Response to Maria Fadiman

The American Geographical Society’s

Vol. 52, No.2

In FOCUS Fall 2009 A Nation in Exile

The New Tibet

Shangri La on the Edge of Tibet

Landscape of Tradition and Change

Religion in the Land and Life of Tibet $13.00

The American Geographical Society’s

FOCUS O N Fall 2009

G E O G R A P H Y

Vol. 52, No.2

IN THIS ISSUE FEATURED ARTICLES Tibet: A Nation in Exile Ramesh Chandra Dhussa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1 The New Tibet Pradyumna P. Karan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Shangri La on the Edge of Tibet David Zurick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14 Tibet: Landscape of Tradition and Change Tracy H. Allen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Religion in the Life and Landscape of Tibet Richard and Julie Farkas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 The following two articles are replies to Maria Fadiman’s article on Amazonian Oil Exploration published in FOCUS on Geography Vol. 52, No. 1: Amazonian Oil Exploration: A Report on the Historical Facts of Texaco’s Operations William Doyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Response to Maria Fadiman Robert Wasserstrom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Submission Guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 CARTOGRAPHY: All maps for this issue were produced by Dick Gilbreath at the Cartography Laboratory in the Department of Geography, University of Kentucky unless otherwise credited.

Editor Gregory H. Chu Department of Geography/Earth Science University of Wisconsin-La Crosse La Crosse, WI. 54601. [email protected] Assistant Editor James E. Young Department of Geography & Planning Appalachian State University [email protected] Copy Editor: Jean M.E. Bonde Editorial Board Robert S. Bednarz, Texas A and M University Cynthia J. Berlin, Univ. of Wisconsin-La Crosse John Fraser Hart, Univ. of Minnesota Robert W. McColl, Univ. of Kansas Darrell Napton, South Dakota State University Kendra McSweeney, The Ohio State University Dean G. Wilder, Univ. of Wisconsin-La Crosse Everett A. Wingert, Univ. of Hawaii Wendy Wolford, Univ. of North Carolina James E. Young, Appalachian State Univ. James Thomas, programs coordinator, teacher liaison and advertising, can be reached at The American Geographical Society, address below. Annual Subscription: $50 Single, $80 Institutions. Orders from Canada, please add US$14; orders from other overseas countries, please add US$28. Checks, money orders from a US-based institution, American Express, VISA, and MasterCard are accepted. An on-line subscription form can be downloaded for mailing or f a x i n g f r o m h t t p : / / w w w. a m e r g e o g . o r g / focus_magazine_subscription_form.htm; please contact American Geographical Society for further subscription information. Single copies are $13 per copy plus 15% shipping and handling. FOCUS (ISSN 0015-5004) is published by The American Geographical Society, 120 Wall Street, Suite 100, New York, NY 10005-3904 in cooperation with the Department of Geography/Earth Science, University of Wisconsin-La Crosse, La Crosse, WI 54601. Printed by LaCrosse Graphics, La Crosse, Wisconsin. Copyright © 2009 by The American Geographical Society of New York. No part of the magazine may be reproduced without prior written consent from The American Geographical Society. The American Geographical Society is not responsible for opinions and interpretations expressed by contributors.

The American Geographical Society OFFICERS: John E. Gould, Chairman of Council; Jerome E. Dobson, President; William P. Doyle, President Emeritus; Alexander B. Murphy, Vice President; John J. McCabe, Treasurer; David J. Keeling, Assistant Treasurer; John Noble Wilford, Secretary; Marie Daly Price, Assistant Secretary. COUNCILORS: Paul L. Carttar, John W. Frazier, Susan W. Hardwick, Gilbert Hetherwick, Frederick E. Nelson, Patrick H. O'Neill, Clifton W. Pannell, Deborah E. Popper, Rickie Sanders, H. Gregory Smith, Dava Sobel, Juha I. Uitto. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Mary Lynne Bird

www.amergeog.org

Tibet: A Nation in Exile by

Ramesh Chandra Dhussa Photographs by Richard and Julie Farkas

Historic Background Tibet, the land of the lamas, roof of the world, and source of several large rivers in Southern and Eastern Asia, has been experiencing political turmoil and ethnic unrest for the last 60 years with tightening control of the country by China. There are two Tibets: one is a vast landmass under the control of China and the other a widely scattered diaspora of Tibetans who have rejected Chinese rule with their feet. The center of the displaced group is the Himalayan hill station of Dharamsala, India, where spiritual Tibet has arisen. In the Tibet within China, people are jailed for nationalist utterings, forbidden to display photos of the Dalai Lama, and face extinction of their culture. For six decades, exiles have anticipated for the miracle that would allow them to return home with guaranteed freedoms. But hope and time are running out. Tibet did not become a nation until the 7th century, when a chieftain, Songsten Gampo, consolidated his rule by subjugating other kingdoms to the west. He became the first king of the unified Tibetan Empire, with Lhasa as its capital. For two centuries the Tibetan Empire prospered. The teachings of Buddha were brought to Tibet and adopted by the ruling class, but by the 9th century, political and religious differences led to the breakup of the Empire, which subsided into isolation for the next four centuries. When the Mongols swept through Central Asia in the 13th century, Buddhism had a rebirth in Tibet, where it became the country's official religion. Tibet once again emerged as a unified nation state in the 15th century with the monk Tsongkhapa serving both a spiritual and political leader. However, political power was later passed on to the kings of the Tsang based in Shigatse. The division between the spiritual lamas and the temporal kings of Tsang became untenable. The Mongols sided with the lamas, paving the way for Dalai Lama V (1617-82) to become both the

spiritual and temporal head of the state. But the declining influence of the Mongols gave the Manchu Qing dynasty (1644-1912) an opportunity to send Chinese troops to Lhasa, and the Chinese Emperor Kang Xi declared Tibet a protectorate. Chinese control rose and fell until 1912, and with the fall of the Manchu dynasty, Tibet finally expelled all Chinese and declared country's independence. No change occurred in Tibet between 1912 and 1949 as China was involved in a civil war and World War II. The People's Republic of China was formed in 1949. Chinese Control On October 7, 1950, one year after the government of the People's Republic of

China was formed, some 40,000 troops of China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) crossed the upper Yangtse River from southwest China and entered eastern Tibet. The commander of 400 poorly armed Tibetans near the border was quickly overpowered by the speed of the Chinese advance. It was the start of a one-sided military campaign that brought Tibet to heel, forced the god-king Dalai Lama to flee his homeland, and began a brutal occupation that continues today. For the most isolated nation on earth, the fate of its centuries old theocracy was sealed. Buddhist monks in Lhasa and the eastern town of Chamdo prayed hard and performed rituals to ward off the coming evil. In view of the military disparity between the Tibetans and the Chinese,

The Potala Palace was originally built by King Songtsen in the 7th century to establish the importance of Lhasa as the capital of Tibet. In the 17th century, the Fifth Dalai Lama built the present structure on the 7th-century foundation. It was completed in 1653. The inner Red Palace, the central upper part completed in 1694, contains temples and the reliquary tombs of the Dalai Lamas. The outer White Palace was the seat of government and winter residence of the Dalai Lama until 1951. Nearly 387 feet high, Potala was the world's tallest building until the construction of skyscrapers in the 20th century (Photo by Julie Farkas). Fall 2009

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Nei Mongol Xinjiang

Ga

ns u

Ningxia

Golmud Xining

Qinghai

A M D O

to B

eijin

g

Tibet Autonomous Region

U - T S A N G

Chamdo Sichuan

Lhasa

N

K H A M

EP AL

INDIA 0

150 0

150

BHUT AN 300 mi 300 km

INDIA

Yunnan BURMA

BANG.

Tibetan Ethnic Area

International boundary

Yunnan

Provincial boundary Tibet Autonomous Region boundary

K H A M

Chinese provice name Regions of Tibet

Map produced by Dick Gilbreath at the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab. divine intervention was as solid a hope as any. But Chamdo fell on October 19,1950, and by the end of the month, the PLA had captured more than 5,000 troops, almost half of the Tibetan army that was better described as a border patrol charged with preserving the country's self-imposed retreat from the world. The PLA could have marched on Lhasa with impunity, but the Chinese paused for negotiations, conscious of the political capital of a “peaceful liberation.” The Tibetans used the borrowed time to appeal to Britain, India, the United States, and the United Nations (UN) to recognize their de facto independence since the last Chinese dynasty had collapsed in 1912. However, de facto was no longer enough. The 2

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Guizhou

The National Flag of Tibet (Photo by Richard Farkas).

Tibetan History: Timeline

Pillar outside Jokhang Temple, marking the treaty between Tibet and China (Photo by Richard Farkas). Tibetans had shown no previous interest in joining the League of Nations, the forerunner of the UN. The Dalai Lama, in his book My Land and My People (1962), wrote, “It never occurred to us that our independence … needed any legal proof to the rest of the world…. Now we had to learn the bitter lesson that the world has grown too small for any people to live in harmless isolation.” The UN postponed any debate on the Chinese occupation of Tibet. Although Tibet and China agreed to maintain the status quo in May 1951, by October of that year, the PLA marched into the holy city of Lhasa through the same gates used by Britain's 1904 Younghusband expedition, the first Westerners to visit the city. The Younghusband expedition had forced the Tibetans to permit a British trade agent to operate in Gyantse, but unlike Younghusband, the arriving Chinese boasted a revolutionary ideology of social, political, and economic reform backed by powerful land forces (Younghusband, 1905; Landon, 1905). China declares that when it invaded the isolated kingdom of Tibet in 1950, it brought modernity and respected the nominal autonomy of the centuries old feudal theocracy. Within the decade, that proved to be cruel fiction. Tibet's temporal and spiritual ruler, the Dalai Lama, fled to an Indian sanctuary. Tibet suffered disastrously from the extremism of Chinese politics in the 1960s. Yak herders were

127 B.C.E.: A kingdom called Bod, Tibet's name, comes into existence. 629-797 C.E.: The Tibetan Empire is at its peak. Its armies invade China and several Central Asian countries. In 763, Tibet seizes the then Chinese capital at Ch'ang-an, today's Xian. 785: Padmasambhava builds Tibet's first monastery, Samye. He also establishes the supremacy of Buddhism. 846: The Tibetan empire disintegrates into many small princedoms. 13th and 14th Century: Both Tibet and China come under the influence of the Mongol Empire. 1578: Sonam Gyatso, the abbot of Drepung monastery and the most eminent lama of that time, is given the title of Dalai Lama. 1642: The Fifth Dalai Lama assumes authority over Tibet. Qing rulers become powerful in China. 1720: Qing rulers trace the Dalai Lama in eastern Tibet and gain control over him. 1786: Gurkhas from Nepal invade Tibet because of Tibet's intervention in the Gurkha invasion of Sikkim. 1792: The Eighth Dalai Lama, then aged 26, seeks military help from the Qing Emperor and the Qing army enters Tibet. 1906: Britain recognizes China's suzerainty in Tibet (not sovereignty). 1912: The Qing dynasty in China was overthrown, and Tibet formally declares its independence. 1912-1950: Independent Tibet. 1950: Chinese Army invades Tibet. 1956: Uprisings begin in the Kham and Amdo regions of Tibet. 1959: The resistance culminates in the Tibetan National Uprising, an armed anti-Chinese revolt. An estimated 87,000 Tibetans are killed and the rebellion is suppressed. The Dalai Lama flees to India with several hundred followers. 1960: The Tibetan Government in Exile is established at Dharmsala, India. A Tibetan parliament was elected by Tibetans living outside their homeland. 1988-89: China's current President Hu Jintao is Party Chief of the Tibet Autonomous Region during a time of political instability and rising demands from Tibet's people for independence. Hu is responsible for a political crackdown in early 1989 that leads to the deaths of several Tibetan activists. 2000: Tibet becomes part of the central government strategy to develop the country's west. Influx of Han Chinese and the growing restrictions on religious practice become the biggest threats to Tibet's cultural identity. 2008: Violence flares in Tibet after monks stage protests on March 10, the anniversary of a failed 1959 uprising against China. 2009: The Dalai Lama states that Autonomy is the solution for Tibet (The New York Times, May 29, 2009). driven into collectives, and barley farmers were forced to plant wheat, which is unsuited to the high Tibetan plateau. Many died in work camps while hundreds of monasteries were destroyed. Against a backdrop of increasingly intensive controls over religious and cultural activities, accelerated state-led economic development, and large-scale compulsory resettlement of farmers and nomads, major protests against Chinese rule erupted on March 10, 2008, in Lhasa and spread across the Tibetan plateau into the Provinces of Gansu, Qinghai, and Sichuan as well as Beijing. In light of the global media presence in Beijing prior to the Olympic Games, these protests were quickly suppressed as the Chinese government agreed to meet with the Dalai Lama's representatives. There has been no

report of any details of the meeting by Western media. Prior to the 2008 protests, the Chinese government has been steadily relocating many Han Chinese into Tibet as part of its strategy to assimilate the region. In 2007 a railroad linking Lhasa with Beijing, a distance of 2,400 miles, was completed to integrate the area with China. Each train arrival brings hundreds of Han Chinese entrepreneurial migrants from the east and Tibetans worry that the flood of Han migrants will dilute the region's unique Buddhist culture while reaping most of its economic benefits. Chinese officials insist they are taking steps to ensure that Tibetans benefit. Tibet remains China's poorest region despite major investments by the Chinese central government. China has made Fall 2009

