Paradoxes of establishing Mass Rapid Transit systems in African cities – a case of Dar es Salaam Rapid Transit system, Tanzania

September 26, 2017 | Autor: Abdi Kabange | Categoria: Public Transport, Public transportation, Public Transportation System
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Research in Transportation Economics 48 (2014) 176e183

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Research in Transportation Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/retrec

Paradoxes of establishing mass rapid transit systems in african cities e A case of Dar es Salaam Rapid Transit (DART) system, Tanzania Abdi Ka'bange*, David Mfinanga 1, Edwin Hema 2 Department of Transportation and Geotechnical Engineering, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Available online 10 November 2014

African cities are growing rapidly both demographically and physically. It is estimated by 2050 the population of African cities will triple from 410 million in 2010 to 1.23 billion. The ensuing travel demand is expected to aggravate chaos in transport systems for almost all major African cities. This paper analyses the emerging paradoxes in the BRT system in Dar as Salaam city where the provision of an organized, affordable and cost-effective public transport system has been eagerly awaited by city residents. However, the Dar Rapid Transit (DART) system, recently established, has astonishingly witnessed opposition from some of the city residents. Findings reveal that the underlying reasons for this paradoxical situation include absence of a current land use plan, ineffective land use control and little adherence to the legal provision for property compensation and resettlement. Lack of common understanding between the government and the affected people, deters the implementation of Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) system in the city. A well organised and inclusive framework of stakeholders and a well structured information dissemination system are the pillars on which successful MRT system can be built. Compensation payment to affected people, at market price, cannot be avoided in MRT development. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Paradoxes DART system MRT system Affected people Compensation

1. Introduction Dar es Salaam City is one among the highly urbanising cities in Africa. As shown in Fig. 1, the city has a population of 4.4 million people with an average growth rate of 5.6% (NBS, 2013). With increasing city population, the demand for public transport keeps on increasing as the majority of people depend on public transport dominated with paratransits (minibuses, two wheelers and three wheelers) which are insufficient for mass transit. Dar es Salaam city is characterized by traffic congestion and poor road infrastructure with the current public transport system dominated by a large number of privately owned paratransit minibuses, known as ‘daladala’, which provide public transport in the whole city. With the use of ‘daladala’ paratransits, it has been difficult to meet the escalating demand for public tansport primarily due to low capacity of the vehicles in relation to demand. Few buses owned by a declining state company called ‘Shirika la Usafiri Dar es Salaam’ (UDA), literally meaning Dar es Salaam Public

* Corresponding author. Tel.: þ255 718 611670. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (A. Ka'bange), damfi[email protected] (D. Mfinanga). 1 Tel.: þ255 713 329690. 2 Tel.: þ255 717 343172. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2014.09.040 0739-8859/© 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Transport Corporation, are still providing public transport service in the city. Demand for public transport in the city is increasingly influenced by high population increase and uncontrolled urban sprawl. The city is currently making efforts to curb the prevailing public transport challenges by establishing Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system known as Dar Rapid Transit (DART), the construction of which officially started in 2012. Demand for public transport in Dar es Salaam city increases geometrically with population due to the fact that the majority of the city residents depend on public transport for their mobility. Surveys done in the city by the World Bank in 1994 and 1996 revealed 43 percent of all trips made in the city were made by using public transport (Mzee & Demzee, 2012). Kombe et al. (2003) report nearly 50 percent, 90 percent and 80 percent of the residents use public transport routinely or on daily basis in Mbagala Charambe, Mabibo and Buguruni Mnyamani respectively. This indicates a high demand for public transport in the city. Since public transport is the key transport service used by the majority of people the city is facing public transport challenges primarily due to the fast increasing demand, as a result of rapidly expanding urban population, and low supply of the service. Lack of appropriate public transport services, with poor transport infrastructure, has aggravated congestion and wastage of commuter time. The prevailing public transport challenges necessitated the

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the right-of-way exclusivity, guidance and operational regime. This is generally translated into the level of service, capacity and cost. MRT systems, which is a focus of this paper, are categorised as Busway or Bus Rapid Transit (BRT), Light Rail Transit (LRT), Metro and Suburban Rail (Allport & Thomson, 1990; DFID, 2000; ITDP, 2007). Table 1 shows the categories of MRT systems classified basing on their characteristics. The role and form of MRT to be adopted depend upon the city context, its size, income level, asset base, institutions and the characteristics of its public transport system (Allport & Thomson, 1990; DFID, 2000). The MRT modes are subjected to achieve reduced travel times through the provision of widely accessible transport networks, appropriate speed, and segregated right-ofway and regulated stops. With MRT, a large number of people can access public transport services as MRT involves the use of larger vehicles or a multiple set of vehicles with higher carrying capacities. Fig. 1. Population in Dar es Salaam city. Source: NBS, 2013.

