Polish Contemporary Migration: From Co-migrants to Project ME
Descrição do Produto
doi: 10.1111/imig.12076
Polish Contemporary Migration: From Co-migrants to Project ME Jakub Isanski*, Agata Mleczko** and Renata Seredynska-Abou Eid**
ABSTRACT International migration mirrors contemporary society in all its complexity. What has not changed for centuries is the principal motif: people leave their country of origin hoping for a better life. Poland has a long history of emigration: Poles have been migrating for more than 200 years for political, economic and social reasons. In recent decades, Polish migration patterns have undergone dramatic changes. Using online survey data, this article explores new trends in Polish migration since the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004. The survey was focused on Polish migrants who stayed abroad for some time, those who stayed abroad before the accession, those who returned to Poland or those who experienced multiple travels and have an ongoing migration project. We conclude that new trends have emerged among Polish migrants. Contemporary migrants are aware of the benefits related to migration and are capable of implementing their migration project quite skilfully. Their high susceptibility to the economic setting proves their flexibility. Polish migrants highly value their new lifestyle abroad and consider friends their most important source of support.
INTRODUCTION Although migration movements are not new – people have been moving around for centuries – there are some particular features that make contemporary migration a very complex phenomenon. Polish migrants are a good example of a recent shift: from a relatively small group of self-selected people who treated migration as an escape from the oppressive system of the past, towards a more democratic and voluntary movement characterized by individual decisions and high expectations of multiple benefits stemming from migration. Pre-1989 migration is described in literature as a forced migration due to the introduction of the communist regime after World War II (D€ uvell and Garapich, 2011) and the hostility of the government towards the members of the Polish army corps who remained abroad after the war. Many of the post war exiles resided in the US and in the UK; however, some migrated to Canada, France and Australia. In the past, especially before the 1989 turn from the communist regime to democracy, Polish migrants aimed at long-term settlement in a host country, which frequently resulted in the acquisition of citizenship.1 Today, Poles are highly mobile, often travel to more than one country and are focused on gaining new experiences and acquiring new skills rather than on permanent emigration. One of the main issues explored in this research is related to the dynamics of the contemporary migration of Poles. In 2008, in literature and in the media there were reports of the mass return of Poles * University of Adam Mickiewicz, Poznan, Poland. ** University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK.
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to Poland due to the economic crisis, just a few years after a mass out-flow in 2004. Successively, the number of Polish emigrants dropped in the following year only to increase again later. This research focuses on the explanation for this phenomenon. The survey was designed to grasp the motivations of people who migrate and their willingness to attain permanent residence in a host country or to return to Poland. However, as our research project proceeded, it showed alternative trends: many of the participants travelled to more than one country, their stays either abroad or in Poland were usually temporary, and they frequently returned to Poland for short periods of time. This new pattern of multiple returns replaces the former trend of settlement in the destination country or single return to the country of origin, making contemporary Polish migration much more circular than 20 or 30 years earlier (Pollard et al., 2008) and more nomadic in its character, as Jordan and D€ uvell (2003) would classify it. The second important issue explored in this study relates to the subjective perception of the success or failure of a migration project. The survey participants were prompted to assess their migration projects and to share their expectations related to migration. They were further asked to evaluate whether their expectations were met, and were encouraged to speculate upon reasons for their success or failure. The dimensions of success and failure were related to a variety of factors described by the respondents, including: the money earned and saved during their stay abroad, improvement of their linguistic competence, and the new professional experience or formal education gained in a host country that could be useful after their return home. Additionally, the participants were asked whether their migration project was a failure and, if so, what were the reasons for such a judgement. In the ensuing section, the respondents were asked about problems in adapting to a host country and the general hardships of immigrant life. In order to explore migrant networks and the role they played in triggering migration projects, the survey also included questions related to the source of support received during the migrants’ stay abroad. The questionnaire was constructed to capture the characteristics of contemporary Polish migration in order to identify new features of post-EU-accession (2004) migration waves. The survey’s openended questions allowed the participants to voice their own opinions on the success and failure of their migration project and to share some important thoughts. In order to explore the complexity of current migration movements, the participants were also asked about the multiplicity of their trips, if any. Astonishingly, a majority of the participants had migrated to more than one country within the preceding three months. The total number of people from Poland who had a migration experience in recent years is still unconfirmed (Wisniewski, 2006); however, academics estimate this number to be between two and three million, with one million staying abroad permanently (see Iglicka, 2011). Another significant fact is that in 2010 an average of 10 per cent of the Polish labour force had foreign work experience, which indicates that as many as 3 million Poles of working age have migrated at some point in their lives. Moreover, 20 per cent of 18–24 year old Poles and 11 per cent of 25–34 year olds indicated that they were actively looking for employment abroad. An additional 18 and 14 per cent, respectively, expressed their interest in working abroad provided they received an attractive offer (Roguska, 2010). Placing the Polish migration into the European context, it is argued that Poles constitute “the largest immigrant group among the A8 immigrants (new members): since the EU enlargement, 63 per cent of all immigrants and 71 per cent of EU8 immigrants are from Poland” (Brenke et al., 2009: foreword). Such intense migration has astonished many stakeholders, including local authorities and public opinion, and resulted in the use of the “brain drain” cliche in the public discourse. Since it became quite clear that thousands of young Poles had left their country of origin, it drew the attention of academics and policymakers who formally acknowledged this phenomenon. What is more, also politicians indirectly provided a proof of the volume of Polish migration by organizing electoral campaign meetings with Poles in the UK and Ireland. Although Polish migration and employment in the UK and Ireland attract the attention of both the mass media and migration scholars in Poland, it is actually the seasonal labour migration to
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Germany that has involved the highest number of Polish citizens for many years. On the basis of bilateral agreements, Polish workers have participated in the labour market in Germany for decades,2 an old phenomenon described already by Florian Znaniecki in his book about Polish outmigrants in the 1920s (Znaniecki, 1974; see also Nowosielski, 2011). It seems that lack of restrictions on the labour market is an important, but not a decisive, factor that influences the flow of workers, although Germany has only recently fully opened its labour market to Poles. Among current migration destinations, the most popular countries for Polish migrants in 2010 were Germany and the UK, with a growing number of Polish people working in the UK in recent years and a slightly decreasing number of Polish employees in Germany. The central issue addressed in this project was related to the characteristic of the contemporary migration from Poland. The exploration of this issue was addressed through the following research questions: (1) (2) (3) (4)
What are the most common reasons for the contemporary migration to take place? What are the perceived benefits and costs of migration to the migrants? What role do possessed social networks play? and How are the linguistic challenges addressed?
