Multiculturalism as a Strategy for National Competitiveness: The Case for Canada and Australia Eddy S. Ng & Isabel Metz
Journal of Business Ethics ISSN 0167-4544 Volume 128 Number 2 J Bus Ethics (2015) 128:253-266 DOI 10.1007/s10551-014-2089-8
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Author's personal copy J Bus Ethics (2015) 128:253–266 DOI 10.1007/s10551-014-2089-8
Multiculturalism as a Strategy for National Competitiveness: The Case for Canada and Australia Eddy S. Ng • Isabel Metz
Received: 17 October 2013 / Accepted: 1 February 2014 / Published online: 19 February 2014 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
Abstract In this paper, we propose that multiculturalism can serve as an effective public policy tool to enhance a nation’s competitiveness, in an era characterized by financial crises, globalization, immigration, and changing demographics. Specifically, we articulate how multiculturalism and strategic tolerance of differences can promote socioeconomic mobility for individuals, and act as the ‘‘glue’’ that binds immigrants and host country nationals together. We also demonstrate how multiculturalism can attract skilled talents necessary for nation building. Immigrants who retain their ties with their countries of origin (home countries) can serve as natural trade links for their countries of residence (host country) and contribute to a reverse ‘‘brain flow’’ rather than a brain gain/drain for the countries of residence/origin. We conclude by explicating that immigrants can be a source of competitive advantage for countries when a multiculturalism policy is in place. Keywords Multiculturalism Canada Australia National competitiveness Immigration
Introduction Like many other industrialized countries, Canada and Australia are experiencing low birth rates and an aging E. S. Ng (&) Rowe School of Business, Dalhousie University, 6100 University Avenue, Halifax, NS B3H 4R2, Canada e-mail:
[email protected] I. Metz Melbourne Business School, University of Melbourne, 200 Leicester Street, Carlton, VIC 3053, Australia e-mail:
[email protected]
workforce (Australia Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 2008, 2011; Ng and Law 2014). As a result of these changing demographics, a sustained period of growth and low unemployment rates, both nations have faced a shortage of skilled workers (KPMG 2010; Goldman Sachs JBWere 2009; McDonald and Kippen 2001). The Canadian and Australian governments have sought to address this issue by strategically increasing the immigration of skilled workers into their countries (CBC 2012; Australian Government Department of Immigration and Citizenship [Australian Government DIC] 2012). Historically, immigrants to Canada have come from Europe, but Asia and the Pacific Region have surpassed Europe as the principal source of immigrants over the past 30 years (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2010a). Similarly, Asian countries have changed from being completely absent to making up seven of the top ten sources of immigrants to Australia (Australian Government Department of Immigration and Border Protection [Australian Government DIBP] 2012c; Australian Government DIBP 2013). The result is an increasingly ethnocultural diversity in both the Canadian and Australian populations. In 1971, Canada became the first country in the world to adopt multiculturalism as an official policy, and Australia followed suit in 1973, as a way to forge national identities (Mann 2012; Stratton and Ang 1994). Multiculturalism is both a political philosophy and a public policy aimed at managing the demographic plurality of a country. As a political philosophy, multiculturalism attempts to accord recognition and positive accommodation to diverse cultural and religious groups (Kymlicka 1995). As a public policy, multiculturalism is a tool and means by which governments and institutions implement policies of inclusion and citizenship (Bloemraad 2007). Despite decades of popular support for multiculturalism in both nations, there is some
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Strategic Tolerance Fosters national identity based on multiculturalism without requirement for assimilation Greater naturalization and citizenship rates Greater inclusion and reduced hostility towards (religious) minorities
Multiculturalism as a Public Policy and “Political Glue”
Talent Attraction Low barriers to entry for culturally and ethnically different groups Brain gain for host country (country of residence) Attract new economy jobs Increased standard of living
Natural Trade Links Access to new market opportunities Increased trade and inflow of capital and FDI Brain circulation or reverse brain flow Technology transfer and capacity development for immigrants’ countries of origin
Fig. 1 Multiculturalism as a strategy for national competitiveness
backlash against immigrants and threat to multiculturalism in Canada (Banting and Kymlicka 2010; Dei 2011) and in Australia (e.g., Klocker 2004; Singh 2011). This backlash is also evident in many other nations around the world, specifically prompting German Chancellor Angela Merkel to famously declare that multiculturalism has ‘‘utterly failed’’ in Germany (Bloemraad 2011a; Koopmans 2013). There is a growing body of literature focused on multiculturalism attitudes and backlash (Banting and Kymlicka 2010; Berry 2006), nationalism and identity (Cameron and Berry 2008; Citrin et al. 2012), immigrant integration and assimilation (Bloemraad 2007; Richardson et al. 2011), and issues of individual socioeconomic mobility (Chong and Kim 2006; Min 1999; Reitz et al. 2011). However, comparatively little attention has been paid to how multiculturalism can have positive outcomes and serve as a strategy for national competitiveness for nations. The purpose of the present article is to articulate how multiculturalism as a public policy can be an effective strategy for national competitiveness, in an era characterized by financial crises, globalization, immigration, and changing demographics (see Fig. 1). We first provide a brief historical account of how multiculturalism came about in both Canada and Australia. We then articulate how multiculturalism and strategic tolerance of differences can promote socioeconomic mobility for individuals, and act as the ‘‘glue’’ that binds immigrants and host country nationals together. We also demonstrate how multiculturalism can attract skilled talents necessary
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for nation building. Immigrants who retain their ties with their countries of origin (home countries) can serve as natural trade links for their countries of residence (host country) and contribute to a reverse ‘‘brain flow’’ rather than a brain gain/drain for the countries of residence/origin. We conclude by explicating that immigrants can be a source of competitive advantage for countries when a multiculturalism policy is in place.