3. Materials and methods

development of mass rapid transit in the city as a step towards achieving the solution to the problem. 2. Theoretical framework Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) is among the formal public transport which involves the conveyance of large number of passengers rapidly (DFID, 2000). It is a collective urban passenger service that operates at the high level of customer performance regarding the travel time and passenger carrying capacity (DFID, 2000; ITDP, 2007; Mitric, 2008). The reduced travel times for MRT may be achieved through the provision of widely accessible networks, higher speed vehicles, exclusive right-of-way infrastructure and efficient fare collection systems. Higher carrying capacities may be achieved through the use of larger vehicles or multiple sets of vehicles. Public transport in its broad meaning is referred to as a collective passenger transport. It employs varying types of modes and systems including taxis, buses (small and large), boats, busways/ Buss Rapid Transit, light rail transit, suburban rail and metro. It also includes paratransits which are small vehicles providing informal passenger transport. The establishment of a public transport system, particularly Mass Rapid Transit (MRT), has to be within the framework of an appropriate city land use plan and transport framework to ensure its integration with other public transport systems. Usually land acquisition along the corridor constitutes a major cost item in establishing MRT systems as land may be acquired for road space widening and depot areas used for storage and vehicle maintenance. MRT systems consist of two main components namely the operating vehicle (bus-based or rail-based modes) and its track (road or rail) which operates on right-of-way with substantial exclusivity of use (Mitric, 2008). They can be categorized differently based on the technology employed in establishing and running the systems, the degree of segregation for the respective MRT system,

3.1. Methodology The first activity in the process of preparing this paper involved conducting a review of city transport plans and related legal provisions. Data and information obtained was used to build a base on which the paper framework was developed. A physical survey was done in the city where the on-going activities were observed and documented. Interviews with affected people were conducted. Out of approximately 280 people owning properties and/or business premises along the phase one BRT route, a 15 percent sample was systematically selected for interview at an equal interval along the 21 km corridor. For comparative analysis of the property prices, five respondents from real estate companies and property brokers were randomly selected and interviewed. Interviews and discussions with three respondents from authorities dealing with transport in the city were also conducted. To triangulate the collected data and information the second physical survey was done to fill the gaps and seek clarifications to what was collected and documented. The triangulation revealed similar results as the previous survey for about ninety five percent. 3.2. Materials 3.2.1. Dar es Salaam city bus system Public transport in the city is largely dominated by paratransit minibuses (‘daladala’) which carry approximately 1.4 million passengers per day or 43 percent of all persenger trips (DCC, 2006a; Kombe et al., 2003; Kumar & Barrett, 2008; Mzee & Demzee, 2012; Olvera, Plat, & Pochet, 2003). Other modes (motor tricycle e bajajis, motorcycles e bodaboda and hired taxi) occupy 6 percent of the trips. Public transport service under the city bus system is operated by both private and public sectors in mixed use basis with the private sector (daladala) dominating. This indicates the vital role played by ‘daladala’ in providing public transport service in the city.

Table 1 Characteristics of MRT options. Characteristics

Busway/BRT

Light rail transit

Suburban rail

Metro

Capital and Operating Cost Capacity (pass/hr/direction) Operating Speed (km/hr) Flexibility Amount of Public Ownership Segregation

Low/Moderate 10,000e20,000 Low Moderate Low/Moderate At-grade

Moderate 10,000e12,000 Moderate Low High At-grade

High 30,000 High Low High At-grade

Very high 60,000þ Very high Low Very high Elevated, at-grade, mostly underground

Source: Allport & Thomson, 1990; DFID, 2000.