METHODOLOGY This article is based on data from an online survey of Polish migrants involved in various migration projects since Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004.3 We used an online questionnaire, allowing us to reach a large group of respondents, with both closed- and open-ended questions. Our sample group was considered to be young (under 39 years old), very mobile spatially (often with multiple travels to and returns from various countries) and generally well-educated (either holding a postgraduate degree or with an on-going education); therefore, it was necessary to adapt our research methods to comply with these characteristics. The primary tool, the online survey, was designed by our team4 and was made available on the project website.5 The survey was conducted online from November 2010 until April 2011. A total number of 847 responses were collected; however, not all questions were fully answered. Taking this fact into consideration, we decided to analyse all the answers; therefore, the number of responses in our analysis varies at times (the number of responses is always given in brackets). Our survey was designed as a small exploratory research project to be utilized in creating a larger research project on transnational migration. The questionnaire included four parts, focusing on: the reported motivation to migrate, the group character of migration, linguistic issues, and self-investment strategy, or “Project: ME”, as it was later defined. The majority of our respondents were female (270), while 176 were male (of the 446 who answered this question, see Table 1). Over five hundred participants (545) reported that they had gone abroad in the previous three months (some of them pointed out that they were still abroad at the time of the research), while only 24 said they had not been abroad.6 The respondents were relatively well educated, young (under 35) (for comparison see Kaczmarczyk, 2010 or Eade et al., 2006) and single, although a small part of the group was comprised of families and couples. A similar characteristic to the latter of the migrating population to the UK was also found in a report published by the Migration Policy Institute (Sumption and Somerville, 2010). Polish immigrants were described as: young, working in less skilled occupations and earning lower wages, with high levels of education, and also uncertain about the duration of their stay abroad (Sumption and Somerville, 2010: 16–17). The context of the host country plays an important role in the process of migration, especially in terms of migration policies and equal access to welfare. In this research project, however, the con-
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TABLE 1 CHARACTERISTIC OF THE SAMPLE Gender (444) Female Male Age (444) Under 18 19–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 Over 60 Education (446) Elementary Secondary Vocational Tertiary (including ‘continuing education’)
273 171 2 266 115 35 21 5 5 116 45 280
text of the receiving country has played a secondary role as participants travelled to various countries and a considerable number of them had travelled to more than one country in their recent migration history. As a result, it was impossible to describe all the host countries where the participants of this study resided. There were no restrictions of the host country in the questionnaire, therefore it collected results from the following countries: Brazil, Canada, Germany, Holland, Ireland, Italy, the Scandinavian countries, the UK and the US. The central part of this research was focused on the characteristics of the Polish migrants all over the world, irrespectively of the host country chosen. It revealed a new trend in Polish migration: the multiplicity of migration destinations and a new strategy focused on self-development rather than just survival (see: Roguska, 2010; Roguska 2011, Hellerman 2006). Online survey research is widely discussed by methodologists (Evans and Mathur, 2005; Grzeszczyk, 2009; Wright, 2005; and many others) and is generally considered valuable and wellsuited to the current social setting despite certain drawbacks. Advantages “include access to individuals in distant locations, the ability to reach difficult to contact participants, and the convenience of having automated data collection, which reduces researcher’s time and effort” (Wright, 2005). Moreover, people are more likely to sincerely report socially unacceptable behaviour or any sensitive issues when they are not afraid of social repercussions (see Grzeszczyk, 2009: 324–325). It also seems that use of the Internet and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) is widespread and convenient. Furthermore, the use of Internet-based devices enabled us to reach both individuals who had stayed abroad and those who returned to Poland. As people are constantly on the move, an online questionnaire enables better access to migrants in various geographical locations, convenient both for participants and researchers. As for the disadvantages, “online survey research includes uncertainty over the validity of the data and sampling issues and concerns surrounding the design, implementation, and evaluation of an online survey” (Wright, 2005). The main difficulty of our study was the fact that the target group was hard to reach. Nevertheless, commitment to formal associations, although limited, and the growing popularity of new technologies, enabled us to assume that an online survey would be a well-suited methodology. Moreover, the online technique excludes some potential respondents, particularly those who have very limited ICT access. The questions were related to personal experience and were focused on the subjectively self-reported sense of success or failure of the migration episode. As the anonymity ensured online would be difficult to obtain through the use of alternative methods, the usage of on-line methodology actually provided favourable conditions to acquire sincere replies to the particularly sensitive questions related to failure.