Historical Context of Multiculturalism in Canada and Australia Canada Multiculturalism first came into being in Canada as a policy response to bilingualism and to the increasing number of immigrants. According to Mann (2012), the adoption of multiculturalism occurred earlier in Canada than in Australia for several reasons. First, an English–French tension persisted, and the country needed a policy to move beyond the ‘‘new nationalism’’ that was distinctly British. Multiculturalism is a part of ‘‘new nationalism,’’ constructed to unite English-Canadians and French-Canadians and other new Canadians. Second, Canada abandoned its ‘‘White Canada’’ policy, which accepted migrants only from Britain, the USA, and northern Europe (cf. Suyama 1995). This dramatic policy change was in line with changing international circumstances, where former Western colonies in Asia and Africa petitioned the United Nations to remove racially discriminatory immigration policies. Third, Canada opened its doors to immigrants from non-European countries in large numbers about 50 years before Australia, and thus adopted immigration policies considerably earlier. An immigration policy was seen as essential to Canada’s long-term population sustainability and economic viability (Dib 2006). According to the most recent census data, immigrants now make up two-thirds of Canada’s roughly two million population growth between 2006 and 2011, which is largely responsible for Canada’s economic growth (National Post 2012). Historically, immigrants to Canada have come from Europe, but Asia and the Pacific region have replaced Europe as the principal source of immigrants over the past 30 years. Today, seven in 10 immigrants come from Asia and the Middle East (see Table 1), and it is estimated that one in three workers will be foreign born by the year 2031 (Statistics Canada 2011a). As a public policy, multiculturalism also seeks to preserve and enhance the multicultural heritage of Canadians (Uberoi 2009). As a consequence, a majority of immigrants (80 %) in Canada reported a mother tongue other than English or French, with Chinese, Punjabi, Spanish, Arabic, and Tagalog making up the majority of languages spoken at home (Statistics Canada 2011b).
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Table 1 Canadian immigrants by top 10 source countries, 10-year period (2001–2010)
Table 2 Australian immigrants by top 10 source countries, 10-year period (2000/2001–2009/2010)
Country
Continent
No. of immigrants
% of total
Country
China
Asia
337,317
13.7
India
Asia
277,759
11.3
Philippines Pakistan
Asia Asia
191,121 109,369
USA
North America
UK
Europe
Korea
Continent
No. of immigrants
% of total
UK
Europe
240,987
23.0
New Zealand
Oceania and Antarctica
199,306
19.0
7.7 4.4
China India
Asia Asia
170,900 153,667
16.3 14.6
85,560
3.5
South Africa
Africa
78,344
7.5
70,185
2.8
Philippines
Asia
60,199
5.7
Asia
65,880
2.7
Malaysia
Asia
44,422
4.2
Iran
Middle East
63,478
2.6
Sri Lanka
Asia
35,695
3.4
France
Europe
54,032
2.2
Korea
Asia
35,685
3.4
United Arab Emirates
Middle East
44,298
1.8
Vietnam
Asia
30,691
2.9
Source: Citizenship and Immigration Canada (2010a)
Source: Australian Government DIBP (2013)
In light of this increasing ethnocultural diversity, the Canadian government became the first country in the world to adopt a multicultural policy (through the Multiculturalism Act). The policy was created to encourage immigrants to retain their cultural heritage rather than to assimilate. It also aims to help people overcome barriers related to race, ethnicity, and cultural or religious background. Multiculturalism in Canada recognizes the potential of all Canadians, encourages them to integrate into society, and to take an active part in Canada’s social, cultural, economic, and political life. The Act itself is also a policy of inclusion and a means by which the Canadian government reaffirms multiculturalism as a fundamental value of Canadian society and of the Government of Canada. It ensures that all citizens can keep their identities, take pride in their ancestries, and have a sense of belonging. This recognition provides a feeling of security and self-confidence, and making Canadians more open to and accepting of diverse cultures (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012). The Canadian government is therefore accountable for ensuring that they ‘‘carry on their activities in a manner that is sensitive and responsive to the multicultural reality of Canada’’ (Canadian Multiculturalism Act 1988, p. 4). Consequently, all federal institutions must take multiculturalism into account in all their activities from hiring and promoting employees of all backgrounds to serving a diverse public. It should not come as a surprise that 84 % of Canadians held favorable views of multiculturalism and continued support for immigration (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2010b).