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significant efforts to modernize Tibet in the hope that, with rising prosperity, Tibetans will eventually accept Chinese rule. However, this strategy has not paid off because, as of now, most of the fruits of economic growth and modernization have gone to Han Chinese immigrants. Tibet's crisis touches directly on the raw nerve of separatism that lies at the core of Chinese nationalism. By using and responding to the deep strains of nationalism in Chinese society, the Communist Party has positioned itself as a defender of the motherland and blocks any examination of Tibetan grievances or its own performance in Tibet. Nationalism has emerged as the state religion in China now that the Communist Party has shrugged off its socialist ideology and made economic development the country's priority. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, an early 20th century Chinese democratic leader, described the country's main ethnic groups the Han, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui, and Tibetan peoples as the “five fingers” of China. Today, Han Chinese constitute more than 92% of the population, but without one of those five fingers, China does not consider the country whole. Within this context, the Chinese regards the Tibetan protests as an attack on the core identity of the country. Moreover, Chinese nationalist sentiment has been inflamed by perceived world sympathy for Tibet. Most Chinese people know little about Tibet's own, and very different, interpretation of its history and regard Tibetans as having been granted special subsidies and benefits from the government to lift their economy. For many, protests from Tibetans appear to be ingratitude after years in which China has built roads, a high altitude railway, and other infrastructures for Tibet.

The 15th-century Kumbum Temple in Gyantse. Behind the temple is the Gyantse Fort, where the British troops spent a month before continuing to Lhasa in 1904. Gyantse was a major center of trade between Tibet and India (Photo by Richard Farkas).

TIBETAN REFUGEE SETTLEMENTS

Area of Detail

4

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Reference city

Darjeeling

Tibetan refugee settlement

ARUNACHAL PRADESH

TIBET

New Delhi

Lhasa Tezu

SIKKIM

Bomdilla

Ravangla

Miao Darjeeling

WEST BENGAL

Kolkata

Bhandara

Tibetan Diaspora

Mumbai

It is estimated that around 250,000 people have left Tibet since 1951. This may not seem an enormous number, but considering the total population of nearly six millions ethnic Tibetans, this was a huge exodus. In 2009, there were over 200,000 Tibetan refugees scattered throughout Europe, Asia and North America. Nearly 1,000 refugees still leave Tibet each year. There are nearly 150,000 Tibetan refugees settled in several states in India alone (see map on right). Major settlements in India are at Bir, Sataun, Shimla, Dalhousie, Pandoh, Solan, Sirmaur, Kangra, McLeodganj and Dharamsala in Himachal

Chennai

ORISSA

MAHARASHTRA

Chandragiri

Mungod

Chennai KARNATAKA

Bylakuppe Kollegal

Gurupura

Dalhousie McLeodganj Dharamsala Bir Kangra HIMACHAL PRADESH Pandoh

Shimla Solan 0 0

250 250

500 km 500 mi

Map showing the distribution of Tibetan refugees in the region.

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UTTARAKHAND Sataun Sahastradhara Manduwala Clement Town

Sirmaur

Pradesh, Miao, Tezu, and Bomdilla in Arunachal Pradesh, Clement Town, Manduwala, and Sahastradhara near Dehra Dun in Uttarakhand, Kollegal, Bylakuppe, Mungod, and Gurupura in Karnataka, Ravangla in Sikkim, Darjeeling in West Bengal, Bhandara in Maharashtra, and Chandragiri in Orissa. The settlement at Bylakuppe in southwest Karnataka is home to several thousand Tibetan exiles most of them engaged in farming. Recent refugees have settled in Dharamsala, the Dalai Lama's home in exile. Presently, very few go to settlements in other states, because these settlements are mainly agricultural with farmland allotted to individual families, and there is not farmland available to accommodate new arrivals. Tibetan refugees who live in Dharamsala or other towns often depend on stipends provided by the welfare office of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), which effectively functions as the government of Tibet in exile. Many find odd jobs or work in restaurants, guest houses, or other service industries. Tibetans are free to work and own property in India, but their legal status is stateless and most hold Indian registration certificates and are not considered citizens of India. Each refugee settlement is headed by a settlement officer appointed by the CTA in Dharamsala as well as a representative elected by the refugees. The goal of the refugee settlements is to protect Tibetan cultural and religious identity, but as the number of refugees swell, the CTA is facing growing challenges in providing welfare services, as well as preserving religious identity, in the face of the increasing onslaught of the forces of modernity in India.

Entrance to the Central Tibetan Administration Secretariat, which houses the main offices of the Tibetan Government in exile at Dharamsala, India. Dharamsala was built by the British in 1849 as a summer escape from the heat of Delhi for government officials. Now, it is the official residence of the Dalai Lama and the world's new center of Tibetan Buddhism (Photo by Richard Farkas).

Tibetan Government in Exile Dharamsala (Himachal Pradesh), India, is the headquarters of CTA, which is headed by Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama. The CTA proclaims itself to be the rightful and legitimate government of Tibet, and it considers the current administration of Tibet by China illegitimate military occupation. The CTA claims authority over all the ethnic Tibetan speaking areas of Western China, including the entire Tibet Autonomous Region, most of Qinghai, parts of western Sichuan, southwestern Gansu, and northern Yunnan. The ethnic Tibetan areas of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu, and Yunnan were severed from Tibet during territorial reorganization in 1959 (see map). The CTA is not recognized as a

The Dalai Lama's audience chamber at Norbulingka, the Summer Palace. On March 17, 1959, the 14th Dalai Lama made his escape disguised as a Tibetan soldier from Norbulingka. Artillery shells fired by the Chinese destroyed the building, killing most of the Tibetans. When the Chinese searched through the corpses, they realized that the Dalai Lama had escaped (Photo by Richard Farkas). government by any country, but it receives financial aid from various governments and international agencies for welfare work among the Tibetan exiles. It runs schools, health services, cultural activities, and economic development projects for the Tibetan community in India. The Indian Government allows the CTA to exercise effective jurisdiction over the

social, cultural, and economic matters of Tibetan exiles. The leadership of the CTA is elected, and, in 2001, the Tibetan Parliament meeting in Dharamsala elected a prime minister. The CTA consists of the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies (the elected legislative branch or parliament), the Kashag (the executive branch or cabinet), Fall 2009

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the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission (the judiciary branch), and three Statutory Commissions. The Statutory Commissions consist of the Tibetan Election Commission, Tibetan Public Service Commission, and Office of the Auditor General. In addition, there are also the Departments of Religion and Culture, Education, Finance, Health, Security, Information, and International Relations, as well as the Planning Council, and the refugee reception centers in Kathmandu, New Delhi, and Dharmsala. The CTA maintains offices in Budapest, Paris, Geneva, Kathmandu, London, Moscow, New Delhi, New York, Tokyo, Zurich, Sydney, Canberra, Taipei, Pretoria, and Brussels. The Future It is very difficult to guess what the fate of Tibetan people in exile will be. Tibetans have every right to aspire to the independence of their earlier history, but China's interests cannot be easily ignored. The Tibetan plateau constitutes fully onefourth of China's landmass, rich with unexplored resources, and strategically set on the border with India. Giving in to the nationalism of one minority must also be a fearful prospect for China in the face of similar stirrings by Uighurs in Xinjiang and other groups elsewhere. There is, however, space between the status quo and independence for compromise. China could devise a way to give Tibetans a voice without sacrificing vital Chinese interests. Chinese officials believe that small amounts of freedom or autonomy, like the Dalai Lama's current demands, may be costly. However, it would behoove China to remember that less freedom may be even costlier. A China that wants the world to believe that freedom in Taiwan could thrive under the Chinese flag must first prove it in Tibet.

A Buddhist temple within a Tibetan refugee settlement outside Delhi, India. The Tibetan refugees in India and elsewhere have made efforts to preserve their religion, language, and culture (Photo by Richard Farkas).

References Bernstorff, Dagmar and Hubertus von Welck. 2004. Exile as a Challenge: the Tibetan Diaspora. Hyderabad, India: Orient Longman. Chenqing Ying. 2003. Tibetan History. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press. Fischer, Andrew Martin. 2005. State Growth and Social Exclusion in Tibet: Challenges of Recent Economic Growth. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies. Kolas, Asild and Monika P. Thowsen. 2005. On the Margins of Tibet: Cultural Survival on the Sino-Tibetan Frontier. Seattle: 6

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The Tibetan School in Dharamsala. All the students are children of Tibetan refugees (Photo by Richard Farkas) University of Washington Press. Norbu, Dawa. 2001. China's Tibet Policy. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. Smith, Warren W. 1996. Tibetan Nation: A History of Tibetan Nationalism and SinoTibetan Relations. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. Sperling, Elliot. 2004. The Tibet-China Conflict: History and Polemics. Washington: East-West Center

Volume 52, Number 2

The New Tibet by

Pradyumna P. Karan Photographs by Pradyumna P. Karan unless otherwise credited

Introduction The 1950 occupation of Tibet by China introduced a new ideology that prompted massive transformation to the traditional Lamaist society and economy. Based on geographic field studies in Tibet in the 1950s and field reconnaissance in YarlungTsangpo Valley and other populated areas of the country between 2000 and 2009, major changes in patterns and the long-term impacts of the introduced ideology on the population, economy, and environment are discussed in this paper. The colonization of Tibet by Han Chinese has followed a frontier economics model of development and environmental management, in which resources have been exploited without serious concern for long-term sustainability. The 1950s marked the beginning of revolutionary socioeconomic changes reflecting the socialist doctrine in all aspects of landscape and life of traditional Tibet. By the 1970s, with the complete elimination of traditional forms of government and other Tibetan institutions, the new social and economic doctrines were entrenched in Tibet, leaving a permanent mark on the land and economy. The country was transformed from a theocratic state into a Chinese province, Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). The administrative boundaries of old Tibet were changed by incorporating parts of the Tibetan-speaking regions of Amdo into Qinghai and Gansu provinces and parts of Kham into Sichuan and Yunnan provinces. The incorporation of these vast areas of ethnic Tibet into other Chinese provinces reduced the size of Tibet and split the Tibetan-speaking population. The areas annexed to other provinces are under their respective provincial administrations, but the TAR is ruled by the Chinese Communist Party and the People's Liberation Army through the Local Government. In recent years, a number of Tibetans have been appointed to high ranking but politically insignificant positions. All authority is vested in the

hands of Chinese Party officials and military officers, making the term “autonomous” in name only. China is reshaping Tibet, pouring money and tens of thousands of Han Chinese into the region. The economic goal is to modernize Tibet's economy. However, the political goal is to gradually secularize Tibetans to make younger Tibetans less sympathetic to advocates of separatism and to undercut political opposition with the fruits of development. Tibetans have benefited economically from this Chinese strategy, but the Han Chinese settlers in Tibet seem to be benefiting more. Population During the last six decades, the population of the Tibet Autonomous Region has more than doubled from 1.14 million in 1950 to 2.67 million in 2005. The Chinese explanation for the increase in population is that with the abolition of serfdom, all serfs and slaves were given land, grain, and animals during the democratic reform in 1959. They claim that

the improved life of the people, rapid growth of agriculture and livestock breeding, and widespread distribution of medical facilities are responsible for the increase. It is true that improved methods of child delivery and the spread of child care and better health coverage have all brought down the infant mortality rate. Although this account of the demographic trend is colored, the pattern is in line with improvements in the general economic conditions and living standards. The economic development of Tibet is having a major impact upon settlement and urban morphology and the growth of Tibet's two largest cities - Lhasa and Shigatse. The bulk of the population is concentrated in the river valleys around Shigatse, Chamdo, and Lhasa. Nearly 4 million more Tibetans live in the Kham and Amdo regions, now part of neighboring provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Gansu. The Tibet Statistical Yearbook 2006 records the Tibetan ethnic population of TAR as 2.54 million Tibetans and 104,000 Han, with small numbers of other minority ethnic groups. However, field observations