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The absolute number of ‘daladala’ providing public transport service in Dar es Salaam city could not be obtained. Kombe et al. (2003) and DCC (2006a) report the number of ‘daladalas’ in the city between 6000 and 7500 and about 7800 respectively. This variation is a clear manifestation of absence or inexistence of current data on the public transport system in the city. Studies report approximately 7000 ‘daladalas’ provide services in the city (Kumar & Barrett, 2008; Mzee & Demzee, 2012; Olvera et al., 2003).

Table 2 Passengers, vehicle and route volumes on major corridors.

3.2.2. The city road network The city of Dar es Salaam expands inland from the Indian Ocean along its major four roadway corridors, which link the city centre with outskirt areas, namely Morogoro, Bagamoyo, Nyerere and Kilwa roads (Fig. 2). The corridors have a high concentration of vehicles and passenger demand. Trips are attracted to the city centre which is the CBD of Dar es Salaam with important social, economic and institutional facilities including the port, the main hospital (Muhimbili hospital), downtown centre (Posta) and the commercial area (Kariakoo) with the industrial zone near the city centre (DCC, 2006a; Mzee & Demzee, 2012; Olvera et al., 2003). Large part of the city road network is substandard, with low capacity, with the majority of the roads having two lanes and lacking service lanes. There are approximately 1140 km of roads of which only 450 km (39.5%) are paved, out of which 265 road km are used for public transport (DCC, 2006a). The rest 60.5% of the road network are unpaved and covers most of local roads. As large part of the road is unpaved, the movement of vehicles become difficult, vehicles deteriorate and travel times become longer (Olvera et al., 2003). Congestion is high on the narrow roads but also on the main city corridors with high concentration of vehicles and passenger demand. By the year 2006, the city had 225 authorized public transport routes many of which are concentrated along the main corridors (DCC, 2006a). Fig. 2 present major corridors and Table 2 presents the corridors with high volumes of passengers, vehicle and route in the city. Road network in the city is not well integrated between the main roads and the feeder system, with routes covering part of the city roads. In this case, walking distances to reach public transport facilities are high. On average, a person can walk 10e30 min to the nearest public transport route station with average distance of 0.5e1 km (Kombe et al., 2003).

Source: DCC, 2006a.

Fig. 2. Dar es Salaam city road network. Source: DCC, 2004.

Road name

Passengers/hour

Vehicles/hour

Number of routes

Morogoro Road Uhuru Street Kilwa Road Kawawa Road Nyerere Road Ali Hassan Mwinyi Road

15,000 9000 6200 10,000 8600 5100

770 715 549 383 399 281

35 38 25 e e e

3.2.3. Performance The performance of public transport system in Dar es Salaam city is still unsatisfactory as the level of service offered is insufficient to satisfy passengers demand. In most roads passengers enjoy public transport during the off peak periods with peak hours manifesting all signs of a highly unreliable transport. Characteristically, ‘daladala’ routes are unscheduled. They have undefined headway and unregulated speeds. Due to the increasing congestion, variation in speed is a common practice (DCC, 2006a; Kombe et al., 2003; Kumar & Barrett, 2008; Mzee & Demzee, 2012). The travel time along the route varies depending on the concentration of passengers and traffics in the respective route section. Usually there is long travel time during peak hours due to high concentration of traffics in the roads. The ensuing congestion results into severe traffic delays. Studies report that on average Dar es Salaam residents spend 2e3 h on transit everyday (DCC, 2006a; DCC, 2006b; Mzee & Demzee, 2012). Waiting times at terminals is long especially at the middle of the route (DCC, 2006a; Kumar & Barrett, 2008). City residents spend 15e30 min, in some cases even more, waiting at the bus stops. This is because ‘daladala’ wait at the terminals until they are fully loaded. In this manner, passengers at the bus stops in the middle of the route board the buses with difficulty due to overcrowding. Sometimes passengers board the bus going to the opposite direction so as to start the new route to the desired destinations while securing a seat in the bus. In this case they make double fare payment. Some buses do not follow their allocated routes (Mzee & Demzee, 2012). They usually provide service on any route