beyond (Stratton and Ang 1994). In a similar vein to Canada, Australia had a ‘‘White Australia’’ policy (introduced by the Immigration Restriction Bill of 1901), which excluded colored and non-European migrants. Given Australia’s imperial connection to Britain and, later, the post-war manufacturing and construction boom, this policy was driven by the need to construct a new cultural identity and build the nation (Stratton and Ang 1994). As a result, the multicultural or non-English-speaking background (NESB) section of the population during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s was primarily working class and of European descent (Colic-Peisker 2011). In the early 1970s, Australia followed the Canadian example of multiculturalism. Multiculturalism became the centerpiece of official government policy ‘‘… to improve the inclusion of ethnic minorities within national Australian culture’’ and to again create a distinctive national identity from Britain (Stratton and Ang 1994, p. 127). Further, the Australian Government replaced the ‘‘White Australia’’ policy with one more suited to its new economy. Specifically, the new Australian immigration policy was driven by an emerging and gradual need for skilled immigrants to sustain its economic growth and its burgeoning service economy. At about the same time, the demand for non-skilled immigrants decreased with the outsourcing of its manufacturing to countries with lower labor costs. The government introduced the ‘‘points test’’ system in 1979, thus firmly reneging on discriminatory immigration policies and reaffirming its strategic focus on skilled immigrants regardless of their ethnic or national origin. Multiculturalism was thus established ‘‘as ideology and policy in Australia’’ in the 1970s (Colic-Peisker 2011, p. 637). Twenty-seven percent of the Australian population was born overseas (Australia Government DIBP 2012a). These immigrants come from more than 200 countries (Australia
Australia Australia is a ‘‘settler’’ society because it is largely populated by people whose ancestors traveled to Australia from elsewhere during the colonial period (1788–1901) and
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Government DIBP 2012a). By 2009/2010, Asian countries represented seven of the top ten countries as sources of skilled immigrants and sources of international students (see Table 2). Although the influx of migrants from Asian countries continued, multiculturalism as ideology and policy in Australia was under siege from the late 1990s onwards. Specifically, the change from Labour to Liberal Federal government in 1996 marks the start of what many regard as a post-multiculturalism period in Australia. Interestingly, the size of the migration program as a percentage of the Australian population increased steadily over most of the decade of Liberal Government (1996–2006; Australian Government DIBP 2012a). In addition to change in Federal politics, events such as the 9/11 attacks to the Twin Towers in New York fueled anti-Muslim sentiments and public antipathy for boat asylum seekers from Asia (Klocker and Dunn 2003). Some Australian politicians have also shown a preference for denying rather than combating racism (Dunn and Nelson 2011), evidenced in unequal employment outcomes for workers of NESB compared to their English-speaking background (ESB) counterparts (Colic-Peisker 2011) and sporadic attacks on Indian students and youths of Middle Eastern appearance (Singh 2011). Yet, there is widespread public recognition that racial prejudice exists in Australia (Dunn and Nelson 2011). Analysts advised that this disconnect between political and public recognition of racism needed to be addressed, so that multiculturalism as ideology and public policy could again flourish in Australia. The Australian Labour Party (ALP) regained power in 2006, but it was not until February 2011 that the ALP Government re-proclaimed multiculturalism as official policy (Australian Government DIC 2011). The new multicultural policy aimed to specifically combat racism (ABC News 2011). ‘‘The policy embraces our shared values and cultural traditions. It recognizes our rights and responsibilities as enshrined in our citizenship pledge and supports the rights of all Australians to celebrate, practise, and maintain their cultural heritage, traditions, and language within the law and free from discrimination’’ (Australian Government DIBP 2012b). One of the five initiatives that support Australia’s Multicultural policy is the National Anti-Racism Partnership and Strategy (Strategy). This Strategy was launched on August 24, 2012, and sets out a 3-year plan for the government to work with community partners to combat racism across schools and higher education, the media, government service providers, workplaces, and the internet (Australian Government DIBP 2012b).
Multiculturalism and Strategic Tolerance Multiculturalism, as a political philosophy, is related to immigrant assimilation, integration, and adaptation (Berry
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E. S. Ng, I. Metz Table 3 Berry’s (1997, 1998) modes of acculturation Cultural attractiveness
Cultural preservation Yes
No
Yes
Integration
Assimilation
No
Separation
Assimilation
1997). Drawing upon social psychology, Berry (1997, 1998) developed a typology on the acculturation process between members of the dominant group and members of the minority group along two dimensions: cultural preservation and cultural attractiveness (see Table 3). The typology demonstrates the acculturation mode between members of minority groups (i.e., immigrants) and members of the dominant group (host country nationals). Under the assimilation approach, members of the minority group abandon their culture and adopt the culture of the host country. This approach entails immigrants giving up their (cultural) identities in favor of the culture of the host country. The naturalization process, such as becoming ‘‘an American’’ and the ‘‘melting pot’’ metaphor is an example of the assimilation process (Bloemraad 2011b). Under the separation approach, minority group members seek to preserve their own cultures and reject the adoption of the host country culture. Interaction between immigrants and host country nationals is limited and the existence of ethnic enclaves (e.g., Chinatowns, Little India) is a result of this mode of interaction. Under the marginalization approach, minority group members have little interest in preserving their cultures or adopting the culture of the host country. As a result, individuals lose their own cultural identities and are also rejected by host country nationals. Finally, under the integration approach, both dominant and minority group members adopt and adapt to each other’s cultures. In other words, the positive aspects of both cultures are preserved, combined, or expanded to create a new culture (Tung 1993). This approach typifies the multiculturalism approaches in contemporary Canada and Australia (Reitz and Sklar 1997). The assimilation approach, which entails becoming similar to the dominant group, can bring about upward socio and economic mobility (Daneshvary et al. 1992; Rumbaut 1997). However, maintaining strong attachments to one’s native culture and language can also negatively affect the assimilation process. Those who are not willing to assimilate will be left behind socioeconomically, because they are less likely to acquire the social capital necessary for advancement (cf. Ng and Sears 2010). The integration approach, in contrast, allows immigrants to freely preserve their own cultures while also adopting elements of the host country culture. This approach also requires host country nationals to be open and tolerant.