Han migrants disembarking from the train coming from Beijing at the Lhasa Railway Station (Photo: Richard Farkas). Fall 2009

FOCUS on Geography 7

and travel in Tibet indicate a much larger Han population. The policy of population transfer of Han Chinese to Tibet began in 1983, and now, in all major cities, the Han population forms a significant and dominant element in the demographic structure. The transfer of Han population has reached an alarming proportion, and the real fear among Tibetans is that if the present policy continues and indications are that it will Tibetans will be reduced to a minority in their own country. The Dalai Lama has said that migration of ethnic Han Chinese to the Tibetan Plateau is one of the main threats to the future of Tibet. Gongmeng, or the Open Constitution Initiative, is comprised of a group of prominent Chinese lawyers who seek to promote legal reform in China. In a recent research report, they argued that discontent in Tibet and the violent rioting in Lhasa on March 14, 2008, were the result of government policies and lack of attention to legitimate grievances of the Tibetan people, who have enormous difficulty finding work in their homeland, while ethnic Han Chinese migrants seem to have a monopoly on jobs in urban centers. Chinese-owned businesses in Lhasa were looted and burned during the March 2008 disturbance, and several Han Chinese were killed in rioting (Wong, 2009). Survival of the Tibetan culture is threatened by the impact of the Han culture on a society unprepared for the onslaught. Tibetans by and large have avoided the

The Old Lhasa: Traditional architecture, art, and culture are still part of the eastern section of the city. Here, medieval pathways, with shops selling religious articles and souvenirs, convey the old charm of the once Forbidden City (Photo: P. P. Karan). 8

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newer parts of Tibetan cities and find refuge in their traditional quarters and homogeneous farming villages. The younger generation, however, goes to Chinese schools and contemplates careers in Chinese establishments. With the continuing influx of the Han population, the question is whether the vast tracts of land still predominantly Tibetan will be slowly colonized by Han farmers as has happened in Tibetan areas of Qinghai.

Economy Since the 1950s, the Chinese government has promoted a form of economic modernization that has left many Tibetans feeling increasingly disenfranchised. This economic policy has transformed the land they are accustomed to living in, the culture they identify with, and the lifestyle and spiritual beliefs they embrace into a society which Tibetans no

Old buildings, including some historic structures, have been demolished and replaced by new concrete structures (Photo: P. P. Karan).

The New Lhasa: After 60 years under Chinese rule, Lhasa has lost its mysticism to sterile modernity. Wide boulevards with pedestrian sidewalks and separate lanes for bicycles, rickshaws, and automobiles and buildings of concrete and glass characterize the urban landscape of the newer, western part of the city (Photo: P. P. Karan).

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longer recognize. Tibetans can no longer find work in their own land and feel the lack of opportunity is unfair. Their core value systems have been changed by China's modernization policy, which has produced a sense of crisis in Tibet today. In contrast, China has said that the Dalai Lama ruled over a feudal system that kept a majority of Tibetans enslaved, and the Chinese economic reforms here set free about a million Tibetan serfs, benefiting the whole population. According to Chinese sources, in the fall of 1960, land certificates were granted to 200,000 farmers, giving them long-term rights of land use and independent management. Tibetan herdsmen were also granted long-term ownership of livestock and independent management. China argues that the per capita net income of farmers and herdsmen has continued to grow at a double-digit rate for five consecutive years, reaching 3,176 yuan in 2008 (1 US Dollar equals 6.8 Yuan). They also assert that the income of urban residents reached 12,482 Yuan in the same year. From 1994 to 2007, China has supported over 3,000 programs in Tibet with an investment of 9.66 billion Yuan. The Chinese Central Government subsidies constituted 94% of local financial revenues from 1965 to 2007. The local infrastructure has been significantly improved, with 43 projects completed in the 1980s, 62 projects in the 1990s, and 117 projects during 20022006. Another 180 projects kicked off in 2007. China claims that Tibet's GDP has increased by 12% over the course of the seven years since 2001. It reached 39.59 billion Yuan in 2008, which was 65 times (at comparable prices) that of the 1959 figure of 174 million Yuan. In the 11th Five-Year Plan period (2006-2010), China's focus is to build a “new countryside,” and resettle 80% of the farmers and herdsmen to new housing projects. Towns in ethnic Tibetan areas have undergone immense changes as a result of modernization, development, and a large increase in the Han Chinese population. Tibetans are increasingly marginalized as they are forced to compete for work with Han who are more educated and skilled, and rates of poverty among rural Tibetans are increasing. In an attempt to regularize the economy in rural areas, Chinese authorities discourage bartering. In the past, Tibetans could trade butter for meat, but now they must use paper money. Approximately 40% of the ethnic Tibetan population is nomadic or semi-nomadic. The nomads rely on their herds for all of the

Yaks graze on the vegetation of Tibet's semi-desert. Economic reforms and liberalization have allowed yak herders to sell meat in the open market, resulting in increased income for many pastoralists (Photo: P. P. Karan).

During the last two decades, the composition of the herds of domestic animals has changed mainly from yaks to sheep. Here, a herd of sheep graze on the meadows around Yamdrok-tso, a dazzling lake, on the old road between Gyantse and Lhasa (Photo: P. P. Karan). basic necessities – milk for tea, butter, cheese, and yogurt; dung for fuel; and hair and hide for yarn, rope, and clothing. A poor family may have 20 yaks or fewer and wealthy families up to 500. Government policy aims to settle more and more nomads to improve the economic viability of animal husbandry and to lessen the effects of natural disasters on the livelihood of the herdsmen. Additionally, this policy allows the government to

manage and control the nomadic population as it gives them fixed addresses. For most nomads, the transition to a more urban lifestyle is difficult. They are often settled in featureless blocks of housing by the side of roads, or in newly created urban areas, and face the problem of creating an entirely new and sustainable livelihood. Modernization of traditional farming and animal husbandry has enabled Tibetans to make money selling barley, Fall 2009

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During the last six decades, the total area under cultivation has increased substantially in the Kyichu and Yarlung Tsangpo Valleys around Lhasa. Valley bottoms are intensively farmed, while settlements are built on upper slopes (Photo: P. P. Karan). apples, wheat, and vegetables on the open market. With surplus cash, some Tibetans are extending their old two-storied homes into more substantial buildings. Many nomads use motorcycles instead of horses. They enjoy decorating the cycles with tassels and carpets like they did their horses. However, in general younger folks like motorbikes, and older persons who keep their horses. Nomads who live too far from town in remote areas where the ground is rocky also find horses more practical since motorcycles have trouble navigating the terrain. Tibetan farming is mainly located in the Yarlung-Tsangpo Valley. About 75% of the area is cultivated with local barley, as the main crop. There are some spring and winter wheat crops. With the exception of the Shigatse Basin, cultivation is limited by seasonal flooding to higher ground on terraces, debris fans, and small upslope areas in the valley. During the last six decades, major land use changes have taken place near towns and in the Lhasa Valley. The most notable change is the conversion of rangeland to cultivated land in the Lhasa area. Much of the natural vegetation has been removed as a result of human activities, and it has been replaced by new tree plantings to improve the regional environment. The conversion of grassland to agriculture to increase food production has environmentally impacted in the Lhasa Valley. The government is encouraging improvement of low-yield fields to highyield fields with irrigation system and conversion of dry low yield lands on slopes 10

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Because the climate in the Yarlung Tsangpo Valley is semiarid, irrigation is needed for agriculture. Dams have been built across small streams to provide irrigation water to former grasslands that have been converted to farmland (Photo: P. P. Karan).

Outside of the rich, fertile valleys of southern Tibet, farmers plow the parched land with horses to grow potatoes or barley (Photo: P. P. Karan).

Tibet’s GDP

30 25 20 15 10 5

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1959 1965 1978 1994 2001 2005 Year

Tibetan Refugee Population India Nepal

These statistics indicate a compelling trend of development and economic growth in Tibet since 2001. With the completion of the railroad connecting Beijing to Lhasa and the opening of the Lhasa airport, this trend is expected to continue with easier access to this once remote region. At the same time, more Han Chinese are settling in Tibet as the Tibetan exodus continues. The graph on the left indicates the geographic distribution of Tibetan refugees.

Bhutan Switzerland United States Canada Australia & New Zealand Scandinavia Japan Rest of Europe 0

5

10

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20

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Number (in thousands)

Fall 2009

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The Potala Palace, the traditional residence of the Dalai Lama, overlooks the city and dominates the urban landscape. The 13-story high Potala, where once Tibetan leaders received religious teachings, feels empty; it is a museum of a dying culture. Few monks pray in the Potala now and most rooms are empty and ghostly. Below the Potala, vendors, mostly Han Chinese migrants, sell Tibetan objects of worship. The surge in Chinese tourism has allowed Han migrants to take tourism jobs, and Chinese businesses mass produce Tibetan jewelry, rugs, and goods for tourists. Han Chinese operate shops in the older as well as the newer sections of Lhasa. The local Tibetan population does not fully share the benefits of this growing tourism economy. Environment Areas under greenhouse farming have also increased considerably. These transparent vinylcovered greenhouses grow various kinds of vegetables and help extend the growing season by protecting the crops from frigid temperatures and frequent wind (Photo: P. P. Karan). to forest or grassland; these measures would help increase food production without degrading the environment. A shift towards cultivating more droughtresistant barley instead of wheat, and raising the effectiveness of irrigation systems would also improve farming. Tourism is a newly developed sector in the Tibetan economy. Tour leaders wielding megaphones and surges of tourists bringing cell phones and video cameras to holy sites such as the Jokhang Temple are a common sight. In 2007, the region recorded 4.02 million tourist arrivals from other parts of China and abroad and yielded 4.852 billion Yuan in tourist revenue. By 2020, Chinese officials estimate that 10 million visitors may come, potentially threatening Tibet's fragile environment. Tourism is skyrocketing as a result of rising Chinese incomes, a growing fascination with Tibetan Buddhism, and easier access to Tibet. In 2006, China completed a train line from Beijing to Lhasa. The train climbs to 16,000 feet, the highest of any railroad in the world, and workers had to build special features into the cars, like oxygen tanks for passengers gasping at such high altitudes. For European and American travelers, the tourism bonanza has added to the urgency of visiting Tibet while they can still recognize its unique culture and tenuous environment. Lhasa is the center of tourism, with major focus on the older Tibetan section of town around the Jokhang Temple. Here, 12

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the narrow, winding alleyways, flanked by mud-brick homes and suffused with the smell of yak butter, juniper, and incense, give the visitor a feeling of a medieval city. Chinese tour groups pose with red-robed Tibetan monks, who appear distinctly uneasy in the photographs. In the rest of Lhasa, old historic buildings have been demolished to make room for wide streets with new concrete buildings. In the newer section of Lhasa, cranes dot the skyline erecting boxy glass and steel shopping centers and fast food outlets.

The grasslands, forests, and wetlands of Tibet contain spectacular landscapes, unique biodiversity, and natural resources central to the livelihoods of millions of people on the plateau and hundreds of millions living downstream in the valleys of the Yangtze, Yellow, Mekong, Salween, Brahmaputra, Sutlej, and Indus Rivers, all of which originate in Tibet. It is one of the most extensive high elevation regions on earth, encompassing close to one million square miles above 10,000 feet. The plateau has the most intact montane grasslands in Eurasia and is home to endangered and endemic wildlife species, such as the snow leopard, brown bear, migratory wild yak, kiang or wild ass, chiru or Tibetan antelope,

Ganden Monastery, northeast of Lhasa, is a major tourist attraction, with buses bringing hundreds of visitors. Ganden, the first Gelugpa Monastery, suffered most during the Cultural Revolution when Red Guards destroyed it in 1966. Large-scale reconstruction of the monastery buildings is in currently progress in order to attract tourists (Photo: P. P. Karan).

