosperity, enabling him to pursue his other main activities: the business related to overseas commerce. Monardes’s commercial activities had been connected with America since 1533, but the prosperity of the enterprise seems to have declined from 1563 onwards when his business partner died. Four years later, pursued by his creditors, Monardes took refuge in the Regina Coeli monastery in Seville to evade prison. From there he negotiated a solution to his bankruptcy with the authorities, promising terms of payment of the almost 25 million maravedis owed. This gained him time, and at the end of 1568 or the beginning of 1569 they released him. Monardes may have used the publication of the Historia medicinal, initiated precisely in those years, as a way to diversify his sources of income. The first part of the Historia medicinal, published in 1565, was dedicated to the archbishop of Seville. The work was divided into four sections. These covered: resins; purges; ‘three medicines acclaimed throughout the world’ (guaiacum, the root of China, also found in America, and the American spices of sarsaparilla); and Peruvian balsam (a substitute for the balsam known to classical authors).

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10 José M. López Piñero, ‘Introducción’, in Nicolás Monardes (ed.), La Historia Medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales (1565–1574) (Madrid, 1989), pp. 13–22. On Monardes, see also: Daniela Bleichmar, ‘Books, Bodies, and Fields: Sixteenth-Century Transatlantic Encounters with New World Materia Medica’, in Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan (eds), Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics (Philadelphia, 2004), pp. 83–99; and José Pardo-Tomás, ‘Two glimpses of America from a distance: Carolus Clusius and Nicolás Monardes’, in Florike Egmond, Paul Hoftijzer and Rob Visser (eds), Carolus Clusius. Towards a Cultural History of a Renaissance Naturalist (Amsterdam, 2007), pp. 173–93.

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The success of the publication prompted a second edition four years later in 1569.11 However, as new informants gave Monardes pieces of roots, seeds from plants with marvellous effects, or simply related a cure due to a singular remedy, the author wrote a second part of the treatise, published in 1571 and dedicated to King Philip II, into which these spontaneous testimonies flowed. The second part of Historia medicinal began with an in-depth study of tobacco (the frontispiece of the edition bore an engraving of the plant) and continued with three long chapters on sassafras, carlo santo and Indian caustic barley respectively. The remainder of the book offered complementary notes to the chapters of the first part on sarsaparilla, resins and purges. The third part, dedicated to Pope Gregory XIII, was printed three years later in 1574, together with a re-edition of the first and second parts. This third part included complementary additions and notes concerning products described in the previous parts, and also the Diálogo del hierro. This text has recently attracted the attention of Ralph Bauer, who stresses how the treatise assumes the form of a dialogue between the author and the apothecary Bernardino de Burgos, certainly a person known to Clusius, who had died in Seville shortly before being turned by Monardes into a character in his work. Bauer states:

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Monardes’s immediate inspiration seems to have been Orta’s materia medica about East India. As does the character of ‘Orta’ in Orta’s text, the ‘Doctor’ in Monardes’s Diálogo resembles the author himself, presented in the image of the Humanist scholar who combines an interest in theory and book knowledge on the one hand with the practice of medicine on the other.12

I agree with Bauer’s statement. Nevertheless, I consider that the influence of the Colóquios of Orta on the Historia medicinal is not confined to the adoption of the dialogue form in its final parts.13 I think that the form in which Monardes assembled and organized the information about American materia medica in the entire Historia medicinal shows quite clearly the adoption of ideas and concepts discussed in Orta’s Colóquios, his method of work, his sources of information and his opinion