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That is, mutual accommodation is required by both the dominant (host country nationals) and minority (immigrant) groups. As a result, this approach is seen as most inclusive as it promotes social and economic mobility for everyone. In a study involving 13 societies (including Canada, Australia, and the USA), Berry et al. (2006) found that immigrant youths with an integration profile (i.e., maintaining one’s own culture while also being involved in the host country culture) reported the best psychological and sociocultural adaptation, while those with an assimilation profile reported the poorest adaptation. The contrasting approaches between ‘‘assimilation’’ and ‘‘integration’’ are also evident in the socioeconomic outcomes among immigrants to the USA (assimilation), with those in Canada and Australia (multiculturalism) (Bloemraad 2011b). Reitz (1998) reported that immigrants from the same countries of origins earn significantly less in the USA than they do in Canada and Australia, likely because of prejudice and discrimination against those who do not conform to the American culture (rejection of minority groups by the dominant group). For example, in the USA, second-generation Latinos (Mexican-Americans and other Latin Americans) have lower educational attainment and economic success than their Asian-American counterparts (Reitz et al. 2011), because Latinos are less willing to assimilate (Huntington 2004; Yancey 2003), a requirement for socioeconomic mobility in the USA. In another study comparing the acculturation outcomes between Canada and France, immigrant youths in Canada reported higher selfesteem and lower discrimination than their counterparts in France, because success in French society also requires assimilation, while Canada is more tolerant and accepting of ethnocultural differences (Berry and Sabatier 2010). Another example on the different stances on multiculturalism between Australia and USA is that multiculturalism is generally viewed as a threat to social unity and national identity in the USA, but accepted as ‘‘integral to the Australian national culture and identity’’ (Stratton and Ang 1994, p. 126). As an example of Australian nationals’ respect for other cultures, the Australian Police Force changed its uniform regulations a decade ago to allow female officers to wear a head cover (Edwards 2004). We suggest that the level of tolerance of inter-group differences appears to be a key ingredient to successful integration. For example, Amy Chua (2007) in her book, Day of Empire, documented that strategic tolerance of cultural and religious differences promotes the rise of empires, while intolerance ultimately led to their decline. The premise behind the ‘‘strategic tolerance theory’’ is that human talent is distributed among diverse groups of people, and nations that are able to attract and utilize the best and the brightest talents without regard to ethnicity or religion will rise in power. In this regard, Chua chronicles
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the rise of empires from Persia and Rome, to the Mughals and Tang dynasties, and to the Dutch and British empires. In each example, she demonstrated how strategic tolerance plays a role in the rise to dominance. Chua argues that while tolerance is key to attract the best talents from around the world, a nation will also require some form of social or political ‘‘glue’’ to unify and bind diverse people to a common purpose and identity. As an example, the Romans extended citizenship to defeated enemies to assimilate them into the Roman Empire. The lack of political ‘‘glue’’ will lead to inter-group conflicts and intolerance of each other, which ultimately resulted in the demise of empires and superpowers. It should be noted that the Romans deemed the Hellenic and Germanic people incapable of adapting and, thus, Rome never achieved complete tolerance (Chua 2007). In line with Chua’s rationale, we contend that multiculturalism, as a public policy that fosters national identities, may be the political glue that holds people from different ethnicity and religion together. Our contention is supported by the fact that many Canadians and Australians see multiculturalism (unlike assimilation, which requires citizens to give up their cultural heritage) as a positive characteristic of their countries (Cameron and Berry 2008; Satzewich 2007; Stratton and Ang 1994). It is also supported by views that acts of intolerance and racism, even if perpetrated by a small proportion of the dominant population, are detrimental to Canada’s and Australia’s national interests (e.g., Singh 2011; Satzewich 2007). Since the September 11 attacks, hostility toward Muslim immigrants is on the rise, particularly among countries that advocated for assimilation (Koopmans 2013). It is possible that the failure to assimilate is caused by the resentment and hostility directed at religious minorities by host country nationals (Lenard 2012). It is noteworthy to mention that almost 80 % of immigrants to Canada and Australia took up Canadian and Australian citizenship, respectively, compared to 46 % of immigrants to the USA (Australian Government DIC 2012; Statistics Canada 2011c). It is important for immigrants to become naturalized citizens because they have higher employment rates, are more likely to be in higher-status occupations, and have higher earnings than non-citizen immigrants (Statistics Canada 2011c). In this regard, immigrants to Canada may more freely take up Canadian citizenship because there is less pressure to assimilate. Indeed, the Canadian government credits the higher rates of naturalization to its multiculturalism policy (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012). The higher naturalization may also suggest that the assimilation approach may not be as effective as the multicultural approach in cultivating committed and engaged citizens as originally thought, and multiculturalism may indeed be the glue that encourages citizenship, while reducing intolerance particularly toward religious minorities.