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Lhasa Airport: Tourism received a major boost when China Southwest Airlines began regular direct service from Kathmandu, Nepal, and Chengdu, Sichuan. Traveling on land to Tibet involved days of grueling journey from Nepal or China until the construction of the new railway from Beijing to Lhasa was completed in 2006 (Photo: P. P. Karan). gazelle, blue sheep, and argali, or wild mountain sheep. Numerous lakes and marshes provide habitat for a wide variety of waterfowl and shorebirds, including the endangered black-necked crane. The forests of Southeast Tibet are a global center of biodiversity, containing 90% of Tibet's 5,700 plant species, and reaching tree line altitudes of 4,600 meters, the highest in the world. The degradation of their environment is one of the major elements in the crisis facing the Tibetan people. The most obvious environmental problem is the massive deforestation that has taken place on the eastern slopes of the Tibetan plateau in Sichuan, Gansu, Yunnan, and Qinghai since the 1980s. In Sichuan's Tibetan areas, over harvesting has reached devastating proportions with a loss of more than 50% of the forest area. Road construction, without which large-volume timber transport is impossible, has been the driving force behind deforestation. Major logging activity is now moving from the Yangtze catchment area to Tibetan watersheds of the Mekong, Salween, and Tsangpo. Although official figures imply that current cutting rates are sustainable, a closer look reveals that sustainability is often not achieved. Sustainability is based on forest regeneration, but successful reforestation is seriously lacking in many Tibetan forest areas. The Forest Department relies mainly on natural regeneration, an approach which has produced unsatisfactory results due to intruding livestock. The TAR forest regulations require reforestation of impacted areas. However, funds and necessary infrastructure, such as

functioning nurseries and trained personnel, are often lacking. Deforestation produces soil erosion and river silting. Since Tibet houses the upper reaches of the Brahmaputra, Salween, Mekong, Yellow River, and the Yangtze, it holds the key to the environmental stability of most of Southeast and East Asia. Some attribute recent tragic floods in Bangladesh to deforestation in Tibet. The pressures of population growth and desperate shortage of fertile land has forced Tibetans to seek new pastures. Tibetans, traditionally a mix of farmers and high-ground pastoralists, have been forced upwards as the lower pastures of Tibet's few fertile valleys have been taken over by the new Han settlers. This phenomenon is not documented by the Chinese, but it is evident to visitors. As Tibetans are forced upwards, pastoralists are restricted to less territory. Tibetans spend long summers on the higher pastures with their increasing livestock herd. The market economy introduced by the Chinese since 1979 has encouraged Tibetans to sell more meat. Pastoralists and nomads have benefitted from the economic changes, but it is unlikely to last long because the available pastoral area is declining and the grass yield is dropping dramatically due to overgrazing. Chinese are proud of having built the world's highest railway and believe it will pull Tibet out of poverty. However, Tibetans are concerned about the railway's long-term impact on their plateau's environment and culture. The increase in tourists and flood of Han settlers will have a negative impact on Tibet's environment. The railway allows China to more easily

maintain and serve the strong military presence it has in Tibet. Before the railway, military convoys had to travel over high passes to supply the garrison which enforces China's rule in Tibet. Most of the soil under the railway is permafrost and engineers have put some of the tracks on pilings sunk deep below the unstable soil. Ammonia-filled, metal cooling rods stuck into the earth ensure that the permafrost stays frozen, while fences and tunnels have been put in place to protect the migration of rare animals. China asserts the railway is a great example of the harmonious coexistence between nature and mankind, but the train and its impact has become a politicized issue. All agree that the trains will certainly speed up the globalization process in Tibet. The long-term challenge for China is to rethink its policy of winning minorities over with economic growth while stamping out opposition to Chinese rule. In Tibet, as well as in Xinjiang, China has restricted both religious freedom and civil rights. Without serious negotiations and a political solution, there will be only instability, which China fears. With religious charity, the Dalai Lama hopes that Chinese leaders will be reasonable. But he and his people in exile know that, if ever they return to Tibet, it will be a different place. The old Tibet they left behind has ceased to exist. References Chu, D., Zhang, Y., Zheng, D. 2006. Land Use Change in Lhasa area, Tibet from 1990 to 2000. Acta Geographica Sinica 61(10): 1075-1083. French, Howard W. 2004. Shangri-La No More: the Dragons Have Settled In. The New York Times, December 8. Hussey, Antonia. 1992. The Landscape of Lhasa, Tibet. Focus 42(1) :8-12. Karan, Pradyumna P. 1976. The Changing Face of Tibet: The Impact of Chinese Communist Ideology on the Landscape. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky. Lustgarten, Abrahm. 2008. China's Great Train: Beijing's Drive West and the Campaign to Remake Tibet. New York: Henry Holt Company Tibet Statistical Yearbook 2006. Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2008. Wangwenchang Lacan. 2004. Tibetan Economy. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press. Wong, Edward. 2009. Report says valid grievances at root of Tibet unrest, The New York Times, June 6. Fall 2009

FOCUS on Geography 13

Shangri La on the Edge of Tibet by

David Zurick Photographs by author

Physical and Cultural Backgrounds The headwaters of three of Asia's great rivers the Yangtze, the Mekong, and the Salween originate in the glaciers and snowfields of eastern Tibet. In their rush southward through China's Yunnan Province, the rivers carve the edge of the plateau into an extraordinary landscape of deep gorges overlooked by towering mountain ranges. The summits reach heights in excess of 6,000 meters above sea level, while the gorges in some places are over 3,000 meters deep. The rugged topography and diverse climate support a rich array of plant and animal life, making this one of the most biologically diverse places on Earth. Equally compelling is the region's human geography. People of various ethnic backgrounds inhabit the territory, claim long-standing affiliations, and mark it as one of China's most diverse cultural areas. Little was known by the outside world about this stunning place until fairly recently. It was a remote frontier of distant empires, inhabited by nomads and brigands, traversed by hardy pilgrims and mule caravans, and left mainly to its own devices. The long arm of Beijing reached the area in the mid-1950s, when China extended its control to Tibet and to the tribal peoples living along the Burmese border. The pace of change quickened at the turn of the 21st century, when government planners set their sights on the tourism prospects of the region, and it now appears on China's maps as the fabled “Shangri La,” hosting millions of visitors each year. Much of Shangri La's high-altitude terrain, in particular the high plains of northern Yunnan Province and the adjoining areas of Sichuan Province and the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), are part of a larger province known as Kham. These highlands are a physical extension of Tibet's vast plateau and the eastern frontier of Tibetan nomadic culture. Elsewhere in the region, a complex environmental mosaic dominates the landscape, where individual 14

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places are known by local geographical attributes: valleys (Nu Salween, Lancang Mekong, and Jinsha Yangtze), prominent mountains (for example, Gaoligong, Kawagebo, or Snow Mountain), a trade route (the historical Horse and Tea Road famously passes through the region en route to Lhasa), and long-standing cultural territories. The spectacular features of this area led to the creation of the Three Parallel Rivers National Park and to the region's designation in 2003 as a United Nations World Heritage Site. These institutions provide policy and legal frameworks for protecting the natural and cultural heritages and have resulted in the formation of a series of 15 core protection zones totaling almost one million hectares, extending from tropical river valleys to icy summits, all straddling a 310 kilometer, north-south axis. There is, indeed, much to protect in this area. The Hengduan Mountains and its various sub-ranges contain world-class alpine scenery, huge

glaciers, and diverse natural habitats. The lower slopes and river valleys support a lush vegetative cover (altogether, an estimated 6,000 vascular plant species thrive in the area), and it is an epicenter of endemic plant life that includes most of China's rare and endangered species. There is also great faunal diversity. The area is thought to support one-fourth of the world's animal species (and one-half of China's) and to contain some of Earth's most endangered and relic wildlife. Amid this natural assemblage resides a local human population of approximately 300,000 persons, comprised of 13 ethnic groups and representing one-half of China's officially recognized minority cultures. The ethnic groups include the Tibetan residents, who make up the bulk of the population, as well as Bai, Naxi, Lisu, Nu, and Yi peoples. The indigenous settlements preserve traditional architectures, farming practices and customs, and contribute enormous cultural wealth to the region's renowned geological

Yilhun Lhatso is a sacred lake for Tibetan Buddhist and a stopover for tourists heading to the Dzogchen Monastery.

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and biological attributes. It is precisely this combination of physical and cultural appeal that makes the region an outstanding candidate for protection, as well as a key player in the development of China's modern tourism industry. Colonial plant collectors explored the territory in the early 20th century, returning to Europe with samples of its floral treasures. Many of the specimens they gathered azaleas, rhododendrons, ferns, and orchids made their way to England's botanical collections and eventually into the temperate gardens of Europe and the United States. The cornucopia of plant life suggested a lush and exotic land. This perception was amplified by the ethnographic accounts of the region that appeared in the explorers' journals and early photographs describing a fascinating community of people. The facts that it was so remote and politically closed to most Westerners further added to the area's mystique and, eventually, to its place in a broader geographical imagination of what the Himalayas are. In 2002, roughly synchronous with its establishment as a World Heritage Site, a special commission formed by the Chinese government proclaimed the area to be the mythological “Shangri La.” In a great leap of faith, paradise was literally put on China's official maps. It is possible now to fly into the Shangri La Airport, to obtain a bus ticket stamped “Destination: Shangri La,” to lodge at the Shangri La Hotel, and to eat at any number of Shangri La restaurants and cafes, all located in the Town of Shangri La (formerly known by the Chinese name Zhongdian and before that by its vernacular Tibetan name Gyelthang). These name changes reflect a broader, and more fundamental, transformation: the creation of a regional identity based upon the idea of an otherworldly paradise. In common parlance, Shangri La is rich in utopian-like connotations, but until the Chinese made it an actual place, it has mainly remained a state of mind. If it all seems a bit confusing to grasp, that is no doubt a result of mixing mythology, geography, and commerce together in a few short years. Where it has occurred elsewhere in the world, the branding of a place for commercial purposes tends to be site-specific and a long-term investment (in Polynesia, for example, with “Bali Hai” at Disney World, or in Appalachia with Dollywood). The scale and speed of Shangri La's growth has a uniquely steep trajectory, with tourist arrivals skyrocketing from 42,000 in 1995 to

Nomad camp on the high plateau of eastern Tibet

Upper tributary valley of the Mekong (Lacang) River 2.6 million in 2006. It has even outpaced the other frenetic dimensions of China's national economic development, and its success can be attributed directly to bold planning that is shaping a real place out of a legendary landscape. It is ironic and telling that the development of Shangri La is administered under the direction of the National Ministry of Construction. And its commercial appeal benefits immensely from its association with mystical Tibet, which has gained an illusory fame among Western societies. The region now called Shangri La is

politically a part of China's Yunnan Province, located in northwestern Zhongdian and Dequin counties, and lies along the eastern fringes of cultural Tibet. Its historical remoteness has been diminished with new roads and airports and, following the lead of the Lhasa rail line, with a train that is scheduled to arrive in Shangri La in a few years. Visitors find the place appearing in tourism promotions, such as maps, brochures, and road signs, under the official name “Shangri La Ecological Tourism Area.” Contained within that catchy appellation is the crux of Fall 2009

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a dilemma: Can a place be developed simultaneously to meet the needs of conservation and commerce by embracing a tourism policy that is fundamentally rooted in the imagination, and without sacrificing its geographical authenticity? The question pestered me throughout my own travels in the region during the summer of 2006. It's All in a Brand Name The word “Shangri La” first appeared in 1933 in James Hilton's novel Lost Horizon. He used it to denote a remote Tibetan lamasery sequestered somewhere deep in the Himalayas, a utopian-like place, where people lived harmonious and ancient lives amid spectacular natural surroundings. In the author's story, Shangri La was discovered by plane crash survivors embarked on a perilous journey across the Himalayas. The Westerners were saved by monks living in the Shangri La Monastery and stayed with villagers who lived to a very old age among serene surroundings, untroubled by the outside world. Hilton's Shangri La conjured a place of longevity, beauty, and lasting peace, evoked a harmonious life, and made a lasting contribution to the lexicon of human longing. He might never have imagined