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Nicolás Monardes, Dos libros, el uno que trata de todas las cosas que traen de nuestras Indias occidentales, que sirve al uso de la Medicina, y el otro que trata de la Piedra Bezaar y de la Yerva Escurçonera (Sevilla, en casa de Hernando Díaz, 1569). 12 Ralph Bauer, ‘The Blood of the Dragon: Alchemy and Natural History in Nicolás Monardes’s Historia medicinal ’, in John Slater, María Luz López-Terrada and José PardoTomás (eds), Medical Cultures of the Early Modern Spanish Empire (Farnham, 2014), pp. 90–122, here p. 115; in the preceding pages (pp. 112–14) Bauer sets the publishing of the second part of the Historia medicinal within the production of the bookseller Alonso Escribano in a way that is very relevant to the aims of the present study. 13 On the use of the dialogic format in the Colloquies, see Ines Županov’s chapter in this volume. 11

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on Indian knowledge about medicinal plants. Monardes’s continual reference to 1 nuestras Indias implies the presence, albeit a silent one, of the other Indies, that is, 2 the Portuguese Indies. Besides, he undeniably makes use of a terminology (anime, 3 ámbar, incienso, bálsamo, palo, pimienta) taken from Eastern materia medica. In 4 fact, Monardes made no secret of his claim to make room for American products 5 in the European therapeutic arsenal, based as it was to a large extent on the use 6 of products from the East. Monardes saw the West Indies as a vast (and, from a 7 Spanish point of view, more accessible) medicinal ‘kingdom of substitutes’. 8 This view of American nature as a place to commercially exploit substitutes 9 for the Eastern products seems quite plausible in the case of Monardes. When 10 we turn to Fragoso, this interpretation becomes incontestable. 11

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Juan Fragoso was born in Toledo in 1530 and died in Madrid in 1597. Like Monardes, but two decades later, he studied in Alcalá de Henares, where he graduated in medicine in 1552. Fragoso’s intellectual and professional profile resembles that of other university physician-surgeons who combined surgical skill with medical practice. This was only possible where there was a solid university teaching of surgery, as in many university cities in the South of Europe. After graduating, Fragoso practised surgery and medicine in Seville before moving to Madrid in 1570, where he became surgeon to the Spanish court. The current biographies of Fragoso14 make him responsible from the first for Queen Anne of Austria, Philip’s fourth wife, but there are some doubts about the chronology; the couple married in May 1570 by proxy, as the queen resided in Prague and did not arrive in Madrid until the end of the year. On the other hand, it is all the more surprising that Fragoso did not dedicate his Discursos, published in 1572, to Queen Anne, but to Johanna of Austria, Philip’s sister and the mother of D. Sebastian, King of Portugal. I think that Fragoso was summoned to court and entered the group of surgeons responsible for the care of the royal family, but that his charge was not Anne of Austria but Johanna, at least down to Johanna’s death in 1573. From then on, he may have passed into the service of the queen, who lived until 1580. It is certain that Anne died on the way to Lisbon, where her husband Philip II was going to be crowned King of Portugal. I find the dedication of the Discursos of Fragoso to Princess Johanna

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José Luis Fresquet Febrer, Juan Fragoso y los Discursos de las cosas aromáticas, 1572 (Valencia, 2002), pp. 7–12; Sagrario Muñoz Calvo, ‘El medicamento en la Medicina de Cámara de Felipe II: protagonismo de Juan Fragoso’, in Francisco J. Campos (ed.), La ciencia en el Monasterio del Escorial: actas del Simposium (El Escorial, 1993), vol. 1, pp. 243–74; on Fragoso, see also: Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, ‘O olhar abrangente de Juan Fragoso sobre o mundo natural exótico’, Revista Oriente, 19 (2004): 27–43. 14