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Multiculturalism and Talent Attraction In a major research project that examines multiculturalism policies in 21 Western countries, Australia and Canada rank at the very top for having an inclusive approach to immigrant integration (see Fig. 2). Both Canada and Australia were cited for having an official affirmation of multiculturalism, adoption of multiculturalism in school curriculum, inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in the media, exemptions from dress codes, acceptance of dual citizenship, funding of ethnic groups and activities, funding of bilingual/mother tongue education, and affirmative action for immigrants (see Table 4). In contrast, countries that espouse an assimilation approach to immigrant integration were ranked much lower (e.g., the USA #11, Germany #14, France #16 respectively). In other words, Canada and Australia were recognized as having the broadest range of multicultural policies. Canada and Australia have been able to foster a climate of tolerance, whereby everyone who is ethnically and culturally different is welcomed. Promoting multiculturalism as a national identity (and implementing immigration policies that focus on skilled labor, as has been the case in Canada and Australia; e.g., see Dib 2006; Hawthorne 2005) has been hugely beneficial for both countries. For example, Canada has been able to attract a large number of human talents and financial capital, resulting in being placed among the most competitive of the G-8 nations (Businessweek 2010; Uberoi 2009). Likewise, Australia has been able to attract international students (more than 60 % come from Asian countries), who contributed AUD $16.3
Fig. 2 Multiculturalism policy index scores (2010). Source: Multiculturalism Policy Index (2010)
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billion to the Australian economy in 2010–2011 (AEI 2011) and labor to thousands of jobs (Singh 2011). This strategy of inclusion is consistent with Florida’s (2002) hypothesis that tolerance results in ‘‘low barriers to entry.’’ In Florida’s (2002) formulation, tolerance is composed of the ‘‘melting pot’’ index (i.e., the proportion of foreign born people), the gay index, the bohemian index (e.g., the concentration of artists, writers, musicians, and other artistic professionals), and the racial integration index (i.e., levels of segregation between ethnic and racial groups). Thus, the more tolerant a place is to new people, the more talent and skills it will attract. In turn, human capital is related to economic development such that attracting talented individuals will attract ‘‘new economy’’ jobs. The influx of skilled and entrepreneur immigrants has thus far provided valuable economic and social contributions to Canada and Australia, and raised the standard of living in these two countries (Collins 2003; Reitz 2007). The net effect of a policy of multiculturalism has been a brain gain for Canada and Australia. In light of this climate of tolerance, it is no coincidence that both Canada and Australia are highly ranked in their immigration integration efforts (Multiculturalism Policy Index 2010). In addition, it is not surprising that their immigration policies, which strategically focus on skills and job readiness, have attracted a large number of skilled and investor immigrants. For example, in 2010, two-thirds of immigrants to Canada (186,913) were skilled and business/ investor immigrants, 22 % (60,220) were family reunifications, 9 % (24,696) were refugees, and 2 % (8,845) belonged to the ‘‘other’’ categories (Citizenship and Immigration
In 1990, the federal government amended the uniform policy of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, allowing Sikh officers to wear turbans in lieu of the traditional headdress. In 2006, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that a Quebec student should be permitted to wear a kirpan to school under conditions negotiated by the boy’s parents and his school, namely that the kirpan be worn in a stitched sheath underneath the student’s clothing
Exemptions from dress codes
Bilingual education or mother tongue instruction
Dual citizenship
The Broadcasting Act governs the activities of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), which is Canada’s national public broadcaster. Section 3 of the act requires that the CBC’s programming ‘‘reflect the multicultural and multiracial nature of Canada’’
The inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in public media
In 2009, the federal and provincial governments signed a protocol governing official language education and the delivery of programs in official language minority communities
Significant supports are provided for the maintenance and preservation of Canada’s official languages as well as for Aboriginal languages
A Canadian citizen who acquires the nationality of another country may retain his or her Canadian citizenship; likewise, a foreign national who obtains Canadian citizenship is not required by Canada to renounce the original citizenship
The Citizenship Act does not prohibit the holding of multiple citizenships, and dual citizenship has thus been permitted since 1977
Two provinces—Manitoba and British Columbia—exempt turban-wearing Sikhs from legislation requiring motorcyclists to wear helmets
The Council of Ministers of Education of Canada recognizes that ‘‘integrating immigrant children into the existing education systems of the provinces and territories involves establishing policies embodying the principles of diversity, equity, and multicultural education as part of the daily classroom and school environment, as well as adapting the curriculum and providing teacher supports that address students’ real needs, especially for language learning’’
Section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms states that ‘‘This Charter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians’’
The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, passed in 1988, affirms a policy of official multiculturalism at the federal level. It also provides for the establishment of programs and policies in support of the act
Multiculturalism in school curriculum
Espoused public policy on multiculturalism
Canada
Table 4 Comparison of multiculturalism approaches between Canada and Australia
The National Policy on Languages was introduced in 1987, and throughout the 1990 s, there was a conscious effort to improve fluency in languages other than English. Attention was paid primarily to ‘‘languages of commerce’’ (e.g., Asian languages). This was affirmed in the Australian Language and Literacy Policy, which was introduced in 1991
Prior to 4 April 2002, Australian nationals who acquired the citizenship of another country automatically lost their Australian citizenship. However, the country now allows dual citizenship for all citizens