Cover of James Hilton’s “Lost Horizons” 16

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that his fanciful Shangri La would one day become an actual destination. Hilton's biographers contend that his notion of Shangri La was inspired by ancient Tibetan texts that describe a mythological Himalayan kingdom called “Shambala.” It is thought to be a physical place, by some mystics, of pilgrimage and spiritual quest that is accessible to those with the proper spiritual attitude and karmic background, but most Tibetans view the term as allegorical, suggesting an inner world of high consciousness. Lost Horizon builds upon this esoteric premise in that “Shangri La” is less a place than a human condition. In this way, Hilton's story places paradise in the mind and so makes it accessible for ordinary people. The developers of Shangri La in modern Tibet, meanwhile, exploit a more secular interpretation of paradise as a place of adventure with the prospect of great wealth. Hilton was also familiar with the early20th-century explorations of the naturalist Joseph Rock, who wrote about northwest Yunnan Province in the National Geographic magazine from 1922 to 1935. Rock's flamboyant accounts of his botanical expeditions brought attention to this part of China in words and photographs that conjured a remote land of floral majesty and undisturbed cultures. Lost Horizon clearly was inspired as much by the real-life adventures of Joseph Rock as by the mystical associations of Shambala. Like an alchemist, Hilton thus forged his Shangri La out of the aspirations of both science and imagination. Hilton was careful in his novel to never fully reveal the fictional location of his earthly paradise other than placing it somewhere in the Himalayas. It was left to the Chinese, in particular, a Mr. Kyhigyala, to do that. In 2001, as Secretary of the Deqen Prefectural Committee in the Communist Party of China, he convinced China's State Council to change the name of Zhongdian County to Shangri La, claiming it was the most probable setting for Hilton's story. This was not without controversy. Other counties and prefectures had also claimed “Shangri La” as it own home ground. Kyhigyala persuaded a committee of eminent “scholars” to write in support of his recommendation, and, eventually, he won over his competitors. Understanding that its mystical appeal had a commercial potential, Kyhigyala and his associates from the outset wanted to brand Shangri La with the famous name in order to develop its tourism potential. Their efforts have

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proven wildly successful. Other examples exist where Shangri La transcends its imaginary moorings but none on the scale of what is taking place at the edge of Tibet. The 1937, Hollywood movie Lost Horizon, based on Hilton's book, was filmed in the Ojai Valley of California, which soon thereafter became popular among paradise seekers. The Nazis sponsored a geographical expedition into the Karakoram Mountains in 1938 in order to find Shangri La and, allegedly, to discover an ancient master race. And, in the late 1930s, American philanthropist Lutcher Stark built a private azalea garden called Shangri La in a cypress swamp in Orange, Texas. It, too, was a popular tourism destination until a snowstorm wiped it out in 1958. By and large, however, Shangri La remained as a mythical place or even a frame of mind to fiction readers until the Chinese, amid much fanfare, proclaimed its existence in northwestern Yunnan and began investing enormous resources into developing it for tourism. Geographical Basis of Shangri La I suppose if one were to pick a place on the planet to be Shangri La, the northwestern corner of Yunnan Province and the bordering regions of Sichuan Province and the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) would be as good a selection as any. There are, in fact, parallels between the fictional places in James Hilton's novel and the geographical features of this region: sacred summits, waterfalls, fecund valleys, and sprawling monastic communities. Upon establishing the Shangri La name, the Zhongdian tourism developers systematically sought nearby localities that bore resemblances to places described in the book and then built roads to those places and filled them with lodges and amusements. These spots now appear on tourism maps as “must-see” destinations along an elaborate Shangri La travel itinerary to paradise. In the middle of the lobby of a five-star hotel in the new Chinese sector of Shangri La Town sits a huge plastic model of Mount Kawagebo (also known as Kawa Karpo). The mountain depicted in the hotel replica is, in reality, the topographical centerpiece of the entire region, an enormous 6,740 meter, glacier-draped peak in the Meilishan Range overlooking the Mekong Gorge and much of Dechen Prefecture. Conceived as a male, protector deity, it is one of the most sacred summits for Tibetans and the focal point for Buddhist pilgrims, who encircle it

on arduous, two-week religious treks. Its flanks are covered with hermitages and sanctuaries, and for much of the year, its summit is hidden in mist, leaving its height to the imagination of its viewers. The commanding physical presence of the mountain and its religious significance among the Tibetans prompted the Shangri La developers to promote it as the mystical Mt. Karakul, which is the iconic peak featured in Hilton's book that overlooks his imaginary Shangri La lamasery. People can experience Mount Kawagebo from a scenic viewpoint located at a turn in the road a few kilometers above the Town of Dechen. Here, a cluster of restaurants and small hotels serves tourists. A place from which to take photos was established, with newly built chortens (religious structures) positioned in the foreground to nicely frame a view of the peak. The parking area is large enough to accommodate the fleet of Shangri La tour buses that visit the site each day. Most visitors are content with this convenient view of Kawagebo from the roadside turnout, but more adventurous tourists can sign on for a closer look. Multi-day pony excursions or backpacking treks are available to take visitors on the Buddhist pilgrimage route (12 days for hardy hikers or a popular 3-day excursion into the Yubeng Valley). The Yubeng Valley sits at the base of Mount Kawagebo, directly below a hanging glacier. It hosts a sacred waterfall, a couple of monasteries, and numerous meditation caves, as well as a growing number of lodges and restaurants for trekkers. The place now serves as a stand-in for the valley described in Hilton's book that is set below the fictional Mt. Karakul, and a trek into the valley is promoted in the Shangri La pamphlets and on websites as a walk into that literary paradise. A multitude of other bookmarks abound in the landscape of Shangri La. The signature lamasery in Lost Horizon, and the namesake of the phrase “Shangri La,” which Hilton set beneath the white, pyramid-shaped peak of Mt. Karakul, is embodied in the imposing Ganden Sungtseling Gompa. It is perched on a ridge about eight kilometers outside Shangri La Town. The monastery was built in 1681 and houses 700 monks. It is the largest Buddhist structure in Shangri La County, with an assortment of square-cut assembly halls, altars, galleries, and monks' quarters, all painted in ochre, reds, and whites, cascading down the hillside like a topsy-turvy cubist painting. Photographs

Mt. Kawagebo (Karwa Karpa), 6,740 meters elevation, is a holy mountain and place of pilgrimage and is Shangri La's literal stand-in for Hilton's fictional Mt. Karakul.

Tour buses bring visitors to a roadside lookout offering stunning views of Mt. Kawagebo. of the Sungtseling Monastery feature prominently in Shangri La tourism posters, consisting of digitally enhanced composites that graft Kawagebo onto the monastery so that the mountain's icy ramparts, located 200 kilometers away, tower directly above the monastery just like in the book. Thousands of tourists visit the Sungtseling Gompa every day after their tour of Shangri La Town trudge up the ancient stone staircases in tour groups distinguished by the colored baseball caps they wear, led by guides waving similarly

colored flags. The visitors mill around the religious buildings, spin prayer wheels, sip cokes, take pictures, and smoke cigarettes. At these times, the monastery is a place of busy amusement. At dusk, after the gates are closed, the monks are left to their religious rituals and private meditations. Located in the southern part of Shangri La County is yet another kind of literary place that has come to life: the impressive geological feature known as the Tiger Leaping Gorge, famous for its 2000-meter high limestone cliffs, raging rapids, and Fall 2009

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DIQING PREFECTURE YUNNAN PROVINCE

CHINA TIBET TIBET INDIA

CHINA

INDIA

Sungtseling Monastery Zhongdian Shangri La

Shangri La GANSU

QINGHAI

Lhasa

TIBET

Chengdu

SICHUAN

Chongqing

BHUTAN

Guiyang INDIA BANG.

Kunming MYANMAR

YUNNAN

VIETNAM LAOS

Map showing location of Shangri La and Sungtseling Monastery (basemap modified from Shangri La Travel Guide)

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Sungtseling Gompa, dating to 1681, is promoted as the real-life version of the fictional Shangri La lamasery.

The “Map of the Sacred Road,” based upon pre-Buddhist funereal traditions, is a new tourist attraction in Shangri La.

rhododendron forests. Hilton's book describes a similar gorge that his plucky group of survivors had to traverse in order to escape from the site of their plane crash. The real-life equivalent is a wonder of nature, and, now, with its inclusion on the Shangri La map, the gorge is a profitable money-maker for tourism entrepreneurs. A road was recently blasted through the Tiger Leaping Gorge, displacing the ancient muleteers' path and trekking routes and dismaying the conservationists because it disturbs endangered habitats. The new road allows tour buses to safely and speedily traverse the terrain so that the gorge can now be easily observed from the windows of passing vehicles. Shangri La Town is the center of most of the tourism activity in the region. Not so long ago, it was an impoverished county seat, composed of a dusty old Tibetan quarter called Dukezong and a newer, nondescript Chinese section, where Han government officials lived amid squat concrete structures and unpaved roads. The Chinese sector now is booming with corporate headquarters, markets, tree-lined boulevards, and fancy hotels. The old Tibetan quarter, meanwhile, has taken on the qualities of a theme park, designed along the lines of the fascinating but much overly-developed Naxi town of Lijiang, located a 4-hour drive to the south. A good deal of the traditional architecture of Dukezong, mainly peasants' homes and traders' inns, has been preserved by the tourism developments. However, the buildings house modern enterprises, such as lodges, cafes, bookstores, and souvenir shops, while the renovations maintain an outward appearance of history and tradition. Choreographed Tibetan-style

TIBET

CHINA

The juxtaposition of new, government-paid temple renovations and the ruins of old monasteries destroyed during the Cultural Revolution provide an ironic element to the religious landscape.

Tibetan pilgrims spin prayer wheels and circumambulate an ancient monastery.

Monastery reconstruction workers

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Religious statues sporting Han Chinese motifs are made in eastern China and shipped to Shangri La to adorn the newly restored monasteries.

Chinese tourists spin a giant prayer wheel in Shangri La.

Tourism office, Shangri La Town

New hotel with Tibetan pagoda-style architecture

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dances are held for tourists each night in the central square. Tourists can visit local homes, and, for a price, spend time with the family or ride on Tibetan ponies around the town. The streets are filled with people from throughout China and, increasing, from all over the world. Hawkers sell knock off Tibetan garb, silver-handled knives, and cheap jewelry. It is a busy and prosperous place. Affirming its speedy transition from a frontier outpost to a bustling tourist destination, in 2005, Dukezong won the coveted title of China's “most exotic and charming town.”

Two generations of Tibetans in Shangri La

Risking Paradise for Shangri La The travel agents who market tours to Shangri La advertise them with Hilton's literary landscapes in mind, thus wedding its mythological geography to ordinary commerce. In addition to those noted above, the destinations they promote include China's southernmost glacier (the low-lying Mingyongqia glacier); a series of stunning and ecologically fragile alpine lakes, such as Bitu Lake, proclaimed as a “pearl on the plateau;” and an eclectic array of hot springs, forests, scenic viewpoints, and nature preserves, all connected to one another in the new map of Shangri La. Many of the destinations are truly extraordinary places, inherently worthy of both protection and enjoyment. In the minds of the critics of Shangri La, though, their fabrication as “places in paradise” threatens to diminish their geographical authenticity, and concern resonates across the region among those who see in the heady pursuit of tourism the ultimate ruin of a national treasure. Shangri La remains a contentious idea, but the course of its economic development is foremost a matter for its inhabitants to decide. The negotiations that accompanied its initial creation centered upon the need for economic development among the indigenous Tibetan residents of the area. That is a real concern and, to an extent, is reflected in the Shangri La promotions. Many Tibetan families and communities have prospered with the brisk business from tourism. Restaurant and lodge owners have seen their businesses flourish. New employment opportunities have arisen for entrepreneurs, tour guides, service workers, and construction laborers. The visitors to the monasteries pay fees to enter the religious premises, which support their upkeep and renovation. The cost of permits to the natural areas helps in their protection. And when tourists buy 22

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handicrafts, they arguably support cultural traditions as well as provide economic incentives for their continued production. On the other hand, not everyone benefits equally from the tourist industry in Shangri La. Outside investors, mainly Han Chinese, profit most from the large-scale enterprises (capturing an estimated 65% of development earnings, while Tibetan villagers receive less than 10% of tourismrelated income). Local inhabitants, in some cases, are resettled from the core conservation areas (19,500 persons are scheduled to be relocated during the next five years), removing them from their places of birth and cultural identity. In addition, some of the cultural renovations at the monasteries or among the new buildings in Dukezong are not in keeping with the traditional culture. For example, much of the new statuary and mural paintings at the monasteries reflect a national ethos rather than old Tibetan motifs. Conservationists, meanwhile, voice concern that without proper enforcement of environmental laws, the region's natural heritage is put at risk. Certain places already show signs that the number of visitors may be exceeding carrying capacities. Litter, trail erosion, damage to vegetation, and water pollution are occurring at the popular destinations, and many of the non-government organizations (NGOs) that were assigned the task of monitoring environmental trends have disappeared, succumbing to bureaucratic fatigue and exhausted budgets. Lingering among the debates in Shangri La over how to maintain a sense of tradition amid the incessant demands of raging modernity, or how to proceed with development while preserving natural and cultural heritages, is a concern that, at the end of the day, tourism's short-term promise may lead to its ultimate demise.