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To deal with the uncertainty of the respondents’ identity, the questionnaire was available in Polish; thus, only people who are fluent in this language were able to participate. Specific information was also disseminated in Polish and was advertised on Polish portals, which allowed for the risks related to the composition of our sample to be wisely managed. The dissemination of the information about the questionnaire was conducted in two basic ways: 1) the snowball sample technique, and 2) public announcements on the most popular portals and websites, including Polish parishes visited by Polish migrants. Characteristics of the sample The target group included young and relatively well-educated people (395 reported to have a university degree or at least secondary education or their studies were in progress) with, on average, a good knowledge of the target foreign language (Table 1 describes the general characteristics of the sample). In our study, 492 respondents self-reported good language knowledge prior to migration and after their return to Poland. Again, our methodological tool related to an online survey technique resulted in a self-selection of the participants. There was no age limit set; however, internet accessibility and technical skills related to ICT posed certain limitations with regard to the composition of the sample. The vast majority (almost 78 per cent) of the participants stated that their migration experience was a success (see Table 2). When comparing that number with those who assessed their migration experience as a failure (only 6 per cent of responses), it becomes clear that our sample consisted mostly of people who were very positive about their migration project and its lifetime consequences. Even if their perception of success may vary and, in some cases, be close to ‘wishful thinking’, we need to underline that the vast majority of participants see themselves as having thus far been successful. Exploring this issue further allows us to conclude that the three most frequently given reasons for self-reported success were related to: new experience gained (408), improvement of language skills (385) and money earned (338). Two other, more rarely chosen reasons, include: education gained (115) and new perspectives as an aftermath of the migration episode (116). These basic questions asked at the beginning of the questionnaire show the new trends in migration patterns. Respondents indicated the importance not only of money earned, but also of improved language skills. Most of all, new experiences are highly valued and influence the self-assessed success or failure, which is perceived as an important contribution to future careers and possible upward social mobility. Individuals who currently migrate usually share a high level of expectations as their “migration project” is often multidimensional. It is relatively clear that the former strategy, which focused on earning some money and returning to Poland, has been replaced by more sophisticated aspirations of the individual development of various skills and the acquisition of new experience. As emphasized by other researchers (Ryan et al., 2009; Leuner, 2007), through migration people expect to improve their linguistic skills to obtain new opportunities, both professional and social. In the open-ended questions, some of the participants reported that the new lifestyle they experienced abroad was very attractive to them and highly valued. Having enough money for an active social life and the ability to meet friends in pubs and restaurants was considered a significant advantage of immigrant life over their previous lifestyle and leisure activities (for instance, a survey carried out in Poland reports that 75 per cent of Poles indicate that if they drink alcohol, they do it usually at home, often with friends, while only 14 per cent drink in pubs or restaurants due to reported financial constraints, see: Feliksiak, 2010). It is also worth pointing out that in the target group over four hundred respondents (419) indicated that they would migrate again, while only 72 rejected this idea.
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FINDINGS Considering the results of the questionnaire, there are evident/there appear to be evident two basic patterns in current migration movements. First, there is a large group of migrants characterized by the extended network of their personal and professional contacts. Within this group some of the migrants retain close intra-ethnic ties and experience significant difficulties adapting, while the others are very open and their networks are dynamically developing due to the length of their stay in a host country. Second, there is a growing group of people who rely mainly on their own stock of competencies, their financial and non-financial assets, the education gained in their country of origin and their linguistic skills. One of the most important findings was related to the economy-driven character of migration, which was identified in both the individual and the group migration episodes and which therefore is considered to be an intersection between the two strands. Motivation: why people migrate? The declared reasons why people migrated were mostly related to work and education. While earning money was selected by nearly three hundred participants (288), as many as 369 reported to have migrated for work and educational purposes combined (see Table 3). The choice of a single answer was considerably less frequent than multiple answers to this question. Only 35 participants chose education as their sole motivation for migrating, which evokes an assumption that people who migrate intend to benefit in a variety of ways. Almost a hundred (99) participants reported that their decision to migrate was threefold – a combination of work, education and tourism. This, again, confirms the thesis that migration expectations are complex. Motivations to migrate which go beyond the simple economy were also found by Pollard and colleagues (Pollard et al., 2008). Polish migrants in the UK stated that broadening the mind, learning English, and enterprise culture were considered as pull factors of their migratory project. This, in turn, only partly confirms the findings of Osipovic (2010) on Polish migrants in London whose primary motivation to migrate was financial and work-related. It was later reiterated in the open-ended questions section that people tend to visit tourist destinations while working or studying abroad. The scarcity of respondents who chose education (35) as a
TABLE 2 ASSESSMENT OF THE MIGRATION EXPERIENCE: SUCCESS OR FAILURE Migration defined as success related to: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
new experiences gained improvement of the language skills money earned broader perspectives education gained
Migration defined as failure related to: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
problems with adaptation to social life after return problems with adaptation to social life in host country money earned dropping out of school in home country problems with studying abroad
Percentage of responses [N = 446] 91% 86% 76% 26% 26% Percentage of responses [N = 49] 85% 53% 45% 34% 16%