In 2004, the uniform of the Victorian Police Service was amended to allow officers to wear the hijab. This is also the case in West Australia, which in 2006 instituted a blanket exemption to its uniform policy to accommodate religious beliefs
Australia’s multicultural framework has engendered some sensitivity toward dress code accommodations, and there are a number of examples of exemptions at the state level
The Australia Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) is governed by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act 1983. Section 6 of the act stipulates that the broadcasting system provides ‘‘programs that contribute to a sense of national identity and inform and entertain, and reflect the cultural diversity of, the Australian community’’
Education is a responsibility of the Australian States, although multiculturalism policy at the national level has extended into areas of sub-national jurisdiction. In addition to emphasizing cross-cultural understanding and language acquisition, anti-racism education is an explicit element in Australia’s multicultural school curriculum
In 2003, the government released Multicultural Australia: United in Diversity, which set the strategic direction for the following 3 years. This policy statement continues to guide Australian multiculturalism
In a 1977 report entitled Australia as a Multicultural Society, a government-\ body, recommended that Australia adopt a policy of multiculturalism
Australia
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Author's personal copy Affirmative action policies for ethnocultural groups were instituted in the late 1980s. At the federal level, the Equal Employment Opportunity Act 1987 requires the Australian public service, as well as specified Commonwealth authorities (such as those created through an act or in which the Commonwealth has a controlling interest) to implement an equal employment opportunity for women and other designated groups, which include nonEnglish-speaking immigrants and their children The Employment Equity Act is aimed at addressing employment barriers and correcting hiring inequities within federally regulated employers; visible minorities are one of the four protected groups
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Adapted from: http://www.queensu.ca/mcp/immigrant/evidence.html
The Racial Discrimination Act, 1975 protects racial minorities from discrimination
Affirmative action for disadvantaged immigrant groups
Canada Table 4 continued
The Canadian Human Rights Act protects against discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, and language (among other grounds)
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Canada 2010b). Similarly, immigration has transformed Australia’s cultural and linguistic diversity over the decades. As at June 30, 2011, 27 % of the population was born overseas (6.0 million people) (ABS 2012). Further, Australia’s population increased by 359,600 to reach 22.7 million for the year ending June 2012. Net overseas immigration accounted for 58 per cent of this growth, with the remaining 42 per cent due to natural increase (births minus deaths) (ABS 2012). Of the 211,458 temporary visas granted in 2009–2010, approximately 12 % (26,225) were in the Business category, 51 % (107,243) in the student/higher education/vocational education and training categories, and the remaining 37 % (26,225) were in the visitor/working holiday/other categories. Further, of the 84,014 permanent visas granted in 2009–2010, 47 % (39,564) were in the skill category, 41 % (34,592) in the family category and approximately 12 % (9,858) in the special eligibility/ humanitarian category (ABS 2012). In a recent Gallup poll (2010) involving 347,713 residents from 148 countries, Canada was selected as the number one destination of choice among would-be immigrants with a college degree (although the USA remains as the number one choice for respondents without a college education). Li and Lo (2012) projected that given the different integration policies between Canada and the USA, there will be less inflow of highly skilled immigrants (i.e., China and India) to the USA, and less return migration (of Chinese and Indians) from Canada. In his updated book, The Rise of the Creative Class, Florida (2012) also pointed to the seemingly contradiction between talent attraction and income inequity. For example, cities such as San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara (Silicon Valley), New York-New Jersey-Long Island (financial center), and Los Angeles-Long Beach-Santa Ana (entertainment hub) report among the highest wage inequities. Although these cities are world-class hubs and attract the best talents from around the world, the lack of government-sponsored programs, such as social safety programs to assist new immigrants, when compared to Canada and Australia (Boychuk 2004; Kangas and Palme 2000), is likely to contribute to the income inequities in these cities. Income inequities is a common issue for many first-generation immigrants. Taken together, we conclude that the absence of a requirement to assimilate (i.e., melting pot policy), greater tolerance, lower socioeconomic disparity, and efforts to promote immigrants economic well-being all contribute to the high levels of attraction among prospective immigrants to Canada and Australia. We acknowledge that despite the brain gain for Canada and Australia, neither country has been successful in fully utilizing the talents of its immigrants (Iredale 2005). For example, Canada has not kept pace with its multiculturalism
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policy in foreign credential recognition,1 leading to underemployment and underutilization of skills and training among highly qualified and skilled immigrants (Haq and Ng 2010). Although some evidence suggests that immigrants’ economic disadvantage are mostly due to the act of migration itself (e.g., loss of business and family networks, which benefit careers; McAllister 1995), racism and discrimination also play a role in contributing to the unemployment and underemployment among immigrants. For example, employers often cite a ‘‘lack of fit’’ when encountering differences relating to race, ethnicity, language, accent, or religion (Newson 2013). It is possible, however, that only a minority of the employers (e.g., under one-third in Australia; Evans and Kelley 1991) are sufficiently prejudiced against immigrants to want to discriminate. Nevertheless, efforts should be directed at improving foreign credential recognitions, increasing employer awareness of foreign qualifications, and creating a more inclusive culture to leverage the benefits of diversity (Conference Board of Canada 2005; Newson 2013).