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1 highly indicative of the strategic significance of the work at that moment for 2 the powerful Portuguese party in the Madrid court. It enables us to formulate 3 the hypothesis that access to Orta’s work on the part of Fragoso must have been 4 connected with his proximity to the entourage of Johanna of Austria. Although Fragoso’s work has frequently been treated as a mere copy of the 5 6 Colóquios of Orta, a reading of any of the Discursos immediately reveals that it 7 is far from being just that. Fragoso certainly took the Colóquios to incorporate 8 practically all the information that they contain, but what he had in mind was 9 something different. He carried out three main changes to the work of Orta. In the first place, Fragoso abandons the form of the dialogue as a rhetorical 10 11 device to expound the discussions and information regarding each of the 12 products, adopting instead the form of a discurso or short treatise in which the 13 author directly expounds those discussions and information while stating his 14 own opinion, generally based on the authority of his own practice and his own 15 reading. Second, Fragoso conducts a systematic covering up of the information 16 taken directly from the Colóquios by using the rhetorical device of imprecision 17 regarding the identity of the authentic subject of the statement: hence the use of 18 such phrases as ‘the writers of those regions’, ‘those who have been in those parts’, 19 ‘as a contemporary said’. Third, Fragoso attaches importance, when the material 20 under discussion allows it, to indicating the existence of similar products or ones 21 with similar properties in America. These three strategies are evident in each and 22 every one of the 70 texts that form the Discursos. A close reading leaves not the slightest doubt regarding the use of the 23 Colóquios as the main source of Fragoso’s knowledge about the drugs from the 24 25 East Indies. The work even follows the alphabetical order of the Colóquios (on 26 the other hand, an order criteria which had a long tradition in materia medica 27 treatises). The Discursos are arranged in accordance with the products of the 28 East Indies; in that respect, the title is coherent. But within the discussion of 29 a determinate Eastern product, Fragoso often includes the study of a product 30 from the West Indies. And here the work of Monardes is equally used in an 31 almost systematic way for the 50 or so products from America. Fragoso explains 32 to the reader the role played by the American products in his work: 33 As a man who from childhood has had an inclination towards this faculty of the 34 medicinal simples, I will discuss those that have come to us from the East Indies, 35 and add some from the New World which seemed worthy of comparison because 36 of some similarity and affinity.15 37 38 39 15 ‘Acordé rodear el caso de entendimiento y, como hombre desde pequeño inclinado 40 a esta facultad de las medicinas simples, descurrir por las que tenemos venidas de la India 41 Oriental, y añadir algunas del nuevo mundo, que me pareció juntarlas con aquellas por tener 42 alguna similitud y afinidad’. Fragoso, Discursos, ‘Epistola’, f. 2v.

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This is not the place to offer an analysis of each and every one of his examples.16 1 Still, it may be useful to consider how the strategy of hiding the dependence 2 of the Discursos on the works of Garcia de Orta and Monardes is reflected in 3 the para-text of the Madrid edition. Fragoso does not even cite Monardes once, 4 nor does the physician of Seville appear in the list of authorities at the start 5 of the work. As for Garcia de Orta, on the one hand Fragoso does include a 6 certain ‘Orta Lusitana’ in the list of authorities cited in the Discursos; on the 7 other hand, however, the ‘Table of most important things’ at the end of the work 8 confirms that this is ‘Orta, autor de la India’, who is cited only once and then in a 9 critical manner (‘is criticised’, in the words of the index). The index refers to the 10 following passage from the first discourse on amber: 11

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In assessing the various opinions, a writer of the East Indies concludes that the truest opinion of all is that it is mineral. … I hold it to be certain and the most in conformity with reason that amber is a bitumen that originates from certain springs …17

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The Discursos are, in my view, convincing proof in favour of the thesis regarding the greater importance attached by the European authors from these central decades of the sixteenth century to materia medica from the East. In fact, Fragoso had no doubts about affirming the superior quality of the oriental products by comparison with their American counterparts. In reality, as we have indicated, Fragoso is even more emphatic than Monardes in treating the materia medica from America as a substitute for that deriving from the East. In this sense, it does not seem fortuitous that Fragoso was to publish in 1575, only three years after the Discursos, another work entitled De Succedaneis Medicamentis. This work was dedicated to the controversies regarding classical medical simples and the alternatives (succedanea) that various Arab and Christian authors had suggested to compensate their short supply or absence in pharmacies from the Middle Ages until the Renaissance era, when the Iberian voyages managed to reconnect with the sources of supply of some of those products.18 Finally, in my view, Fragoso’s strategy was intended to serve the interests of the Spanish Crown and its aspirations for the union with Portugal. In 1573,