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That is because Shangri La, in its imaginary conception, is a fragile notion, yet, the stakes are high. With its World Heritage Site designation comes the expectation that Shangri La will preserve its natural and cultural heritages. At the same time, the World Heritage brand increases the region's fame and commercial appeal, which invariably leads to environmental and cultural loss. Shangri La attracts two million visitors a year, and the number is predicted to increase to five million in the coming years. The current infrastructure and development policies cannot handle such a volume of visitors without compromising the region's integrity. If tourists come to the area because it promises a sort of unspoiled paradise, and they don't find it, they may decide not to come again. Meanwhile, the local residents are quickly leaving behind their traditional livelihoods in pursuit of the economic future of tourism. If that proves to be an empty promise, they may no longer have a past to return to. Such realizations make Shangri La. at least in its physical incarnation, a tenuous proposition. Suggested Readings Charles Allen, 2000. The Search for Shangri La: A Journey into Tibetan History. London: Abacus. Peter Bishop, 1990. The Myth of Shangri La: Tibet, Travel Writing, and the Western Creation of Sacred Landscape. Berkeley: The University of California Press. Michael Buckley, 2008. Shangri La: A Travel Guide to the Himalaya Dream. Buckinghamshire, U.K.: Bradt Travel Guides. Jeff Fuchs, 2008. The Ancient Tea-Horse Road. Toronto: Viking Canada. Mark Jenkins, 2009. Searching for Shangri La. National Geographic 215(5): 56-83

Tibet: Landscape of Tradition and Change by

Tracy H. Allen Photographs by author

Tibetans view the environment as an interrelated balance within which humans and nature coexist. Overconsumption of resources is discouraged, and the taking of life is forbidden by Buddhist practice. However, as traditional people meet the modern world, checkerboard patterns are carved into forested mountain slopes, pollution runs freely in once pristine waters, erosion lays grasslands bare, and wildlife is stripped from the land. While Chinese annexation may lead the list of blame, globalization, modernization, and necessity are likewise responsible. In this paper, I will explore the changing Tibetan Landscape and the fragile relationship shared between culture and environment. Global Tibet The Tibetan Plateau is one of the most remote regions on Earth. It is physically isolated by the world's highest mountain ranges – the Himalayan to the south, the Karakoram to the west, and the Kunlun Shan and Altun Shan in the north. Northern access is all but blocked as the great Taklamakan Desert spreads its sandy dunes beyond the Shans. Mt. Everest, or Chomolungma (meaning mother goddess of the universe in Tibetan), imposing by

Picture 1: Mt. Everest and the Rongphu Glacier

itself, is a small part of a much greater ocean of rock and ice (see Picture 1). Much like the mountains and desert, political isolation has long posed an absorbing barrier to the flow of outside culture. Or, so it would seem. Environmental determinism is not the paradigm that it once was. In today's globalizing social order, urban Tibetans trade prayer wheels for cell phones and tsampa (a traditional roasted barley flour and yak butter food staple) for pizza. Upon my arrival in Tibet, I faced a very different geography than expected. The ride from the airport to Lhasa turned into a mobile hip-hop jam session. The driver sang along with each song in gangsta English. As Lhasa appeared on the horizon, I noticed oversized billboards along the very modernly constructed road advertising American beer. I naively began to think, based on the sheer number of signs, that Tibetans must really like beer, particularly Pabst Blue Ribbon, and Budweiser (see Picture 2). After paying the cabby, who happily took U.S. dollars, I checked into a European-run hostel. Adjacent to the lobby was an Internet café and along the back row of computers three monks on the Internet. As if Internet-surfing monks were not surprising enough, several youths wearing habits were playing a dated version of an

action video game called Duke Nukem. I was unable to write my e-mail as all available computers were serving a higher purpose. Since the early 1950s and Chinese annexation, Tibet has been modernizing – willingly or not and unavoidable cultural and environmental concerns have accompanied hasty development. The land, traditionally held as common property, cannot keep pace with changing technologies and economies that require more from it. But don't be fooled – isolation runs deep, and the land is vast. Even in Lhasa, Tibet's capital city, look past the urban core of trendy stores, hotels, and supermarkets, and you will find traditional folk working wood-burning food stalls and bartering at farmers markets. Indeed, Tibet is a land of both tradition and change. Qinghai-Tibet Railway: A Case Study in Cultural and Landscape Change Tibet faces China like a colossal mountain amphitheater, surrounded but with its stage facing east. Through increasing exposure comes continued and inevitable change that is transforming the landscape and its people. Isolation wanes as resources are discovered and extracted,

Picture 2: Pabst Blue Ribbon sign with Potala Palace in background Fall 2009

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as transportation corridors are constructed, and as tourists are allowed greater access. China's strategic focus on building roads into and out of Tibet to reduce its isolation is a political passion that has continued for over 50 years (see Picture 3). Thousands of kilometers of roads now tie China's hinterland to China. The recent construction of the QinghaiTibet Railway to Lhasa (the last leg of a 2,500 mile rail line between Beijing and Lhasa) provides an excellent case study of how isolation reduction and modernization activities have worked to transform Tibet's culture and environment. When the Railway was opened for service in 2006, Tibet was effectively linked with the highly populated and industrialized eastern core

Picture 3: isolation

of China. Cargo carried by eight trains per day in each direction now exceeds several million tons per year. Greater transferability of people and goods has stimulated the economy. China argues that transportation networks are fundamental to the development process, while Tibetans point out that resources will likely leave by the same routes with little local benefit (see Picture 4). According to the Tibet Tourism Bureau, in 2004, one million tourists were authorized to enter the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR – a political subregion of the greater Tibetan Plateau). By comparison, in 2007, when the Railway was officially operational, that number rose to just over 4 million. Annually, tourists exceed the

Strategic road-building to improve access and reduce

Picture 5: Nike ball cap and traditional chuba outer garment on a young yak herder (note railroad construction in background) 24

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entire population of the TAR by well over a million. Accordingly, Tibetans face cultural dilution, and the land suffers the added strain of supporting a larger population. Foreigners cannot help but carry cultural baggage. Tourists go home, but the diffusion of vastly different ideas and customs lingers. Even in the remote rural highlands, nomadic herdsmen wear Nike baseball caps and North Face jackets, along with their more functional traditional clothing (see Pictures 5 and 6). Comforts like television, computers, hot water, meat, candy bars, bottled water, and beer follow tourists and strain local resources. Tibet's fragile ecology cannot sustain a consumptive lifestyle. Like other cultural traits, consumption is contagious and

Picture 4: Stuck oil tankers – old ways have advantages

Picture 6: Nomad wearing North Face jacket

Tibetans are not immune. While tourism encourages cultural dilution and resource consumption, a far greater cause is Population Transfer programs. Government programs sanction Chinese civilians and military personnel to settle in Tibet in order to speed development. In Lhasa and other urban areas, the prospects of economic opportunity have led to a substantial increase in Han Chinese. Consequently, Tibetans are fearful that they may become a minority in their own land. Cheap, oneway train tickets facilitate the migration stream. An increase in tourism has lead to an increase in population as out-of-work Chinese flock to Tibet to fill newly opened jobs. And, as tourism, population, and related infrastructure increase, local and even regional environmental issues develop in-kind. The Qinghai-Tibet Railway is an architectural marvel, but as with all construction processes of this scale, it comes with an environmental cost. The 1,142 kilometer (709 mile) line to Lhasa was built in five years through some of the most difficult and fragile alpine-permafrost landscapes on Earth. The railway reflects China's Four Modernizations agenda for Tibet: agricultural, industrial, military, and technological development. China's economy has grown by leaps and today competes with the United States as one on the world's leading economies. However, in the wake of China's rush to develop, there are environmental concerns. For example, the World Bank reports that China is home to 16 of the Earth's 20 most air polluted cities and that air pollution there has increased by approximately 50% during the past 10 years. China's dubious environmental track record indicates that development projects like the Qinghai-Tibet Railway take precedence over nature. Interestingly, China billed the Railway as a “green” project, and many cold regions scientists agree. Construction of the Railway was accomplished with ecological protection as a major priority (Peng et al., 2007). Building materials were transported from centralized areas to minimize the construction footprint, vegetation was restored upon project completion, and sensitive ecosystems, such as wetlands and high temperature permafrost zones (warmer permafrost with temperatures that are close to 0°C), were avoided or bridged where possible. Planners and construction workers did what they could to minimize the project's overall environmental impact (Zhang et. al., 2008). Perhaps lessons

learned from building the adjacent QinghaiTibet Highway weighed heavily on engineers' decisions to protect the land. When the Highway was built in the 1950s, little was known about building on permafrost or the environmental cost of it melting. Destruction of vegetation led to permafrost melting and the formation of major slumps and irregular surfaces of marshy bottoms and small hummocks all along the road. Consequently, the Highway has been in a constant state of costly disrepair. Maintenance costs, in the case of the Railway, necessitate environmental protection by forcing stateof-the-art eco-engineering practices. The Qinghai-Tibetan Railway intrudes upon the natural landscape of the Tibetan plateau in a procession of steel and rock. It is as intrusive as its engineering achievements are grand. Its environmental impacts are inevitable, despite genuine efforts toward protection. Aside from the obvious aesthetic concerns, the Railway encourages permafrost melting, disturbs natural vegetation, impacts water quality, inhibits animal migration, and fragments nature preserves. Ecosystems that are sensitive to minor changes, such as high temperature permafrost zones, wetlands, and stream corridors, are at greatest risk. Permafrost zones with temperatures near the melting point are most readily disturbed by the Railway. Friction and changes in albedo and drainage caused by trains, construction, structures, and vegetation removal accelerate permafrost melting. If melting occurs, both the landscape and the biota it once supported are transformed. Rather than a continuous flat surface, the ground becomes irregular. Subsequently, extensive surface areas settle and slump, and lakes (thermokarst lakes) can form in the depressions as they are fed by melting permafrost. Stream health in the form of flow alteration and water quality has also been impacted by the Railway. When possible, stream floodplains were used as a natural corridor for rail construction. I visited several stream sites where railroad construction was taking place. At one site, the course of the stream was diverted and re-channeled due to heavy equipment in the stream mining gravel (see Picture 7). Temperature and sedimentation rates were higher than expected, while desirable benthic macroinvertebrates (insects living on the bottom of rocks) were missing. Perhaps the greatest environmental concern posed by the Railway is its impact on migrating grassland animals. The range

for sheep, yak, Chiru (antelope), and kyang (wild ass) is considerable because they must constantly be on the move to find adequate grazing throughout the year and the railroad is an effective barrier bisecting the grazing range of these animals. Scattered animal underpasses help to lessen the problem, but narrow gaps between pillars in the passageways cause anxiety and stampede behavior. Animals are understandably nervous as multiple trains pass per day. Controversially, the rail route crosses the Hoh Xil, Chumarleb, and Soga nature reserves. The reserves are officially protected and are home to endangered antelopes. Overall, the Railway provides Tibet with new opportunities for social and economic development. Herein the objective becomes the curse because economic and population growth cause long-term environmental problems. Grasslands and Overgrazing Grasslands consist mainly of grasses mixed with sedges, rushes, and herbaceous species rather than trees or large woody shrubs. The main types of grasslands on the Tibetan Plateau are alpine meadow, steppe meadow, and alpine steppe, of which alpine meadow is the most important to herders. Where most vegetation could not survive, grasses are well adapted to the low precipitation and cold temperatures of Tibet. Grasslands bridge the climate between forest and desert biomes. About 70% of the Plateau is grassland, while in central Tibet, the TAR consists of 56% grassland. Subsistence living necessitates the use of natural resources that are most readily available. Consequently, grasslands support an overwhelmingly agrarian-based economy, with 70.2 million domestic grazing animals that are fundamental to food security. The animals that herdsmen most heavily rely on are yak, cattle, sheep, and goats. As much as 75% of all Tibetans make a living in agriculture, and the majority are nomadic pastoralists, as little land is suitable for cropping (Dharamsala, 2000). Tibetans are nomadic for a very practical reason – the grassland requires it. A transition from grassland to desert readily occurs due to poor land use practices. Nomads must raise an adequate number of animals to simply exist. To sustain the herd, multiple grazing areas are necessary. During the summer, animals graze in highland pasturage; however, due to extreme cold and snow cover in the Fall 2009