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depending on the passengers' demand. Others do not provide public transport service for the full route as they break it in between but still charge full fare (Kombe et al., 2003). This is because most ‘daladala’ owners ask the operators (drivers and conductors) to collect the money on daily basis and submit the cash after the day work. In this case the driver and conductor become more or less like renters who have to generate income for their own survival and the rental payment. This situation greatly contributes to their illdriving manners. 3.2.4. Regulation Public transport in Dar es Salaam is under the control of the Surface and Marine Transport Authority (SUMATRA). Initiated in 2004, the main functions of SUMATRA include promoting, facilitating and ensuring the availability of efficient, safe, fair, reliable and environmentally friendly surface and marine transport services through competition, fair trade and provision of information to consumers and stakeholders. It is also responsible for transport planning, registering, issuing and renewing bus routes licenses, setting and approving fares with consultations to stakeholders, allocating routes to vehicles and regulating rates and charges. Furthermore SUMATRA facilitates the resolution of complaints and disputes along with formulating rules and regulations and implements them accordingly. The Traffic Police Department also enforce the rules and regulations set by SUMATRA as well as ensuring conformity with vehicle standards and safety. Since most of public transport vehicles operating in the city are privately owned, there is Dar es Salaam Commuter Bus Owners Association (DARCOBOA), a ‘daladala’ owners' association, which presents the operators' interests at SUMATRA. Despite the existence of rules and regulations to govern public transport operation in the city, ‘daladala’ operators do not obey them. As discussed before, some of the ‘daladala’ operators provide public transport service in the routes they are not allocated. Others do not complete the routes while charging full fares. Unregistered minibuses operate as public transport vehicles to compete with registered vehicles in providing public transport service. 3.2.5. Public transport problems Passengers, operators and other traffics endure several problems when using the prevailing public transport service in the city. Some of them include the following: vehicles stop and pick up passengers anywhere even not at bus stops (Kombe et al., 2003; Mzee & Demzee, 2012). This creates inconvenience to other road users and influences the occurrence of accidents especially when other vehicles behind are moving at a considerable high speed. The buses are overloaded (overcrowded) during peak hours. In many cases passengers scramble when boarding the buses to which others opt to pass through windows (see Fig. 3). Generally, this influences theft and creates hard travelling conditions for children, women, disabled and the elderly. Students are usually denied access to the buses by the operators especially during the morning peak hours when the number of students and other people going to work exceed the buses carrying capacities. Students are denied access to ‘daladala’ for the reason that they pay a fraction of the adult fare. For this case many students get to school very late. Most of the operating ‘daladala’ fleets are aged with an average age of 15 years and are inadequately maintained (DCC, 2006a; Kumar & Barrett, 2008). That being the case, they are unable to make long journeys competitively and the service provided is poor and chaotic. Bus drivers drive recklessly and ignore traffic regulations (Kombe et al., 2003). The buses are often overloaded sometimes with passengers hanging on the doors. Bus operators hardly

Fig. 3. Scrambling for ‘daladala’ in peak hours. Source: Mzee & Demzee, 2012.

observe and obey the road signs and marks such as zebra crossing. Disobeying the road regulations by drivers influences the occurrence of accidents. 3.2.6. Introduction of MRT system in the city A Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system branded “Dar Rapid Transit” (DART) is currently under construction in Dar es Salaam city. This bus-based Mass Rapid Transit system is intended to deliver fast, comfortable and cost-effective urban mobility. Proposed in 2003, the system is designed to completely replace the existing urban bus system (daladala) in the city, which has failed to meet the escalating demand for public tansport. The high public transport dependence for the majority of city residents creates a natural opportunity for a successful operation of the DART system in Dar es Salaam city. Planned to be implemented from 2009, the DART system faced operational delays which forced the construction to only begin in 2012. Full implementation of the system will be executed in 6 phases to be completed in 2025. DART phase I which is underway is designed to cover 21 km of roadway, 2 depots, 5 terminal stations, 6 feeder stations and 25 conventional stations (Fig. 4). It is designed to cover parts of Morogoro and Kawawa roads (refer Fig. 2). The completed DART system will cover 134 km linked with a network of feeder routes operating in mixed traffic (DCC, 2006b). Once completed, DART is expected to be a high quality mass rapid transit system operating on specialized city infrastructure, offering affordable mobility services with affordable fares, environmental improvements and a better quality of life for city residents. Major sources of fund for DART infrastructure development include the World Bank, the Central Government and the local authorities. The World Bank provided a credit of US$ 190 million for construction of phase I infrastructure. It is estimated the DART phase I will cost US$ 125 million (including US$ 20 million for expropriation). The government (both central and the local authorities) will provide US$ 250 million. Through the Public Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement, private sector investment of US$ 180 million will be obtained. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Netherlands Government, The International Association of Public Transport (UITP) and the African Association of Public Transport (UATP) will provide technical support (DCC, 2006a; Mlambo, 2008; Takule, 2008; 2009). The operation of DART system is expected to have four actors namely the DART Agency, the Fare Collector, the two Bus Operators and the DART Fund Management. The DART Agency is a government/public agency responsible for the overall management of the system, policy setting, regulations, planning and