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16 They are, however, systematically dealt with by Fresquet Febrer, Juan Fragoso y los Discursos de las cosas aromáticas, pp. 15–135. 17 ‘Haziendo censura un escritor de la India Oriental entre los pareceres dichos concluye que la más verdadera opinión de todas es que sea mineral … Yo tengo por cierto, y por cosa más conforme a razón, ser el ámbar betun que mana de ciertas fuentes …’: Fragoso, Discursos, ff. 2r–33. 18 Juan Fragoso, De succedaneis medicamentis liber denuo auctus (Mantua [that is, Madrid], Excudebat Petrus Cosin, 1575).

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only months after the granting of the royal license for the publication of the 1 Discursos, these aspirations were expressed by the pressure put by Philip II on 2 his nephew the king of Portugal to marry a Spanish princess. Barely five years 3 later, the death of D. Sebastian in Alcazarquivir was to replace this pressure by 4 the open intention of the Spanish king to be crowned in Lisbon and to unite 5 in his person the two Iberian colonial empires. As we know, he achieved this 6 in 1580. And this was to have immediate consequences for the case that we are 7 discussing here. 8 But before commenting on this, we must consider the third of the works 9 directly related to the impact of the Colóquios in Iberian territory. 10 Acosta’s Tractado (Burgos, 1578)

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Six years after the publication of the Discursos of Juan Fragoso, and only four after the first edition that brought together the three parts of the Historia medicinal of Monardes, the Tratado on the medicines of the East Indies was published in Spanish by the Portuguese physician Cristóvão da Costa, or as he was called in Spain, Cristóbal de Acosta. The title page explicitly states how Acosta’s work ‘verifies much of what doctor Garcia da Orta wrote’.19 On the other hand, one of the great novelties of the work is that it included up to 47 woodcuts of plants on each page based on drawings from life by the author himself, as Cristóbal de Acosta had travelled in the East Indies and had been able to see ‘with his own eyes’, as the title puts it, the medicinal products that he now described in his Tractado.20 So we have direct experience in the field, the ability to provide the work with an iconographical apparatus,21 and recognition of the importance of the work of Garcia da Orta: three significant differences from the mode of appropriation of the Colóquios that Fragoso had carried out six years earlier in his Discursos. This recognition given by Acosta to the authority of ‘doctor Orta’ contrasts sharply with the deliberate silence that Fragoso observes with regard to the author of the Colóquios. As though intending to give Fragoso a taste of his own medicine, Acosta mentions the author of the Discursos only once, in his discussion of sandalwood, and although he treats Fragoso as ‘very learned’,

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19 ‘En el qual se verifica mucho de lo que escrivió el Doctor García de Orta’: Acosta, Tratado de las Drogas, frontispiece. 20 ‘debuxadas al bivo por Cristóbal de Acosta médico y cirujano que las vio ocularmente’: Ibid. 21 It is pertinent to remember that Clusius was critical of Cristovão da Costa illustrations. See: Sachico Kusukawa, ‘Uses of pictures in printed books: The case of Clusius’ Exoticorum libri decem’, in F. Egmond, P. Hoftizer and R. Visser (eds), Carolus Clusius, pp. 221–46 [pp. 225–6].