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main reason for migration leads us to believe that education abroad may be seen as a sort of luxury, as many people lack the skills or financial resources to enter into the formal education system in the destination country. At the same time, the frequency of multiple choice responses including education was high; therefore, it shows that individuals who migrate are eager to study. To deal with this expectation successfully, many migrants claim to learn in informal situations in their everyday routine abroad. For a majority, language skills are the crucial acquisition and they highly value their stay in a host country due to their linguistic improvements. Some of the participants stated that an overall negative migration experience was strongly related to their educational failure, which includes the drop-out risk in their home country and, less frequently, educational failure abroad. Leaving the UK to continue education in their country of origin was also found in the study by Pollard et al. (2008: 44). When their educational aims were not achieved, the survey participants decided to return home. Such an attitude towards education might be considered a self-investment strategy, since, if the costs of migration were higher than expected, the respondents would probably redefine their migration strategy. As we see it, the possible failure in this strategy might be linked to a language barrier, as 188 out of 492 participants stated that they did not have sufficient target language knowledge and skills. Although the majority of these respondents reported that they had no problems finding a job abroad, they might have been part of a seasonal blue-collar group with “dirty, difficult and dangerous” jobs (see Koser, 2007: 32). Since such a modest number of people migrate solely to learn, while so many indicate education as one of their goals, the main migration strategy seems to be to work and study at the same time. Migrants are aware that they need to fund their own studies and, thus, their education depends on their work. The data from the British education market is a relevant example as Poland takes the sixth position among the top ten EU enrolments in 2009/10 for Higher Education Institutions in the UK, after Ireland, France, Germany, Greece and Cyprus respectively (HESA, 2010). Eight thousand four hundred and fifteen Polish students were enrolled in Higher Education Institutions in 2009/ 2010 in the UK, dropping from 9145 (8 per cent) the previous year. When compared with non-EU countries, that figure is rather modest; in comparison with other accession countries, however, Poland has the highest number of enrolments, followed by Bulgaria with only 2,185 enrolments in the 2008/2009 academic year The latter increased considerably to 3,395 (55.3%) in the following academic year. As mentioned above, education, especially that of a formal character, might be considered a selfinvestment strategy. Although, among our participants, a minority migrated solely for the purpose of studying, commitment towards gaining formal qualifications has been identified across the sample. Aspects such as linguistic challenges, unfamiliarity with the foreign education system and working while studying allow us to conclude that the number of people engaged in formal education was high. These findings confirm a previous statement of Pollard and her colleagues on the changing character of the Polish migration. She confirmed in her research that the economy-driven character of migration has evolved into a complex project focused on new activities like: “learn
TABLE 3 MOTIVATION TO MIGRATE Why individuals migrate? (1) (2) (3) (4)
work and education combined work related reasons tourism, work and education combined education
Number of responses 369 288 99 35
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English, start a business, live in a more socially liberal society or simply to broaden their horizons.” (Pollard et al., 2008: 5). Group character of migration reconfigured Many of the questions in our survey were related to the group versus the individual character of migration, which allowed us to draw a rich picture of the ties used prior to migration and to observe their evolution during migrants’ stay in a host country. A common pattern of migration evolves from group migration into an individual stay (see Table 4). At first, migrating with “friends” (141 responses) and “neighbours” (29) was a frequent option. Moreover, as many as 116 migrants who “travelled with friends” and all 29 of those who “travelled with neighbours” chose “work” as a leading reason for migration. It proves that the usage of social networks is still considerably widespread; however, a new trend – “self -reliance” – has emerged among Polish migrants. Our findings firmly confirm the trends signalled in earlier studies by Galasinska and Kozlowska (2009) who revealed that migrants are more independent in their projects and of Ryan et al. (2009: 164) who state that “migrants accessed […] a combination of new and well-established networks.” Also Jordan and D€uvell (2003) clearly stated that “migrants travel to join established groups of settlers, who provide bridgeheads and transitional arrangements for them in receiving countries;” therefore, “[i]n this sense, migration is not an isolated decision, pursued by an individual agent, but a kind of collective action”(63). Hence, co-migrating seems to be a common and reasonable strategy for people who go abroad. It cuts the costs of travel and accommodation during the first period of migration. At the same time, our respondents demonstrated a shift towards a more individual-oriented strategy of upward social mobility in which the migration project plays an important part. The new trend has been labelled in this paper as the “Project: ME” strategy (explained in detail later in this article); the findings show that this phenomenon is growing, and its exploration seems to play an important role in the analysis of the contemporary Polish migration. The majority of the reported migration movements (329) were taken by our respondents on their own; 170 respondents indicated either “with friends” or “with neighbours”, 86 migrated with their “nuclear family” and the remaining 24 “with siblings”. Our respondents also stated that it was more common for them to travel back to Poland to see their relatives and friends than to have short-term visitors from Poland during their stay abroad. Although the majority of our respondents reported long-term stays abroad, at the same time, many of them travelled home or, slightly less, invited their family or friends abroad: 362 of 446 who answered all of the survey questions said they travelled home during their stay abroad while only 293 reported visits of their family members, relatives or friends whilst abroad. This finding is similar to that of Pollard et al. (2008) where the contemporary trend of multiple travels and return to the country of origin were also identified. However, Pollard and her colleagues focus on the countries relatively close to Poland, like the UK, while our findings confirm this trend on a broader scale. This interesting phenomenon demonstrates that contemporary migrants not only broadly adapt to the local labour market to make a living and visit home (usually because of religious or family feasts), but they also invite others to visit them; both actions can be connected to their relatively high standard of living (in comparison with their expectations). The major strategy connecting the decision to migrate with a high density of personal networks. described recently in literature (see Ok olski, 2007; Osipovic, 2010; Ryan et al., 2009; White and Ryan, 2008, Hellerman, 2006), is still frequently used among Polish migrants; however, relying on family members has now evolved into the inclusion of friends and neighbours. Poles eagerly migrate in a group, while their former kinship networks have been enriched and currently consist of friends more frequently than it was observed in the past. It is clear that the participants of this study knew their co-migrants back in their country of origin; however, in a
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TABLE 4 MIGRATION SETTING Number of responses [N = 609]
How did you migrate? (1) alone
329
(2) with neighbours, friends, nuclear family or siblings (subtotal) (2a) migrated with friends (2b) migrated with nuclear family (2c) migrated with neighbours (2d) migrated with siblings
280 141 86 29 24