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Fig. 4. DART System phase I. Source: DCC, 2006b.

control of operations and marketing. DART Fare Collector is a private sector company responsible for daily fare collection, maintenance of the physical infrastructure, acquisition and maintenance of equipment used at the stations as well as cleanliness and security. The DART Bus Operators comprised of two private sector companies responsible for acquisition, operation and maintenance of buses along specified trunk and feeder routes. The two operators are yet to be selected; the DART Agency has recently signed a contract with a Netherlands company (the Rebel Group) for managing the day to day operations of DART. The company will develop modalities and procedures for selecting the operators. It will also be responsible for provision of advisory services and capacity building to the selected operators and feeder services providers especially the local ones. The daladalas operating on the phase I route will not continue operating in competition with the BRT (Fig. 5). Instead they are required to register to the Surface and Marine Transport Authority (SUMATRA) for consideration to join and form companies which will compete for working as corporate operators in the feeder routes. A total of 48 routes and 1500 daladalas were replaced by the DART phase I route (Mlambo, 2008). About 3100 daladala owners will lose businesses. The Agency has no plan to provide compensation for the loss of business. The DART Fund Management is an institution responsible for financial management and reporting, liquidity control and payments to the system actors (bus operators, fare collector and DART agency). The proposed BRT fares were determined by the consultant (Japanese International Cooperation Agency e JICA) through a feasibility study conducted in 2007/08. As shown in Table 3 the developed scenarios were related to the daladala fares. The base fare of Tanzanian shillings (Tshs) 400 (33 US cents) for trunk corridor and Tshs 500 (42 US cents) for trunk and feeder journey seem to be realistic and affordable. Comparative daladala fare of Tshs 300 (25 US cents) exhibits an acceptable range to the proposed BRT fares. However, the consultant's feasibility study did not include a detailed analysis of the operational costs and subsidies. It is assumed the system is envisaged to operate without subsidy.

4. Results e the paradoxes Establishment of DART System in Dar es Salaam city is a task that highly utilizes resources including land, labour and capital. Additionally, the system has to be constructed within the city framework for infrastructure development. While the land is fixed and mostly already occupied, additional land is needed to meet the vital aspects of the system. On the other hand, there is a need to maintain and improve the welfare of the city residents, especially their living conditions and properties, and the state of the environment. The paradoxes emerged as a result of conflicting objectives observed in the system implementation process. They can be viewed in various perspectives as discussed below: 4.1. Land acquisition for public transport improvement Improvement of public transport infrastructure in Dar es Salaam city has to conform to the city land use framework plan which guides development in the area. The 1979 Dar es Salaam city Master

Fig. 5. BRT construction continue. Source: Fieldwork, July 2013.

A. Ka'bange et al. / Research in Transportation Economics 48 (2014) 176e183 Table 3 Modelled scenarios of evaluated fare structure. Fare structure Selected (Tshs) Tariff-Trunk only Tariff-Trunk þfeeder Tariff-Feeder only Daladala

Alternative Alternative Alternative Alternative 1 2 3 4

400 (0.33) 400 (0.33)

400 (0.33)

500 (0.42)

400 (0.33)

500 (0.42) 400 (0.33)

400 (0.33)

500 (0.42)

500 (0.33)

400 (0.33) 400 (0.33)

300 (0.25)

500 (0.42)

300 (0.25)

300 (0.25) 300 (0.25)

300 (0.25)

300 (0.25)

300 (0.25)

(…) e Fares in USD at 2007 prices. 1US$ ¼ Tshs 1200. Source: PMoRALG (undated).