Multiculturalism and Natural Trade Links Immigrants to Canada and Australia also form diasporas outside of their home countries or countries of origin, and they play vital roles in facilitating trade and investments between their countries of origin and their new countries of residence (host countries) (Chand 2010). Many recent immigrants to Canada (see Table 1) and Australia (see Table 2) come from emerging economies (e.g., China and India), and they become natural trade links between their countries of origin and countries of residence. In particular, immigrants are able to leverage their transnational networks to promote trade and entrepreneurship between their countries of origin and countries of residence (Chrysostome and Lin 2010). According to Peter Hall, chief economist for Export Development Canada, ‘‘new Canadians have a natural advantage in their countries of origin markets because they speak the language, they know the culture and they understand how business works in their home countries’’ (McKenna 2012). He projected that exports will grow at nearly 10 %, versus the 1.5 % Canada has been experiencing in the past, simply by matching exports to countries represented in the ethnic makeup of the Canadian population. The US Ambassador to Canada, David Jacobson, noted in his embassy’s blogpost that Canada’s export growth to the USA has fallen to the 15th spot,2 behind Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, China, and India (see Fig. 3) (US Embassy 2012). 1
Canada is a decentralized federation and occupational licensing and regulation fall under provincial jurisdiction (Lenihan 2010). 2 The US is Canada’s largest trading partner.
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In addition, a phenomenon is emerging in the flow of talent between countries. Using Canada as an example, what we have seen in the past is that immigrants contributed to the ‘‘brain gain’’ for the country of residence (host country) and ‘‘brain drain’’ for the country of origin (home country) (Tung 2008; Yu 2009). In recent years, however, many immigrants return to their countries of origin after acquiring a Western education (Tung 2008; Tung and Lazarova 2006). Tung further explained that since many immigrants value their Canadian citizenship and quality of life in Canada, they simply shuttle back and forth between their countries of origin and Canada. In this regard, the immigrants who go back and forth between two hubs (their countries of residence and their countries of origin) are referred to as ‘‘astronauts’’ and contribute to a reverse ‘‘brain flow’’ or ‘‘brain circulation’’ (Tung 2008). This emerging mobility pattern is, therefore, an outcome of multiculturalism that can benefit all countries involved. Nevertheless, critics of multiculturalism also raised concerns regarding unhealthy ties to immigrants’ countries of origins (Citrin et al. 2012). Such unhealthy ties are reflected, for example, in the stories of Croat-Canadians who returned to Croatia to fight in the civil war, diasporic Italians who live outside of Italy but ran in Italian elections, or the number of Lebanese Canadians who needed evacuation during the war with Israel (see Satzewich 2007). Neo-liberals have also criticized the foreign remittances by immigrants back to their countries of origin (cf. Barber 2008; De Haas 2005). In reality, the average remittance by recent immigrants to Canada ranged from CAD $500–$3,000 (Houle and Schellenberg 2008), but business and investor-class immigrants to Canada bring in CAD $400,000 and regularly replenish them from offshore assets (Ley 2013). Notwithstanding some disadvantages of multiculturalism, there are many advantages for both the country of origin and the country of residence as a result of the latter embracing a multiculturalism policy. For example, immigrants provide transnational social networks that facilitate trade and market opportunities for their countries of residence, introduce the culture of their home countries to their host countries, and generally improve the image of their countries of origin in their countries of residence (Chand and Tung 2011). At the same time, they contribute to the technology transfer and capacity development (e.g., human capital) to their countries of origin (Lin 2010). Immigrants who maintain ties with their home countries remit payments to family members back in their countries of origin, which is an important source of support for development efforts (De Haas 2005; Mirabaud 2009; Semyonov and Gorodzeisky 2008). Overall, we believe that the benefits outweigh the costs of multiculturalism. In particular, we believe the reverse brain flow and brain circulation benefit the host countries as well as the rest of the world.