migration setting, those intra-ethnic networks are re-used and re-configured (White and Ryan, 2008). The nuclear family (spouse or partner in the questionnaire) was selected less frequently than friends as those with whom people migrated. A total of 86 of the participants migrated with a nuclear family while 141 respondents migrated with friends. However, as it was a multiple-choice question, over twenty respondents (24) indicated that they migrated with family and friends – which makes their networks denser. The findings of this questionnaire clearly show that one of the results of the migration of young people was leaving parents in the country of origin, and, in some cases, the by-product of migration was divorce or the collapse of a relationship (mentioned in the open-ended question sometimes). Over eight hundred (819) participants stated that their parents had remained in Poland. On the one hand, this confirms a general trend of using migration as a tool for empowerment and liberation from the family setting; hence, these results are not surprising. On the other hand, it might suggest a new phenomenon emerging in Polish society. Although Poles generally support their families with remittances (with a sum of almost 5 billion USD in 2004, up to 10,5 billion USD in 2008. MPI, 2010), they cannot support ageing parents on a daily basis. From a long-term perspective, this might result in the emergence of new demands like daily care for their elderly parents paid by children residing abroad. Academics argue that family decision-making on how the migration process is configured or whether to migrate or not is complex and the scientific knowledge on this issue is still insufficient to draw general conclusions (Cooke, 2007). It has also been emphasized that a variety of obligations, referring both to the children participating in migration and the elders left in the country of origin, is dynamic and a sort of on-going process which is likely to be re-configured and re-defined with changing circumstances (Ackers, 2004, cited in Ryan and Sales, 2011:4). The group character of migration was further analysed through questions about the source of support received during the stay in a host country. Family members were selected as the first choice of support by a group of 132 participants, while friends were indicated by 159 respondents. Moreover, the total number of responses to the question about the source of support from the family, including first, second, third and fourth preference, was only 180, while for friends it was almost five hundred (492). This demonstrates that the migration setting re-configures networks, with support from friends or co-migrants increasingly valued over help from family. It also leads us to the conclusion that the most expected support during the migration project is the on-site one. Our participants also indicated “other Poles”, “other migrants”, and “the natives” as sources of support in the host country (selected by, respectively, 120, 82 and 142 participants). These results suggest a further expansion of networks due to the length of stay in a host country. A very small number of responses indicated institutions like non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as places where support
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was provided. As few as six participants indicated NGOs as a place where support was obtained. This reinforces the conclusion that friends were the dominant help providers. Osipovic (2010) has observed that Polish migrants look for information or necessary support only when needs arise. Furthermore, as many as 244 out of 327 participants stated that they shared their accommodation with other Poles during their stay abroad (see Table 5). Sharing or co-renting a flat with friends or family members is still a widespread strategy in both subgroups examined to deal with accommodation difficulties while staying abroad. Living with other Poles brings solutions to resolve many everyday problems of migrants, like reducing the total costs of rent, providing strong emotional support during personal crises, building close personal relations and protecting from feelings of loneliness and homesickness. Only 33 participants chose the local authorities as a valuable source of assistance in finding a job, which suggests again that friends are the main resource in the current migration setting. Although migrating in a group seems to create an interesting set of opportunities and protects the migrants from the most serious problems, it is far from being a worry-free solution. Individuals who migrated with friends and close family members often tend to work below their qualifications, which is similar to the findings of Eade and colleagues (Eade et al., 2006; White, 2011). The majority of participants, as indicated by the survey, worked in employment below their professional qualifications (273 stated so), while 175 worked in jobs relevant to their qualifications. This was significantly more frequent in the group who migrated with friends, neighbours or their nuclear family. This, in turn, is in line with Jordan and Duvell’s claim that in migration, “supply-side adaptations are essential.” (2003: 61). While the majority of respondents reported that they “live with other Poles while staying abroad” (confirmed by 244 respondents, see Table 5) the group character of migration was further explored in the next question: “Did you work in a company run by a Pole?” As few as 37 participants confirmed that they worked in a company owned by a Pole, and almost three hundred (267) reported they did not. This might be connected to the low level of generalized trust related to employment in an ethnic entrepreneurship run by co-nationals. This was earlier suggested by Eade and colleagues (2006: 15) who defined it as “discursive hostility towards co-ethnics”. It is perceived that friends act as supporters in a crisis and as proper company in renting a flat, but not necessarily as a resource in providing employment. Problems related to employment, to accommodation and to communication in the language of the host country, were perceived as important less frequently by those who migrated with their nuclear family and friends than by those who left the country on their own. Finding a job was defined as problematic by only 21 participants who migrated with friends. Even fewer experienced problems finding accommodation (8). Although migrating in a group protects migrants, to some extent, from lack of a place to live or work, it is less effective in communication problems. When those who left alone are compared with those who migrated in a group, it turns out that communication was still less problematic for those from the group category; however, 45 respondents confirmed they had problems communicating with the natives. Moreover, language problems were reported in every possible question related to difficulties experienced. The results show the high priority of the linguistic issues identified by the participants of the survey. The language issues Language as a communication tool is an indispensable element of the quality of life in a new community. Lack of knowledge of the target language may lower migrants’ competitiveness on the job market, which might consequently result in undertaking employment below one’s qualifications.7 At the same time, everyday issues become a struggle and normal existence within the host society is hardly achievable. The high priority of linguistic issues has been confirmed in the research on
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TABLE 5 CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRATION: GROUP VS. INDIVIDUAL (NUMBER OF RESPONSES IN BRACKETS)
Total
Group character of migration
Individual character of migration
Pre-migration arrangements (1) accommodation (2) job (3) accommodation and job combined
342 (434) 229 (371) 233 (297)
177 (232) 117 (193) 123 (168)
165 (202) 109 (178) 101 (129)
Arrangements on site (1) living with co-nationals (2) working in a company run by co-nationals
244 (327) 37 (304)
107 (119) 9 (111)
137 (208) 28 (193)
Post-migration features (1) language improvement (2) improvement of economic situation (3) utilising experience gained abroad at work
252 (327) 169 (282) 154 (305)
87 (119) 51 (88) 48 (111)
165 (208) 118 (194) 106 (194)