Plan provides a framework for the city development. Being old and ineffective to guide the current city development, including public transport infrastructure especially for DART, some roads' Right of Way (ROW) are not wide enough to meet the intended road development. Due to failure of the land use framework plan to guide development along the roads, people invaded the road reserve in the existing ROW (Fig. 6). In order to have enough space for DART development, demolition of the properties is needed, which affects residents' living areas including residential and commercial properties, institutions and public areas. This requires compensation and/or resettlement. Paradoxically, development of the DART system involves demolition of the structures along the roads without compensation to the Project Affected People (PAP) or the people strongly refused the compensation paid. City authority argues the current developers invaded the road reserve after compensation payment was made to the rightful land occupiers about four decades ago (in 1970s). The residents question the performance and diligence of the city development control section which allow the invaders to occupy land within the road reserve for four decades without any intervention. They claimed to have the right to compensation as long as they currently have properties on the subject land. Critique argue that the width of the road (along the main corridors) is increased from time to time without taking due consideration of the compensation rights to the residents living along the corridor. Generally, the compensation issue is still unclear to both the authority and the people. 4.2. Difficulties encountered in determining the market value Introduction of MRT in the city inevitably requires road expansion as majority of the roads are either not wide enough or the road reserve is encroached. Where compensation was agreed, the available legislations provide that assessment made has to base

Fig. 6. The claimed encroachment of the road reserve at ‘Magomeni’ and ‘Kimara’. Source: Fieldwork, September 2012.

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on the market value of the property (Land Act No.4 of 1999). The question on what is the market value remains un-agreed upon. Authorities estimate property value according to government rates, in most cases using a default factor (e.g. Tshs 20 million per acre). Affected people consider the market value as the price of a property in the open market, and feel cheated. A compensation amount for the two perspectives differs considerably. Compensation paid in the city ranges from Tshs 15e30 million (USD 6.3e9.4 thousand) (Kilonzo, 2009; Mkanga, 2010). Information from the real estate companies and housing brokers (Table 4) reveal the property purchase prices, in the open market, ranging from Tshs 41.6 million to 3.2 billion (USD 26 thousand to 2 million) depending on the size, property quality and the value of land in concerned area. According to ‘Mwananchi’ newspaper (4th June 2012) DART authority was prepared to pay compensation ranging from Tshs 10e30 million (USD 6.3e18.8 thousand). Property purchase in the open market is well above the DART compensation rates. The foregoing clearly manifests a dilemma in compensation payments for MRT development. On the whole, assessment considerations by the authority greatly differ from the people's desire and understanding as regards compensation. A great concern remains what is the rightful market value of the properties and how could it be determined with absolute certainty. 4.3. City development and individual survival: what is a priority? Development of a well organised public transport system in the city rank high in the city priorities. Resident's welfare such as housing, economic gains, and livelihood activities are ranked low. On the other hand, much as they need a well organised public transport system in the city, the residents cannot easily forego their properties and livelihood activities which are the only means of survival. The authority believes BRT is necessary for city development, while the affected people believe BRT development denies them the right to shelter and/or income. This signifies a need for developing a better and inclusive priority setting process/mechanism. What might appear as a high priority to the government may not necessarily be viewed the same by the residents and hence a negative impact to the MRT development endeavour. The question is how can these priorities be reconciled? 4.4. Serving the majority or a few: challenges of unplanned development More than 70 percent of the city residents live in unplanned areas which are greatly under served. The majority of these people are potentially poor and hence captive riders (JICA, 2008). The areas

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Table 4 Property value in the open market for various residential areas in the city. Residential areas Middle to high income

Low income to ordinary people

Property value (Open market at 000 USD) Upanga (h)a Kariakoo (m)b Kijitonyama/ Sinza (m) Tegeta (m) Tabata (m) Kimara (m) Ubungo (o)c Mbagala (l)d Magomeni (o) Gongo la Mboto (l)