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he does not fail to cast doubt on Fragoso’s capacity to distinguish between the two principal types of sandalwood.22 As for Monardes, Acosta mentions him a couple of times in the corresponding chapters on bezoar and amber.23 And Clusius? Acosta does not mention the name of Clusius in the whole of the Tractado; however, a reading of some of his chapters makes it almost impossible to imagine that Acosta had not read Clusius’s comments on the work of Orta, as already pointed out by Jaime Walter many years ago.24 Finally, it is important to emphasize how Acosta frequently drew on the commentaries of Amato Lusitano on Dioscorides to develop his discussion of certain plants already treated in the work of Orta.25 Acosta the African, as he was called, was born in Portuguese Africa, but we do not know exactly where. He trained as a physician in a university in Castile, but we do not know which one either. These and other biographical uncertainties are consistent with a family background of Jewish conversos, but we do not know whether that was really the case.26 However that may be, Acosta appears in Goa in September 1568 in the retinue of the Viceroy of India, Luís de Ataíde (1517–80). Between the end of 1568 and mid-1572, the dates of Ataíde’s first period of office in India, Acosta moved between Goa, Cochin and other places on the Malabar Coast:

‘Y el muy docto Iuan Fragoso, que dize in suo de aromat. … que de los Sándalos el mejor es el Cetrino, que todos los otros …’: Acosta, Tratado de las Drogas, p. 170. 23 ‘También los ay [bezoars] en las Indias Occidentales, según refiere Pedro de Osma en la carta que embió al Doctor Monardes …’, Acosta, Tratado de las Drogas, p. 154. And at the end of the chapter on amber: ‘El que más particularidades quisiere ver del Ambar, lea lo que del escrive el Doctor Monardes, en la segunda parte de su libro’: Ibid., p. 219. 24 Jaime Walter, ‘Introdução’, in Cristóvão da Costa, Tratado das drogas e medicinas das Índias Orientais … versão portuguesa com introdução e notas do Jaime Walter (Lisboa, 1964), pp. i–xv. On Clusius’s intervention in the work of Orta, see Egmond’s chapter in this volume. 25 Amatus Lusitanus, In Dioscoridis Anazarbei de medica materia libros qvinqve … (Argentorati, excudebat Wendelinus Rihelius, 1554). On Amato Lusitano, see António Manuel Lopes Andrade, ‘De Antuérpia a Ferrara: o caminho de Amato Lusitano e da sua família’, Cadernos da Cultura. Medicina na Beira interior da Pré-história ao século XXI, 25 (2011): 7–14; João Alves Dias, Amato Lusitano e a sua Obra: séculos XVI e XVII (Lisboa, 2011). See also António Andrade’s contribution to this volume in Chapter 8. 26 Raúl Rodríguez Nozal and Antonio González Bueno, El Tratado de las Drogas de Cristóbal Acosta (Burgos, 1578). Utilidad comercial y materia médica de las Indias Orientales en la Europa renacentista (Madrid, 2000), pp. 13–26; Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, ‘Imagens do mundo natural asiático na obra botánica de Cristóvâo da Costa’, Revista de Cultura, 20 (2006): 28–39. 22

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In the East Indies I met Doctor Garcia da Orta, a Portuguese physician and a serious man of rare and original intellect … In those parts of Asia he wrote a book in Portuguese called Colloquios …27