Polish migrants in Australia (Leuner, 2007) and in the UK (White, 2011). While investigating previous emigration waves and adaptation processes of the second generation to Australian society, Leuner argues that maintenance of the Polish language was “a core value for the family” (2007:190). White, on the other hand, emphasizes that her interviewees felt at home in the UK when they learnt English to the point “where [they] did not sense a ‘language barrier’.” (2011:139). Although our research was not focused on the intergenerational issues, we agree with considering the acquisition of the target language to be very important for the migrants. Many migrants remain in their ethnic community to receive all necessary support, which is counter-productive in the long term as close ethnic ties may hinder the adaptation and integration processes. On the other hand, even those migrants who speak the target language (at various levels) may experience a whole range of linguistic problems. Dialects and regionalisms, mis/pronunciation, in/adequate vocabulary (especially so called false friends) or lack of relevant lexis and grammatical in/accuracy may affect migrants’ ability to communicate in the target language effectively. Therefore, mastering the language of the host country is often perceived as a personal investment and as a necessity, even among those who migrate in groups, for greater security in the new country. A proportion of respondents (in both subgroups: those who migrated alone and those who migrated with others) reported a lack of improvement of their language skills. Nonetheless, a third of respondents (252) assessed their language level on their return to Poland as higher than the initial one. Language issues constitute a major part of education and self-investment. Among the 329 respondents who reported that they had migrated on their own, a vast majority assessed their target language knowledge before migrating to the destination country and after their return to Poland. The evaluation was done through self-assessment, so there must be a certain degree of subjectivity in the responses. Nevertheless, among four categories – (1) lack of language knowledge, (2) elementary, (3) good or (4) fluent language – two-thirds of respondents classified themselves either in category 2 or category 3. Only one-fifth of respondents reported no language knowledge prior to departure, while about one-sixth assessed their language as fluent. Our findings also show two interesting correlations between levels of the target language knowledge among migrants: first, their motivation to migrate, and secondly, migrants’ target language level after their return to Poland. In the first case, within the group who migrated on their own (329 respondents in total) and who did not speak the target language (almost one-fifth), a vast
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majority of the respondents migrated for economic reasons. Only about a fifth of this group (one twenty-fifth of the whole group) reported educational aims alongside their financial goals in migration. The choice of education as a motivating factor, apart from economic reasons for migration, rises along with the target language level. Among those who reported fluency in the target language, more than half stated they had educational aims, apart from economic drivers. Similarly, language improvement after returning to Poland was more noticeable among those whose language knowledge prior to departure was good (two-thirds) than among those who did not speak the language, as more than half of this group stated that they still could not speak the target language after their return to Poland. On the whole, the improvement of language skills is quite significant among migrants who emigrated on their own as nearly two-thirds of respondents in that group reported improved language skills on their return to Poland. The “Project: ME” strategy The new growing trend towards individual migration suggested by Ok olski (2007) and Galasi nska and Kozłowska (2009) has been confirmed in our research. Many of our respondents reported that they migrated alone and even when the multiple character of migration was taken into account, the number of individual trips was still high. Those who left their country of origin alone have particular attributes related to their level of socio-cultural capital, their linguistic skills and their perception of self-success. Individualization of the migratory process has been observed earlier in Portugal and associated with a feminization of migration. The Portuguese case is a good example of the individual character of migration; however, Hellermann (2006) refers it to the negative process of an escape of a woman from the domination and control of a man and at the same time the “renunciation of social networks” (Catarino, 2007:9). Our findings suggest a considerably different characteristic. The participants of our study skilfully used migration as an empowerment strategy and well planned development of their knowledge, education and skills. Thus, while the individualization of migration is dual in its character, our findings on the Polish population suggest a strong trend towards consciously planned self-development rather than escape or survival. An individual trend of migration has also been identified in a research on the Polish migrants in London (Eade, Drinkwater and Garapich, 2006). Eade and colleagues classified participants of their study in four groups, of which one called “searchers” is similar to the one called in our article “Project:ME”. While similarities found in migration are considered as “a rite of passage into adult life” (Eade et al., 2006:12) and migrants are generally described as young, individualistic and ambitious, there are also a few differences. The participants of our study tend to be characterized by perseverance in their migration project accomplishment. The responses to open-ended questions showed that migrants are extremely determined to realize their own migratory project, guided by their individual priorities, and in most cases reported their migration project as a success. Moreover, those who migrated alone tend to use their experience gained abroad in their new job in Poland. Overall, the participants of our study seem to consciously plan the development of certain skills due to their stay abroad and a strategy of individual development defined in terms of professional and social experiences. “Project: ME” refers to a strategy undertaken by contemporary migrants who: (1) migrate willingly, (2) treat migration as an element of a broader strategy of self development, (3) skilfully use migration as a mechanism of their social and economic upward mobility, and (4) embed social and cultural elements of migration to enrich their own identity. With regard to ‘upward mobility,’ we follow Sorokin’s classic definition of one’s change of position in the social structure. The most significant feature of this group refers to a subjectively reported sense of success. Over two hundred participants (264 responses) of those who migrated alone considered their stay in the host country a success. They reported that success was observed through newly acquired professional experiences (254), language skill improvement (241) and financial gains (211). Improve© 2013 The Authors. International Migration © 2013 IOM