950e2000 600e2000 70e270 50e240 40e270 45e120 95e1500 26e600 50e300 50e80

a

High income planned areas. Middle income planned and unplanned areas. c Ordinary people residential planned areas. d Low income unplanned areas. Source: Fieldwork, July 2013. b

have a high population density ranging from 300 to 600 persons/ hectare in less-dense and dense settlements respectively (Lupala, 2002). Empirical findings reveal that MRT can best satisfy the demand by attaining high ridership from the high population density areas along the corridor. This revelation underscores the potential of unplanned areas' residents as the targeted users of MRT system. The challenge is that there is hardly sufficient space to introduce BRT corridor without undergoing massive demolition. While resources are insufficient to adequately compensate the affected people and compensation policy is hardly implemented, the MRT users are living in areas where the system cannot be easily introduced. This implies that informal/unplanned settlements are not linked or integrated to the BRT system. Do the challenges to accessing MRT system by such residents mean exclusivity?

4.5. City development and land use framework plan: can MRT infrastructure be developed in the hazardous land? About 80 percent of city land use is located in unplanned areas. That being the case MRT development can hardly avoid passing through restricted areas/land. The BRT phase I corridor was designed to pass through Jangwani valley; a hazardous area prone to frequent floods from Msimbazi River (see Figs. 4 and 7). According to the 1979 Dar es Salaam city land use Master Plan the valley was declared a hazardous land where residential and other human activities are restricted. Basing on the country's planning and environmental laws and policies, Jangwani area has to be reserved and protected for public use such as city parks (EMA, 2004; NHSDP, 2000; NLP, 1997). However, a substantial population of city residents encroached and built residential houses in the valley. Flooding occurred in December 2011 and April 2014 greatly affected the Jangwani people. Dar es Salaam regional authority was forced to resettle the Jangwani people to ‘Mabwepande’, a settlement located about 5 km from the CBD. Paradoxically, the DART system has allocated the bus stop and the depot in ‘Jangwani’ area. City residents ask can hazardous areas be used for BRT development while residents were removed from such areas.

5. Discussion The emerged paradoxes present challenges in BRT (DART system) development both to the government and the city residents. In some instances, the government response was against the social welfare of its residents. Disagreement in compensation emerges

Fig. 7. Flooding at ‘Jangwani’ e a hazardous declared area. Source: The Citizen, December 2011.

when the government use force to evict people and demolish their properties. Establishing MRT system like DART requires a well organized framework and coordinated stakeholders. Important stakeholders such as the government (City Council, Ministry of Transport, Ministry of Works, DART Agency), local leaders and the affected people have to be involved in the process from the early start. Lack of coordination among the stakeholders, failure to properly follow the governing laws, policies and regulations or lack of consensus on issues that touch the governors and the governed interests influenced the emergence of the discussed paradoxes. Development of the DART system in the city lack support from the city development framework plan for transport infrastructure. On the other hand, the 1979 Dar es Salaam Master Plan is too old to govern the current developments in the city as it had never been reviewed for about 33 years. This has forced the DART authority to demolition existing properties to acquire enough space for DART corridors. This suggests that failure of the land use framework plan to properly guide physical development renders land acquisition for MRT development a costly and challenging task. Establishment of the DART system was done without clear compensation strategies to the affected people. As said earlier the displaced people had to be compensated at market value as required by the law. This was not done in the areas where DART corridor passed such as Gerezani e Kariakoo (in the Dar es Salaam CBD) and other affected areas like Magomeni, Manzese, Ubungo, Kimara and Mbezi, where the people argued against compensation. The affected people were of the opinion that their government did not exercise justice on their part. In one way or another, the government failed to adequately consider and incorporate the social and economic welfare of its citizens in the affected areas.

6. Conclusions DART will be a useful system for Dar as Salaam city residents as it will undoubtly improve mobility, efficiency in livelihood activities, and contribute to socio and economic development. It is expected to provide demand oriented services, with appropriate speed, reduced travel time, increased access to public transport services, route and modal integration and efficient network. Problems related to land acquisition, compensation, equity and peoples livelihood activities created tension amongst the affected residents, activists and the government. The case has shown that successful implementation of an MRT system requires participation of all stakeholders, abiding to the respective laws, policy and regulations.

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