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Fig. 3 Percentage of growth in Canadian exports to Canada’s Top 20 Export Markets (2011). US Embassy (2012). Source: (http://blogs.ottawa.usembassy. gov/ambassador/index.php/tag/ canada/)
Discussion In this paper, we draw examples from Canada and Australia to advance three propositions on how multiculturalism can be a strategy for national competitiveness. First, multiculturalism as a political philosophy does not require immigrants to assimilate to the host country culture. Instead, immigrants are encouraged to retain their linguistic and cultural heritage and to take pride in their ancestries while being flexible and tolerant of their host countries’ culture. The result has been the formation of multiculturalism as a facet of national identity. This form of strategic tolerance has led to greater naturalization (in taking up citizenship) among immigrants, because they are under no pressure to give up their heritage and assimilate to the host country culture. Citizenship inevitably leads to greater social, cultural, economic, and political participation by immigrants in the host country. When immigrants adopt an integration approach to acculturation, they also experience better adaptation and enjoy better socioeconomic mobility. Conversely, the demand by host country nationals for immigrants to assimilate is the reason why multiculturalism fails. We suggest that multiculturalism, as a public policy, is the political glue that facilitates host country nationals (dominant group) and immigrants (ethnic and cultural minorities) interactions, and as a way to forge a national identity. Second, multiculturalism policies also promote a climate of inclusion which lowers the barriers to entry for individuals who are different. In other words, those who are ethnically and culturally different do not perceive a barrier in their participation in the host country. Consequently, Canada and Australia have been able to attract a large number of talents to plug the shortage of skills as their respective populations begin to age. The result has been a brain gain for the host countries, and the creation of new economy jobs. In addition, both countries have developed the appropriate immigration policies to encourage investors and foreign students, which resulted in an inflow of capital or
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foreign direct investments and an influx of foreign students that contributed to the domestic economies. Canada and Australia also help nurture the talents in developing nations when foreign students come to study at Canadian and Australian universities and subsequently return to their home countries for work. Citizens of both the host country and country of origin enjoy a more robust economy and a corresponding increase in their standard of living arising out of the host countries’ policies aimed at talent attraction. Third, under multiculturalism, immigrants are encouraged to retain their ties to their home countries (or countries of origin). These social ties are important because they facilitate trade between the immigrants’ countries of origin and their host country. Canada already reports a rise in trade as a result of these natural trade links, and is projected to see its foreign trade increase by simply doing business with the immigrants’ countries of origin. The combination of a climate of inclusion and the right (immigration) policies can thus trigger an increase in the inflow of capital and foreign direct investments for the host countries. Furthermore, when immigrants shuttle back and forth between their countries of origin and countries of residence, they create a phenomenon known as a reverse brain flow or brain circulation. This is particularly important for developing nations as they suffer from a brain drain to developed nations, but gain from the technology transfer, payment remittance, and capacity development when immigrants travel between both countries. Despite concerns with unhealthy ties (such as immigrants’ preoccupation with their countries of origin), the result is a win–win for both host countries and countries of origin, when multiculturalism promotes the retention of social ties. Although the business case for multiculturalism is selfevident, many European countries such as Germany, France, and the UK are retreating from multiculturalism. Multiculturalism, as a political philosophy, is fundamentally at odds with the assimilation approach of immigrant integration. Unlike Canada or Australia which encourages
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pluralism, France and Germany require immigrants to assimilate to German and French culture (Brubaker 2001), and those who do not are excluded, resulting in poor immigrant socioeconomic outcomes (Alba 2005). As immigrant receiving countries, Canada and Australia take pride in their multiculturalism policies. As a result, Canadians and Australians are relatively tolerant of cultural and religious differences, while in Europe, the failure to assimilate has resulted in resentment and hostility particularly against Muslim immigrants (Koopmans 2013). Canada and Australia also experienced a period of sustained growth, while Europe experienced severe economic recession that was spurred by the recent financial crisis. A lack of jobs and growing unemployment in Europe may also have contributed to the anti-immigrant sentiment and a retreat from multiculturalism (Cochrane and Nevitte 2012; Rustenbach 2010).
Conclusion Both Canada and Australia have developed immigration policies based on economic and changing demographic imperatives. However, the political ‘‘glue’’ that bound the ethnocultural diversity in both countries was multiculturalism. There is growing evidence that multiculturalism facilitates immigrant citizenship and political integration (Bloemraad 2007; Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012). The comparative case of Canada and Australia appear to support this evidence. Both countries nurtured, albeit with different levels of success, national cultures of inclusiveness and tolerance aimed at attracting and retaining skilled migrants from different backgrounds to address their changing demographics and economic growth. Governments had a pivotal role in encouraging the (non)acceptance and (in)tolerance of migrants of different backgrounds (e.g., Betts 2003). For example, the Canadian Government is required to take into account multiculturalism in all its activities. The result has been greater acceptance of differences, which gives Canadians a sense of security and national pride. Likewise, multiculturalism and being a part of Asia was specifically recognized as a valuable and integral to Australian culture and identity when Prime Minister Paul Keating said that Australia is a ‘‘multicultural nation in Asia’’ (Stratton and Ang 1994, p. 127). This recognition was later reinforced by the ALP government’s 2011 multiculturalism policy aimed at combating racism (ABC News 2011; Australian Government DIC 2011), which was evident during the so-called post-multiculturalism period in Australia (circa 1996–2010; Betts 2003). Canada and Australia are recognized pioneers and leaders in multiculturalism (e.g., Multiculturalism Policy Index 2010). Two salient characteristics of the Canadian and
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Australian immigration histories in the last five decades are (1) the immigration policies driven by economic and changing demographic factors and (2) the government-led multiculturalism policy as part of the national identity. These two characteristics have been essential to Canada’s and Australia’s long-term population sustainability and economic viability. However, more can be done, possibly more in Canada than in Australia, for multiculturalism to yield real benefits such as the full and equitable utilization of its multicultural workforce. Future endeavors will be more effectively achieved by continued government intervention, such as the Canadian Multiculturalism Act (1988) and Australia’s Multicultural Policy (Australian Government DIBP, 2012b); the latter encompass initiatives to increase public awareness of racism and education of multiculturalism. Our principal recommendation to countries facing economic imperatives and changing demographics is to embrace multiculturalism as a strategy to enhance their international competitiveness. Government-led multiculturalism can be the political glue that allows the advantages of a diverse population (e.g., economic growth and healthy ‘‘brain flow’’) to outweigh the disadvantages (e.g., racism and unhealthy countries of origin ties).
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