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ments in all three areas were observed by as many as 142 respondents while the same result was reported by only 60 participants who migrated with friends. Yet those who migrated alone were more likely to obtain a satisfying job according to their qualifications than those who migrated with others. They were also more determined to apply for and get a job in line with their qualifications in the host country than those who migrated in a group. Over a hundred participants (103) reported that the employment obtained after their return to Poland was satisfactory in terms of the qualifications they possessed. Furthermore, an improvement in the economic situation after returning was reported by 118 participants who migrated on their own, while only 51 of those who left with friends, a spouse or a partner reported the same phenomenon. People who migrated on their own were more likely to study while abroad. Forty-two participants who migrated alone reported that they studied, while only 18 of those who migrated with friends reported so. Fewer of those who migrated alone reported failure of their migration project (as few as 16 participants). A more detailed analysis of the features of group versus individual migration is presented below in Table 5. Individual migration was further explored with a question about the support received in demanding situations while abroad. Fifty-three of those who left alone stated that they could count only on themselves; hence, self-reliance seems to be an important attribute. It further allows us to conclude that those participants who have decided to migrate alone were self-confident, which might be a reason for their positive evaluation of their migration project. On the other hand, those who migrated alone were slightly better educated and their language competencies before migrating were higher than of those who travelled in a group. These differences, however, were not as significant as we could have expected. As many as 106 participants reported that after their return to Poland they used their experience gained abroad. This is considered an important element of the overall migration strategy. Return migrants attempt to implement their newly acquired skills in a new job. Since an increasing number of companies transform into global ventures, the skills from a multinational company are highly valued. Answers to the open-ended questions asked also provided information that some of those who migrated alone were surprised by their own non-financial assets when comparing their set of skills with some other employees. Again, migration seems to be a potentially successful strategy for empowerment and the construction of high self-esteem. The findings strongly argue that the accession of Poland to the EU in 2004 is a turning point in migration history. Since then Polish citizens have been allowed to participate in the economic and social life in other European countries as equals. Regarding independence gained through the accession to the EU, migrants who favoured the “Project:ME” strategy have been allowed to use the unlimited options offered to shape their own lives, which was unrealistic before 2004. Less compromise and more freedom have enabled migrants to pursue their migration projects and fall into Jordan and D€uvell’s (2003) category of “global nomads”. As the issue of migrants who are primarily focused on their own development has emerged in this research and as it is poorly described in literature, it is strongly suggested that further research should explore this issue/theme in depth. Qualitative methods should be employed to examine the preferences of this group in detail. Tendencies towards the development of self employment and entrepreneurship might be one of the most important issues to be further investigated.
DISCUSSION \The attributes of contemporary Polish migration are an interesting example of transition from an old and relatively stable pattern towards a vibrant and flexible type of mobility. The exploration of multiple destination migration groups is complex and may provide considerable difficulties for research-
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ers. On the basis of the results of the survey, this article describes some of the most characteristic features of migrants as a social group that need to be further investigated. Flexibility of the migration project, thus its re-definition or re-consideration due to the changing circumstances, was previously described referring it to the family setting and difficult decision of family rejoining (Ryan and Sales, 2008). This article confirms the general tendency of fluctuations of the migration project and adaptation of the Polish citizens to the changing conditions of their residency in a host country. The findings of this project strongly emphasize the emergence of new trends. The contemporary Polish migration is far from its previous simplicity, noticeable even in 1989 and before. The currently migrating population is far more aware of the potential of migration projects and their own strengths than their predecessors. Better knowledge of the language of the host country, relatively higher levels of formal education and openness towards new professional and personal experiences result in a generally positive perception of migration and its consequences. New Trends 1 The general picture of the Polish post-2004 migration in literature is unclear. Some authors argue that the mass outflow of Polish citizens abroad is of a relatively stable character, while others claim that there is a massive return migration due to the global economic crisis of 2008, suggesting the fragile character of these movements and their exceptional susceptibility to economic hardship. Our research argues that exceptional flexibility rather than fragility of the Polish migrant group is observed. The participants of other studies (i.e. Osipovic, 2010; White and Ryan, 2008) had difficulties in answering questions about the short- or long-term character of their stay abroad and their plans with reference to migration. Although it might be considered a frailty of these migrants and their migration projects, we argue that it is a powerful regulator of behaviour. As long as migration brings benefits to individuals, not only economic but also educational or social ones, migrants pursue their actions towards a subjectively perceived success. In other words, as long as migrants see short- and long-term benefits related to their migration, they are determined to stick to it. This might explain the “unstable” character of migration, multiple changes of the host country and reactions to the economic circumstances on micro and macro level behaviours. As many as 131 participants reported visiting more than one country, often multiply, allowing us to identify a considerable group of people who are skilful enough to plan and execute migrations projects and who are characterized by high flexibility, including travels to and returns from other continents, due to present market trends. 2 The findings of this project suggest that the basic goal of migration has evolved in the last twenty years. Considering the current character of Polish migration, it is clear that people who decide to migrate expect more from the process itself than they did in the past. The previous economic focus has been expanded towards a complex set of expectations. This has been identified more frequently in the group of participants who possessed the most resources: those who had a good knowledge of the language of the host country and who were generally economic success-oriented. Such a complex set of expectations was less frequently identified in the group of people who had moderate linguistic skills and limited socio-cultural capital resources; however, it is observed as a sort of “modern trend” across all groups. Migrants from our research were able to find a job abroad, even if it was below their qualifications; they were able to earn and economize, visit their home country relatively often and receive visits from family members in their place of temporary living. 3 A trend towards short-term migration projects was also identified. There were two basic strands, one strongly related to education and the second focused on business. People in the first group reported that their stay abroad or, more often, return to Poland was caused by formal education circumstances. They stayed abroad to graduate or, on the contrary, felt they had
