Pseudo-Agree: Part II

October 7, 2017 | Autor: Tanmoy Bhattacharya | Categoria: Syntax, Formal syntax
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Tanmoy Bhattacharya

Centre for Advanced Studies in Linguistics University of Delhi

[email protected]

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The standard view: CHL : ([F],LEX)  EXP However, this has been called into question recently (Stroik 2000, 2009) from the perspective of conceptual necessity, so has been the associated machinery:  Phases  Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC)  Phase Complement Transfer (PCT)  Transfer  (Multiple) Spell Out  Economy conditions like Shortest Move

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Similarly: Why Internal Merge (IM)?

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Axioms and Derived Operations 2. Unifying External and Internal Merge 3. A model without IM is similar to a Lto-R parsing algorithm 1.

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Head as a postulate/ axiom should be regarded as a purely formal statement (and not necessarily as a fact based on experience)  asymmetry  Head Projections  array of LIs from LEX for further computation  Head  basic local relations (where H-Complement is more fundamental, others being “elsewhere”)  Head  Chain Link 

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A Head gives rise to a

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A CFC Head allows an “extra” Spec [Wh(C), EPP(T), and OS(v)]:  = [XP [(EA) H YP]]  The set resulting from S-selection and Hasymmetry, has the following properties that hold between the members: 

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HEAD [XP [(EA) H(=C) YP]]

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Relate to higher T

HEAD [(EA) H(=V) YP]

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ZP [XP [ H(=C) YP]]

 Extended Locality [pseudo direction] 5

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 Optimal

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solutions to design principles:  Filler-Gap Dependency  Displacement  External motivation:  distinct semantic interpretation (Q-scope)  Processing (reanalysis)  Displacement and devices implementing it are only apparent imperfections 6

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Chain Link + Adjuncts  DOMAIN Basic elements of representations (to be derived derivationally = CH) Basic transformation operation: FORM CHAIN (tension btween SM versus fewest steps)

[e seems [e to be likely [John to win]]] CH = (John, t’, t) in a single step via Form Chain

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With recursive PS rules, Generalized Transformation (GT) was given up, MP revives is through parallel derivations  GT: Binary operation: (K, K1)  K*  Move : Singularly operation: K  K*  Unifying: Target external to K in both: Extension Condition [substitution operations always extend target] 

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1 (a)

[ seems [ is certain [John to be here]]] it 2

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[Bhattacharya, 2008]  The problem of encoding movement in a left-to-right parser generally  They also highlight the difficulty of implementing the syntactic finding that subjects in Bangla occupy a high topic-like position.  Designing an efficient P-G parser requires reexamination of the idea of EPP/EFs in general

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The CP as a Wh-phrase raises from a postverbal SVO base-position to a Wh-position located below the subject, resulting in licensing of the Wh-phrase as follows: Sub [CP … wh …]i V ti Bangla has WH movement

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Position of subject hides Wh movement in Bangla. Thus only referentially specific elements occur as subjects preceding Wh-phrases in the “subjectposition”: Chele du-To [kon boi-Ta]i poRlo ti ? boy two-CL which book-CL read „Which books did the two boys read?‟ #Du-To chele [kon boi-Ta]i poRlo ti ? two-CL boy which book-CL read

[DP +Specific/ *-Specific] > WH 11



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Bangla is a language with obligatory overt Wh-movement from an underlying SVO base position Non-Wh arguments (Subjects)/ adjuncts raise to a Topic-like position The Wh/Q-licensing position follows the regular surface position of the subject and is headed by a polaritytype functional head

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Since Chain Links are axiomatic, Minimal Domain is derivative and so is Agree  Agree is an Operational explanation (and so is Phiagreement)  Agree as valuation-driven rather than interpretability driven  Pesetsky and Torrego (2007): 

“[…] reason for assuming that the T-feature of Tns is unvalued, though interpretable: the fact that Tns appears to learn its value in finite clauses from the finite verb.”  interpretable unvalued feature: [uF:val] values [iF: __] 

Selected Modal/T/C is of that type (Wurmbrand)

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Zeijlstra (2010): iF [goal] » uF [probe]  Haegeman and Lohndal (2010): α Agrees with β if α c-commands β, α and β both have a feature F, and there is no γ with the feature F such that α c-commands γ and γ c-commands β. o Adger (2003): An uninterpretable feature F on a syntactic object Y is checked when Y is in a c-command relation with another syntactic object which bears a matching feature F. 

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