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This declaration of having met the author of the Colóquios, placed at the beginning of the work, doubtless serves to give more authority to Acosta’s words than to those of his predecessors.28 However, time and again in the course of his work, it is his own personal experience in India to which Acosta appeals. This experience was based on his medical practice in the Royal Hospital of the Holy Cross in Cochin, on the maintenance of a garden where he cultivated what he had collected during his botanizing in various regions and on the drawings and descriptions of plants of the Malabar Coast that he subsequently had engraved for the Tractado. We know nothing about the life of Acosta between his return to Europe in mid-1572 and his first appointment as city physician of Burgos in 1576, although his contract states that he had already been practising for ‘a while’ in the city.29 After working for the city for two years, he found the opportunity to publish his work, which is, significantly, dedicated to the Council of Burgos. Acosta’s intellectual ambition, his decision to live in Castile and to publish his work in Spanish and the support of a city like Burgos go a long way to explaining how the Tractado is inserted in the Spanish imperial programme for the control and running of the commercial routes of exotic materia medica. But there is something more that we know thanks to the existence of the contract for the publication of the work.30 Juan de la Presa, an heir of the rich merchant Francisco de la Presa, who had died shortly before, invested a considerable sum of money in the publication. One of the activities of the de la Presa commercial enterprise was its participation in the privilege for printing ‘new prayer books’ for Castile and the ‘Y encontré en las Indias Orientales con el Doctor Garcia de Orta, médico Portugués, y varón grave, de raro y peregrino ingenio: cuyos loores dexo para mejor occasión por ser tantos … El qual compuso en quellas partes de la Asia un libro en lengua Portuguesa, intitulado Colloquios …’: Acosta, Tratado de las Drogas, ‘Al lector’, ff. 4v–5r. 28 Although it is very unlikely that Orta and Acosta have met. In Orta’s biography by Augusto da Silva Carvalho, still the most complete available and based on documents from the Inquisition, he says that ‘the date of his death is unknown. All that is known is that as his sister Catarina [in 1568] referred to several events that followed his death … it is legitimate to suppose that his death oc-curred in the first six months of 1568’, Augusto da Silva Carvalho, ‘Garcia de Orta’. Revista da Universidade de Coimbra, 13 (1934): 64 [61–246]. 29 Joaquín Olmedilla y Puig, Estudio histórico de la vida y escritos del sabio médico, botánico y escritor del siglo XVI, Cristóbal de Acosta (Madrid, 1899), pp. 89–90. 30 Rodríguez Nozal and González Bueno, El Tratado de las Drogas, pp. 157–8. 27

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West Indies. These were missals, breviaries and books of prayers that had to be printed in thousands after the reforms approved by the Council of Trent in 1563. The printer Martín de Victoria, who appears in the frontispiece of the work of Acosta, worked for years in the print shops that Presa assembled in Burgos, but in the few years between the death of Presa and the financial disaster that his son and heir Juan de la Presa inflicted on the company, the printer signed four works with his name, including the Tractado of Acosta.31 Another detail that we know thanks to the contract between Presa and Acosta is that the work was printed in an edition of 1,650 copies.32 This is a truly high figure, not only by the standards of Castile, but also for other centres for the production of books of this kind. It should be borne in mind that the Plantijn editions of Clusius were of 1,200 copies.33 So the commercial ambition behind the publication of the Tractado was no less than that of the Historia medicinal of Monardes, and its direct political implications in the policy of the Catholic monarchy of Philip II are as obvious as those of the Discursos of Juan Fragoso. The interest of the city of Burgos in participating in the work of its city physician also assumes an economic as well as an undeniable political component. On the other hand, Acosta’s good relations with the city council lasted for a decade until in 1587 the widowed author decided to withdraw from the world and to become a hermit.34 This is not the place to consider this interesting spiritual drift of Acosta, but we are bound to note that it was not an uncommon biographical profile in the Iberian world: a young soldier who works in surgery and medicine, develops a keenness for the observation of nature, produces works, tries to open up a place for himself in the intellectual debate and ends up in retreat from the world, having recourse to spiritual motives and wishing to prepare his soul for salvation.35

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Mercedes Fernández Valladares, La imprenta en Burgos, 1501–1600 (Madrid, 2005), pp. 1167–71. 32 López Mata, La ciudad y castillo de Burgos (Burgos, 1950), p. 265. 33 See Chapter 9 by Florike Egmond in this volume. 34 Rodríguez Nozal and González Bueno, El Tratado de las Drogas, pp. 20–26. In his later years, Acosta wrote and published two books on spiritual and moral issues: Cristóbal de Acosta, Tratado en contra y pro de la vida solitaria (Venice, 1587) dedicated to Philip II; and Tratado en loor de las mugeres (Venice, 1592) dedicated to the Infanta Catherine Michele, King’s daughter. 35 The most prominent case is undoubtedly Benito Arias Montano (1527–98), who retired in 1584, three years before Acosta. 31