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to go back to complete studies and graduate in Poland. It seems clear that the participants reported themselves to be quite determined in the implementation of their migration project. Interestingly, some of the participants in this study emphasized that migration was an important element of their business project. It confirms that migration is one of the means of achieving economic stability and general success. Some participants reported starting their own business using the money they had earned abroad, and it could be considered a well-planned strategy to avoid a risky loan or mortgage. The small-scale business strategies should be further analysed, as it was not a primary focus of this questionnaire. The economic behaviour of migrants should be carefully explored to create a base of knowledge on how to support such initiatives. 4 The most evident change in migration characteristics is related to the new lifestyle. Many migrants consider migration as an event that requires readjustment and perceive it as a powerful life experience. While thinking about the migration process and the reasons for its success, migrants often report new friendships and relationships as one of the most significant elements of their stay abroad. Visiting new places and meeting new people in their cultural context is also highly valued. This potent experience is often perceived from an empowerment perspective. Responses to open-ended questions prove that through migration people have built their self-esteem in a way that shows them their own value. By confronting people of different ethnic and cultural background, migrants found that they were capable of coping with their situation quite effectively, despite the difficulties they faced. Instead of internal migration from small towns to cities, Polish people often prefer to move further to gain more. A favourable relation between earnings and spending was one of the most frequently reported characteristics of their life abroad. The new lifestyle that includes good income, lack of everyday stress related to proportionally large living expenses and inviting family out for dinner was an important element of their migration experience, as reinforced by the perceived gap considered in comparison with the general quality of life in Poland and in a foreign country. 5 Social networks are an important element of the migration project. On the one hand, as in the past, the social network often triggers migration. However, current migration is strongly connected with the development of new networks in a host country, while weak ties are of moderate importance. As reported, friends are considered the most valuable resource during an individual’s stay abroad, even more than family. When analysing this issue from a different angle, we found that quite a large proportion of the participants (716) declared they left their elderly parents with other relatives. This may be explained in two different ways: first, the decision to migrate is discussed with the family, so parents are sure that at least one of their children will stay with them; second, the tendency to migrate with friends is more popular than migrating with siblings. In other words, migrating with one’s family of origin is much less common than with one’s nuclear family or friends. This thesis is supported by a very low number of responses (24) to the question about siblings as co-migrants.
CONCLUSION An examination of the contemporary Polish migration might lead to the conclusion of there being a self-efficiency of this movement and of the highly-skilled survival strategies of young Poles. A similar tendency has been recently studied by Florida (2007), whose analysis brought evidence that a certain group of people, labelled a “creative class”, is attracted by the so called innovation hubs of the world. These are people focussed on their own career and quality of life who assess their new experiences of migration as the most important benefit of their migration project. Florida further stated that migration is no longer “a gate-keeping function, but (…) a talent attraction function
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necessary for economic growth” (2007: 8). Although this is not a characteristic of all the contemporary migrating population, it has been identified as a growing phenomenon in various countries across the globe. The Polish participants of our study might be considered as part of this group. Following Florida’s statement we fully agree that: “what’s distinct about our times is the extent to which more and more people are developing the cultural, political, and economic freedom to choose where to live and work globally” (2007:10). Relating this to contemporary policy encourages one to introduce a different view of migration at the local and national level. This new trend suggests that host countries concerned about the labour force and immigration flow need to consider their own attractiveness, and this seems to be true not only for the top professionals and highly educated people. A considerable group of participants in our study declare that their migration is a manifestation of their individual plan for self-development. It might further influence the migratory flows to the places perceived as most attractive for migrants. A growing number of migrants use migration as a tool to develop their own careers through expanding their linguistic and professional skills. The “Project:ME” strategy is a good example of this tendency. Migrants tend to maintain high expectations of their migration project and reveal a strong commitment to the accomplishment of their plan. They also consider their migration project as a process, highly susceptible to the circumstances, which proves migrants’ exceptional flexibility. Considering their multilayer motivations and a variety of benefits related to migration, migrants tend to consciously project their own lives in order to maximize the benefits strictly related to their individual values. Migrants pursuing “Project:ME” perceive themselves not only through their current status but also through the lens of the potential opportunities that lie before them due to their migration episode.
NOTES 1. For example, 86.7 per cent of Poles who arrived in the US before 1980 were naturalized, but only 45.4 per cent of those who arrived in the period of 1985–1989 acquired American citizenship (Portes and Rumbaut, 2006: 145). 2. However, some authors claim that after 2006, Germany experienced a substantial increase in Polish workers, especially men between 25 and 45 years of age, suggesting that this particular migration movement has been planned as temporary (Brenke et al., 2009:7). It is also worthwhile to notice that labour migration to Germany has been a seasonal summer migration since the nineteenth century. 3. Out of 847 responses collected, 446 were completed; the remaining 401 were partially completed. Many questions were of a multiple-response character, thus percentages in the Tables and in the text do not always add up to 100. 4. The questionnaire used in this study was prepared by an international team, as follows: Izabela Czerniejewska (University of Mikołaj Kopernik, Poland), El_zbieta Gozdziak (Georgetown University, USA), Jakub Isanski (University of Adam Mickiewicz, Poland), Agata Mleczko (formerly University of Nottingham, UK), and Renata Seredy nska- Abou Eid (University of Nottingham, UK). This article is focused on the quantitative part of the project, while the qualitative part is discussed elsewhere (Czerniejewska and Gozdziak, forthcoming). 5. The website: http://www.powrotypolakow.eu 6. 278 participants left this slot empty. We can speculate that for many of them their participation in the questionnaire was a sort of “assuming by default” that they went abroad. 7. This tendency is not new among Polish migrants. Habielski (2000) shows examples of the war-time migrants to the UK and other countries who proved that employment, regardless of its type, is not a humiliating activity and does not result in a downward change of social status. In fact, many of the Polish intelligentsia in exile, including high rank army officers and their wives (e.g. General Sosabowski, General BorKomorowski, and General Rudnicki), worked in physical occupations as that was the only way to earn a living – utilizing skills that were often irrelevant to their professional qualifications and not typical of their high social status.
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