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Picture 7: Qinghai-Tibetan Railway in stream bed with gravel mining in background winter, herdsmen must migrate to lower elevations to find sufficient grazing. Traditionally, nomads will move many times in a given year, looking for greener pasture while allowing grazed areas time to recover before repeating the pattern. In this manner, for thousands of years, Tibetans have adapted to the needs of the grassland by not overworking it and spoiling the source of their livelihood. So, what has changed? Why are Tibet's grasslands suffering today? The Tibetan Plateau is overgrazed. Livestock production is up by as much as 249% since 1978, and total meat production has increased by 212% (Du et al., 2004). It does not take a trained eye to see the effects of overgrazing in Tibet. Grasses are shorn to the ground or are nonexistent, and the land is deeply eroded in places (see Picture 8). On slopes, sheet and gully erosion have left the ground completely bare. Overgrazing causes desertification by destroying vegetation, decreasing soil fertility, and impeding water infiltration. Consequently, biodiversity and productivity decline. Overgrazing on marginal grasslands in Tibet has caused such severe degradation that the land is becoming more desert like. Currently, 33% of the Plateau's grasslands are degraded, among which 16% are severely degraded (Cui, X. and Graf, H. 2009). Tibet's grasslands have declined in size and condition, as well as in their capacity to sustain the lives of increasingly larger populations of humans and domestic livestock. Historically, Tibet's grasslands supported native perennial grasses that were highly productive and that effectively stabilized the soil. A sustainable balance is

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Picture 8: Severely overgrazed and eroded landscape

achieved between livestock and grassland when grazers do not exceed nature's ability to continually replenish desirable biomass. Because the land's capacity to sustain a given population (carrying capacity) is not overextended, the grasslands stay healthy. However, as the number of livestock in Tibet increase, grasses are consumed in greater quantities. In time, livestock will be forced to crop grass communities too short, and, in so doing, the metabolic reserve of plants will wane as they struggle to photosynthesize. The plants will eventually die. Furthermore, heavy grazing inhibits flowering and seeding, thus decreasing the growth of new grass. Native perennial grasses tend to be the most palatable and nutritious. When perennials decline, less desirable annuals and even weedy herbs, will dominate. Weedy annuals do not remain as ground cover throughout the year, thus causing erosion. Increased soil compaction from trampling is also a problem. As the soil compacts, wind and water carry productive topsoil away making it difficult for new grass or any plant to become established. It is a vicious cycle. There are four primary reasons for overgrazing and grassland degradation: increasing human population, rising demand for meat, greater crop production, and a policy of forced settlement for nomads. The population of Tibet is rising rapidly. Since the TAR was annexed in 1951, its population has more than doubled from 1.2 million to 2.8 million. Mortality rates have significantly dropped, and life expectancy has almost doubled to 67 years, while birthrates have remained comparatively high (China Tibetology Research Center, 2008). Couple these

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factors with escalating migrant workers and military personnel from China, and there is little wonder as to why Tibet's rate of population increase is so high. Resources permitting, at current rates, the TAR will once again double its population in a little over 50 years. Similar population increases have occurred throughout the greater Tibetan Plateau region. The population density of the TAR remains very low at just over 2.0 people per square kilometer, leading one to believe that there is plenty of space for the growing population. In reality, overpopulation in marginal landscapes occurs in small numbers because there are few available resources. Arid and cold grasslands require large spaces for grazing animals to sustain small numbers of people. As the population of Tibet increases, its people have to eke a living out of degraded land or are forced to settle in even more marginal places in search of pasturage. For example, the land in Picture 9 is marginally too arid to support grazing. But, by necessity, nomads now forage their yak here. For a sense of scale, note the tiny, black yak hair tent in the top, left section of the photo. The only grazing habitats are small, linear, green patches of grass visible along the stream bottom. Otherwise, the land is desolate. At a very early age, children have to herd their family's livestock great distances between suitable grazing areas. Population increases, greater overall affluence, and changing lifestyles and food preferences are putting more demands on the production of livestock. The means to sustainably expand the market is limited. Barley, a traditional Tibetan food staple, is declining as consumption of meat and milk rises. Food preferences in urban areas are

Picture 9: Nomadic children with marginal grazing resources in background

becoming more like other provinces of China, where meat follows increasing wealth. With growing demand, pastoralists respond by raising more livestock, which further degrades the grasslands. Rather than adopting solutions that call for animal reduction and range management, the immediate needs of poverty are stronger. Those Tibetans and Chinese with the financial wherewithal have turned to irrigated pastureland to meet the need. China's agricultural policies in Tibet promote crop production. However, there is very little arable land. Most of the grasslands capable of supporting crops are situated along the floodplains of rivers and streams and have long been used by pastoralists. The lower elevation and microclimate of the stream valleys provide necessary forage and shelter to overwintering livestock. Agricultural policies have been successful at increasing crop yields but at the expense of the grasslands and nomads. High-yielding wheat and rice production in particular are up, as well as other crops such as maize, mustard, millet, sorghum, buckwheat, rapeseed, and many varieties of vegetables. With improvements in dry farming techniques and irrigation, cropping has grown out of the river valleys into more marginal grasslands. Consequently, available winter pasturage for grazing is especially overtaxed. Nomadic pastoralism as a way of life is disappearing throughout the world, despite evidence that it is an effective land use practice in marginal landscapes. Although the nomadic lifestyle worked very well in traditional, isolated Tibet, it suffers in modern Tibet. As human population increases, survival propels herders to graze

Picture 10: village

Stationary herding causing extensive erosion around

more often or raise more animals at the expense of the environment. Roads, fences, and private property further hinder the practice. In Tibet, the greatest obstacle to nomadic life is direct government intervention. China sees nomadic pastoralism as a sign of being less developed. Modern countries do not have nomads. China's official policy is one of converting nomads into sedentary dwellers, aimed at creating permanent settlements and improving the living standards of nomadic herders. After moving 52,000 herders and farmers in 2008, the Chinese Government plans to place 80% of Tibet's nomads into permanent homes by 2010. Stationary herders, in a display of affluence, tend to have more livestock than nomads (Stockholm Environment Institute United Nations Development Programme 2002). More livestock and no recovery period between gazing intervals have resulted in overgrazed and eroded grasslands adjacent to permanent settlements (see Picture 10). Without a system of grazing rotation, settled lands are well on their way to becoming the most severely overused landscape, and modern stationary herders must borrow grazing practices from nomads to be successful. Forests and Deforestation The southeastern region of the Tibetan Plateau is home to extensive mountain forests. Greater precipitation, coupled with warmer temperatures, allows grasslands to transition into forests. Most of the forests on the Tibetan Plateau are located in the TAR and extend into the adjacent provinces of western Sichuan and southeast Qinghai.

High elevation areas are dominated by spruce and fir forests mingled with populations of larch on cooler slopes. Rhododendrons make up the understory. In areas disturbed by cutting, fire, or wind, birch and aspen are most common. Pine and oak stands dominate at lower, moister elevations, while riparian zones support cypress and willows. Forests of evergreen, oak, and juniper are found at extreme elevations, as high as 4,500 meters (14,763ft.), before transitioning into grassland. The treeline in Tibet is the highest in the world. Amazingly, I measured scattered junipers on southfacing slopes at 4,800 meters (15,748 ft.). If not for the monsoons, no forest could occupy the Plateau in such abundance and diversity and at such heights. Valley topography, functioning like a funnel, concentrates and forces the wet monsoon to travel high into the mountains. The variety and complexity of ecological niches along a highly livable altitudinal gradient make it a biodiversity hotspot. Tibetan forests are truly unique in their habitats of extremes. Combined, the forests of Southwestern Tibet are home to China's largest timber resource, and these forests are being cut down at an alarming rate. Enormous clearcuts fragment the landscape (see Picture 11). The sheer size of the forests perpetuated the belief that they were inexhaustible. Unlike grasslands, human population pressure is less of a reason for forest destruction. Planned commercial timber harvest is the primary culprit. China designated the region as its second major timber production base in the early 1950s. Since that time, there has been much indiscriminate clear cutting. Timber is in demand to build China's infrastructure, Fall 2009

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Picture 11: Large spruce-fir forest clear-cut at headwaters of the Yangtze River of far western Sichuan feed its expanding economy, and to support local government enterprise, such as health care and education. Timber sales are one of the most important sources of revenue for local administrations in forested areas. As a result, over the past 50 years, Tibet's forests have been reduced by nearly half (Dharamsala, H.P., 2000). Forty-five% of all forests in the TAR have been cut. Sichuan has lost more of it trees than any other Tibetan Plateau region, and between 1950 and 1998, forest cover here fell from 30% to 6.5% (Studley, 1999). The consequence of unregulated deforestation to culture and environment is disastrous. Deforestation is displacing Tibetans who dwell in or need access to the forest to sustain their traditional way of life. They benefit the least from the sale of timber, and the source of their livelihood is being depleted. Forests have historically been regarded as common property for grazing animals, cutting fuel and construction timber, and gathering food and medicine. When wood becomes scarce, it falls to children to range increasingly greater distances from home to find adequate supplies for cooking and heating (see picture 12). Gathering matsutake mushrooms in pine and oak forests for export to Japan and harvesting deer antlers for traditional Chinese medicines is big business, providing a large portion of the annual income to locals. The decision to cut down the forests encroaches on the rights of 28

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indigenous populations and deprives them of basic resources. The physical impacts of deforestation on the landscape are soil compaction and erosion, loss of fertility, and flooding. When trees are cut, the soil is directly exposed to the elements rather than being buffered by a protective layer of vegetation. Alternating heating and freezing and saturation and drying cause the soil to compact. When water runs freely over the surface, erosion occurs, washing out nutrients and organic matter that contribute

Picture 12: Nomadic girl gathering meager wood resources using traditional basket and tumpline

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to fertility and making it difficult for new plants to reestablish. In extreme cases, where Tibetans are overworking the cleared land via intensively raising crops or grazing livestock, desertification has resulted. There are other problems associated with deforestation. Trees absorb water and help maintain climate and water balance in the watershed. They also impede overland flow of water during rainfall and reduce erosion by providing cover. Without trees, the occurrence, duration, and intensity of floods increase. Deforestation in multiple, small tributary stream valleys is causing a cumulative flooding effect on large downstream rivers where a billion people live. The Yangtze, Brahmaputra, Mekong, and Salween Rivers are among the mightiest rivers in the world and have source regions in the forests of southeastern Tibet. The cause of flooding is not readily apparent as it occurs far away. However, rivers are a continuum, and what happens upstream is sure to be felt downstream. After devastating floods on the Yangtze River in 1998 claimed more than 3,650 lives, left 14 million homeless, and cost US$30 billion in damage, the Chinese government recognized the consequences of deforestation in Tibet on flooding. A new forest policy was enacted called the Natural Forest Conservation Program that created forest protection and reforestation. Unfortunately, enforcing the policy has been problematic. Satellite imagery of protected areas since the ban reveals continued cutting. Despite this concern, commercial deforestation would be worse if not for the ban. Most deforestation is due to commercial logging; however, other traditional human activities also contribute. Subsistence deforestation immediately adjacent to settlements is universal. Local villages require wood for building, cooking, and heating. Closer to settlements, smaller trees are cut down and carried back for use. Typically, beyond an hour's walking distance from villages, forests in well watered climates recover. I also visited a large number of forest clearings well away from settlements that surprisingly had been cleared by subsistence dwellers. The difference between commercial- and subsistence-felled trees was easy to discern, as chainsaws and axes leave very different cut marks on residual stumps and Tibetans do not own chainsaws. I found it puzzling that timber in fresh-cut subsistence clearings lay on the ground where it was felled. The wood was not being used,

Picture 13: Children on break from herding livestock into commercial clear-cuts to graze which seemed out of character with the land ethic of Tibetans. In fact, the land was being used for grazing, as seen by the presence of an inordinate number of cows, goats, and, horses provided the evidence. Apparently, the locals had opened the forest to promote sunshine and the growth of grasses since grassland grazing is superior to forest browsing. Tibetans have a long history of clearing forests to create pastureland, but most of the evidence (the trees) has long been removed. Consistent grazing has kept trees from becoming reestablished, and over time, forests have converted to grassland. Historically, forests would have been found further west in regions that are now arid grassland, and patches of forest may have existed well into central Tibet and even to Lhasa, where rainfall is sufficient to support juniper forests. The existence of relict forests found around monasteries in central Tibet suggests a larger distribution. These forests survived because they were sacred. Individual trees and small stands also dot scores of pasturelands, providing evidence of past forests (Winkler, 1998). I commonly found commercial clearcuts that were made larger by subsistence cutting. Forest pastoralists will travel great distances to reach these clearings. The children in Picture 13 drove their family's cows and horses into a commercially deforested clearing each day. The clearcuts afford pastoralists grasslands to have larger and healthier herds, and commercial deforestation benefits forest pastoralists as long as physical conditions continue to support these grasslands. Issues of flooding, water quality, and biodiversity losses are less tangible than the immediate need to raise livestock. Conclusion In Tibet, isolation and tradition are as deep as the land is vast (see Picture 14). But