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Conclusion

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To conclude, I would like to return to an aspect already touched on: the fact that the year 1580 marks the end of this phase of Iberian imperial policy regarding the circulation of works on exotic materia medica. After 15 years of intense and varied production of the works of Orta, Monardes, Fragoso and Acosta, from 1580 onward there is an abrupt cessation in publishing activity, in contrast with the continued diffusion of the works of those four authors elsewhere in Europe, as can be seen in the chronological Table 10.1, which also shows how this hiatus affected the plans to publish the material brought back from the expedition of Francisco Hernández in Mexico. In my view, this abrupt change which put an end to the re-editions of the Historia medicinal of Monardes and to any possibility of re-editing the other two works on the subject should be connected with the unification of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns in that same year 1580. This fact imposed the need to reconsider how to tackle the subject of exotic materia medica in its geopolitical, commercial and strictly medical aspects in the changed situation. The Iberian unification beneath the sceptre of the universal Catholic monarchy that would last for the next 60 years called for new strategies regarding a question that could no longer be posed in the same terms.36 However, as we have just indicated, the circulation of the works of Orta, Fragoso, Monardes and Acosta elsewhere in Europe continued on an ever larger scale and in ever more diverse ways. Besides Clusius’s publishing venture there were already Italian translations in the 1580s, followed by translations into English, French and even Latin independent of the Clusian versions.37 So without a doubt the theme continued to arouse interest on the old continent, even if the press in the Iberian kingdom was reluctant to continue publishing these authors for the time being. The question of the causes of this attitude, which was to continue at least down to the second decade of the seventeenth century, remains open, as it has not yet been satisfactorily answered by historians. Although it is not the purpose of this chapter to answer it either, we cannot refrain from advancing a hypothesis regarding the importance that some of the new Portuguese courtiers came to occupy with regard to certain decisions connected with the policy of the communication of scientific and technical information deriving from the Portuguese colonial experience. If it seems clear that cosmography, cartography

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Some issues of the subsequent evolution, in Paula de Vos, ‘The Science of Spices: Empiricism and Economic Botany in the Early Spanish Empire’, Journal of World History, 17/4 (2006): 399–427. 37 Palmira Fontes da Costa and Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, ‘Between East and West: Garcia de Orta’s Colloquies and the Circulation of Medical Knowledge in the Sixteenth Century’, Asclepio, 65/1 (2013): 1–13. 36

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and the art of navigation remained a Secret Science for the Spanish Crown for 1 a considerable time,38 we should ask ourselves to what extent natural history 2 was not enshrouded in secrecy too during the particular conjuncture of the 3 first decades of the dynastic union, above all if we take into account that it had 4 already been so for the Portuguese from the start of their commercial expansion 5 in Africa and Asia.39 6 Whatever reason the drastic change in the situation after 1580 may have had, 7 the fact is that it seems impossible to deny the importance of the Colóquios for 8 the works of Monardes, Fragoso and Acosta during the previous 15 years. To 9 a large extent, as Nobre de Carvalho has affirmed, that reflects the enormous 10 credibility that the work of Orta managed to achieve immediately among the 11 Iberian readers;40 while Fontes da Costa has argued that Orta: 12

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had two main intended audiences, the first was humanist scholars and physicians back in Europe represented in the text by Ruano. Some of them would not be able to understand Portuguese but the readers who were probably more important for Orta, his Portuguese, Spanish and Italian contemporaries … could.41

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In line with the statements of these two Portuguese historians, I have here tried to defend the view that it was through the works of Monardes, Fragoso and Acosta that the Colóquios had a more efficacious and durable impact on that first intended audience than Garcia da Orta imagined. In the second of the Colóquios we find the following interesting passage put in the mouth of the character called Ruano:

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I want your work for myself alone and for a very small number of other persons to whom I will speak of it in Spain (if God brings me back there safe and sound): they will be some of our fellow students – you will not be annoyed if they know it – and some of your followers, so learned that you and I could learn from them, because they have devoted themselves little to practice and a lot to study.42

Alison Sandman, ‘Controlling Knowledge: Navigation, Cartography, and Secrecy in the Early Modern Spanish Atlantic’, in James Delbourgo and Nicholas Dew (eds), Science and Empire in the Atlantic World (New York–London, 2008), pp. 31–51; María M. Portuondo, Secret Science. Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago–London, 2009). 39 Palmira Fontes da Costa, ‘Secrecy, ostentation and the illustration of exotic animals in sixteenth-century Portugal’, Annals of Science, 66 (2009): 59–83. 40 Nobre de Carvalho, ‘A apropriação de Colóquios dos simples’, pp. 70–71. 41 Palmira Fontes da Costa, ‘Geographical expansion and the reconfiguration of medical authority: Garcia de Orta’s Colloquies on the Simples and Drugs of India (1563)’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 43 (2012): 74–81, here p. 80. 42 Ruano: ‘… este trabalho vosso quero eu pera mim soo, e pera muito poucas pessoas outras a quem ho direy em Espanha (levandome Deos a salvamento) e serão alguns 38

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It is as though Ruano, that Spanish physician whom Orta presents to us as 1 his conversation partner in the Colóquios, already knew beforehand the rapid 2 fortune in store for the work in the Iberian Peninsula. It is as though the 3 rhetorical allusion to Spain and the learned so frequently used in the Colóquios 4 materialized in the course of the 15 years between 1565 and 1580 in a reading 5 community created around the works of Monardes, Fragoso and Acosta. It is 6 as though, from the metropolis, these three authors appropriated the work of 7 Orta and demonstrated to the fictitious (or maybe not so fictitious?) Ruano 8 that the learned men of Spain were also practical and capable of assimilating the 9 medicines of the East Indies, although in a different way and that, from then on, 10 they were keeping the other eye obliquely focused on America. 11

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12 13 14 15 1563 Orta, Colóquios 16 1564 17 18 1565 Monardes, Historia medicinal first part 19 20 1566 Fragoso, Catalogus simplicium 21 medicamentorum 22 1567 Orta in Latin (Clusius) 23 24 1568 25 1569 Monardes, Historia Orta in Latin (re-edition) 26 medicinal first part reed. 27 1570 Hernández went to 28 México 29 1571 Monardes, Historia 30 medicinal first and second 31 parts 32 1572 Fragoso, Discursos de las 33 cosas aromáticas 34 1573 35 1574 Monardes, Historia Monardes and Orta in 36 medicinal third part Latin (Clusius) 37 1575 Fragoso, De succedaneis Monardes first part in 38 medicamentis Italian 39 condiscípulos nossos que nos não pesara de ho saberem, e alguns discipulos vossos tam 40 doctos que assi vos como eu podemos aprender delles: porque elles se derão pouco a pratica, 41 42 e muito a as escholas: e vos e eu fizemos ho contrario …’: Orta, Colóquios, f. 3r.

Timeline with editions of the works of Orta, Monardes, Fragoso and Acosta, their translations and Hernández’s expedition

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Table 10.1

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East Indies, West Indies 1576 1577

Monardes in English

Recchi adapted Hernández’s work Recchi’s edition frustrated Monardes third part in Latin (Clusius)

Acosta in Italian

Hernández died

Monardes in French Monardes in Italian (reedition)

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1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 Monardes died 1589

Monardes second part in Italian Monardes second part in Latin (Clusius)

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1580 Monardes last re-edition in Spanish 1581 1582

Hernández came back to Madrid

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1578 Acosta, Tractado de las drogas 1579

1590 1591 1592 Acosta, Tratado en contra y pro de la vida solitaria 1593

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1594 Acosta died 1595 1596

1597 Fragoso died

1598 Philip II died

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Monardes and Orta in Latin (Clusius)

Monardes in English (reedition) Monardes in Italian (second re-edition)

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