Picture 14: Traditional Nomad on horseback traversing characteristically isolated and vast Tibet Plateau China compels modernity, and, willingly or not, Tibet is going global. Development at all costs is taking precedence over cultural and landscape change, and modernity is not improving the living standard of Tibetans at the same pace that it is changing and impairing the landscape. The QinghaiTibetan Railway has created social and economic opportunities at the expense of tradition and the environment. While the Railway is intrusive, lessons have been learned: that good stewardship has sustained value. Grasslands cover most of the Tibetan Plateau, shaping the region's identity and forming the basis for most livelihoods. These lands are fragile, and poor grazing practices threaten desert-like conditions if they continue. The rapidly increasing human population on the Plateau leaves little elbow room for land use that requires vast amounts of space. Tibetan forests are complex and rich in life because they range along an elevational gradient of extremes. Unfortunately, forests are being cut down at an alarming rate by commercial loggers and, to a lesser degree, by pastoralists. It is easy to blame China for the widespread degradation of grasslands and forests, but, in reality, traditional practices also play a role. Immediate needs place more livestock on the land and fell more trees. However, with care and cooperation, landscapes can recover. Land is the stage upon which the drama of life unfolds, and in Tibet, like no other place in the world, the future of the land remains uncertain. References China Tibetology Research Center. 2009. Report on the economic and social development of Tibet. http://en.chinagate.cn/features/2009

-03/30/content_17522525.htm (last accessed 7/23/2009) Cui, X. and Graf, H. 2009. Recent land cover changes on the Tibetan Plateau: A review. Journal of Climatic Change 94 (1-2): 47-61. Dharamsala, H.P. 2000. Tibet 2000: Environment and development issues. Environment and Development Desk, DIIR, Central Tibetan Administration. Du, M., Kawashima, S., Yonemura, S., Zhang, X., and Chen, S. 2004. Mutual influence between human activities and climate change in the Tibetan Plateau during the recent years. Global and Planetary Change 41 (3–4): 241–249. Peng, C., Ouyang, H., Gao, Q., Jiang, Y., Zhang, F., Li, J., and Yu, Q. Building a “green” railway in China. Science 316: 546–547. Stockholm Environment Institute. 2002. China human development report 2002 Making green development a choice, United Nations Development Programme, China. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Studley, J. 1999. Forests and environmental degradation in SW China. International Forestry Review 1(4): 260–265. Winkler, D. 1998. Deforestation in Eastern Tibet: Human impact - Past and present. In Clarke, G.E. (Ed.). Development, society and environment in Tibet, Papers presented at the Panel of the 7th Seminar International Association for Tibetan Studies (IATS) Graz 1995. Proc. 7th Seminar IATS, vol.5, Vienna. Zhanga, T., Harry, T., Baker, W., Cheng, G., and Wuc, Q. 2008. The Qinghai–Tibet Railroad: A milestone project and its environmental impact. Cold Regions Science and Technology 53: 229-240.

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Religion in the Life and Landscape of Tibet by

Richard and Julie Farkas All photographs by authors

Religious icons in the landscape provide significant insights as expressions of human culture, and these religious symbols represent an important part of cultural geography as they reflect the interactions of place and space with expressions of religious faith. In Tibet, Buddhist religious beliefs and practices have created various kinds of sacred spaces. For example, there are four alpine lakes and their surroundings that Tibetan Buddhists consider as distinctly religious spaces: Yamdrok-tso (4,488 meters), located on the road between Gyantse and Lhasa; Lhamo La-tso (5,000 meters), northeast of Tsetang; Nam-tso (4,718 meters), northwest of Lhasa; and Manasarovar (4,560 meters), in Western Tibet south of Mount Kailash considered the abode of wrathful deities. The lakes and their environs have shaped the ways in which they have been used by Tibetan Buddhists and the meanings associated with those uses. Thus, space around the lakes was transformed into important pilgrimage centers, with devout Tibetan pilgrims circling the holy lakes to visit the shrines and monasteries. Religious spaces have significance beyond the realm of pilgrimage, worship, or belief and have been involved in broader social and cultural concerns. This is illustrated by conflicts involving the use of the sacred waters of Yamdrok-tso. While Tibetans perceive the lakes as sacred bodies of water, the Chinese view them as natural resources waiting to be used in the development of the area. Despite opposition by the Tibetan Buddhist leader, the Panchen Lama, and environmental groups, the Chinese are harnessing the waters of Yamdrok-tso to generate hydroelectricity for the Lhasa region. Environmental groups contend that Yamdrok-tso has no perennial source of water and that water once drained from the lake to generate power can never be

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replenished naturally. This lake is also an important breeding ground for the endangered black-necked crane, which would be impacted if the lake dries up. Articulation Landscape

of

Buddhism

in

the

The cultural and political identity of Tibet is rooted in Tibetan Buddhism, which permeates most facets of life and the arts, and which shapes their views. Religion finds its way onto all the surfaces of the Tibetan world: onto teacups and lamps, tables and carpets, onto hems and hats and boots, onto saddles and carpets, and, most conspicuously, onto the country's magnificent temples, monasteries, and stupas (pagoda-like shrines). The impress of religious icons on the landscape

transforms the ordinary, coarse world into an extraordinary realm of spiritual wisdom and compassion. To the Tibetans, they are a transition point from the earthly world to ultimate and sacred realities. The religious architecture and art holds transcendent wisdom as its highest and are lit up from within by a cultivated spirit of kinship and connectedness with all living beings. Tibetan Buddhism, called Mahayana Buddhism, fosters the messianic resolve to liberate all beings by transforming the entire universe into a realm of peace, abundance, and happiness. A person who cultivates such resolve is called a Bodhisattva (literally, “enlightened one”). Buddhism was introduced into Tibet in the 8th century, and it began expanding in 760 C.E. with the arrival of two Tantric masters: Shantarakshita and

The sacred Lake Namtso, over 14,000 feet, is about 120 miles northwest of Lhasa. Tibetan pilgrims circle the lake and pray at Tashi Dor Monastery. A prayer wall made from thousands of mani rocks hand carved with Buddhist mantras line the shore close to the monastery.

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Padmasambhava, also known as Guru Rinpoche, or Precious Master (Tantra refers to the spiritual practice and study of the life force energy as it is perceived and expressed through the human body). Between their teachings, the establishment of Samye Monastery, and the ordination of monks who fanned out across Tibet to teach the Dharma, Buddhism spread throughout Tibet. Over the years, four main orders of Buddhism developed in Tibet: Nyingma, Sakya, Kagyu, and Gelug (Hoffman, 1961). They are all devoted to the Three Jewels of Buddhism – the Buddha, the Dharma (his teachings), and the Sangha (the community of practitioners). However, their differences lie in the histories of the founders, in the lineage of teachers, in the particular texts each prefers, and the Tantric techniques they use. They are somewhat similar to Benedictines, Franciscans, and other Christian orders. Each of the Tibetan orders had a period in which it was dominant in Tibet. The Nyingma order is “Old School” and traces its origin to Guru Rinpoche. The Sakya order developed in the 11th and 12th centuries with the establishment of the Sakya Monastery (in Sakya Valley), where disciples gathered to translate and study Indian Buddhist texts. With their sophisticated, literate, and bureaucratic social organization, the Sakya order broadened the Buddhist movement within Tibetan society. The Kagyu order traces its lineage to Marpa (1012-93) and his disciple Milarepa (1040-1123). Kagyu monasteries became important centers for the synthesis of clerical and shamanistic (communicating with spirits) orientations of Tibetan Buddhism. Kagyu followers practiced contemplative techniques to seek control over their life processes in order to manifest lives that benefited others. In the 15th century, the search for doctrinal purity led to the rise of the Gelug order, which by the 17th century had become dominant in Tibet. Often, Gelug monks wear yellow hats, and Kagyupa monks wear red hats. As Table 1 indicates, the Gelug order is the most dominant in all the Tibetan-speaking areas of the plateau. The First Buddhist Temples in Tibet The Jokhang Temple (637-647 C.E.), the Ramoche Temple (637-647 C.E. ) , and Pabongka Monastery are the first buildings in Tibet to be associated with Buddhism. Tibetan King Songsten Gampo (609650 C.E.) is known as the First Dharma King

Order

Region

TAR

Kham

Amdo

Total

Gelug Monasteries Monks Nunneries Nuns

777

847

1,204

2,828

81,266

151,989

90,137

323,392

154

58

8

200

6,231

5,068

290

11,589

480

809

308

1,597

10,603

72,967

40,470

124,040

285

34

1

320

6,993

2,515

30

9,538

147

233

8

388

11,567

40,409

1,420

53,396

39

1

0

40

1,159

80

0

1,239

217

247

16

480

10,411

27,376

1,250

39,037

119

18

0

137

3,207

1,507

0

4,714

Nyingma Monasteries Monks Nunneries Nuns Sakya Monasteries Monks Nunneries Nuns Kagyu Monasteries Monks Nunneries Nuns

Table 1: Number of Monasteries, Nunneries, Monks, and Nuns before 1959 in Major Religious Orders in Three Geographic Areas. for his part in bringing Buddhism to Tibet. King Gampo took two wives, one from Nepal and one from China, as a diplomatic strategy to influence relations with these countries, and each of the wives brought with them their devotion for Buddhism. Princess Bhrikukti, from Nepal, arrived in Tibet in 632. As part of her dowry, she brought a statue of the Buddha. King Gampo built the Jokhang Temple to house it, with the temple facing Nepal, the homeland of the princess. Princess Wengchen arrived from China in 641. She also brought a statue of the Buddha (now known as the Jowo Buddha) as part of her dowry. King Gampo constructed the Ramoche Temple, facing China in honor of the princess, to house this statue. After the king's death, Princess Wengchen had the Jowo statue moved from the Ramoche to the Jokhang Temple, where it has remained to this day. It is said that the Jokhang Temple, and the Jowo Buddha, survived the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) that destroyed most of Tibet's 6,200 monasteries and temples because the

Jowo Buddha indicated China's claim on Tibet. The Jokhang Temple has been the center of spiritual life since Buddhism's spread to Tibet. It is located in what is now called the Tibetan Quarter, the oldest section of Lhasa. Samye – The First Monastery King Trisong Detsen (742-798 C.E.), the second of the Dharma Kings, invited two Indian masters, Shantarakshita and Padmasambhava, to Tibet to spread the teachings of the Buddha. In addition to teaching, they built a monastery, in 779 to transmit teachings to monks, who would learn and live together. They named the monastery Samye, which means “unimaginable.” The first Tibetan Buddhist monks ordained at Samye later became known as the Seven Examined Men. Samye Monastery is located southeast of Lhasa on the north bank of the Yarlung Tsangpo River about 60 air miles from Lhasa, or a 3-hour drive. A ferry also travels the river and stops near Samye. Around the time of the founding of Fall 2009

FOCUS on Geography 31

The Jokhang Temple, Lhasa, built in 647 C.E., stands in the heart of old Lhasa. It has been the focal point for Tibetan Buddhists for centuries. In the 1950s, the Chinese army shelled it, and the Red Guards of the Cultural Revolution ransacked it. Most of the damage has been repaired.

The Ramoche Temple, Lhasa, was built at the same time as the Jokhang. In the mid-15th century, it became Lhasa's Upper Tantric College. Home of the most revered statue Jowo Rimpoche (Buddha), Ramoche was used by the Chinese to house the Communist Labor Training Committee during the Cultural Revolution. Despite renovations, it has lost most of its former glory.

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Volume 52, Number 2

Samye Monastery, King Detsen proclaimed Buddhism the state religion, and the Indian and Chinese traditions of Buddhism began to vie for supremacy in Tibet. The Indian tradition consisted of study following ethical rules and a gradual path leading to enlightenment, while the Chinese tradition focused on direct, sudden advances leading to the understanding of the ultimate nature of reality. In 792, King Trisong Detsen proposed a debate at Samye to resolve the issue. In the end, both claimed victory, but the Indian tradition was declared the winner. This way

of studying Buddhism continues in Tibet today, and the debate is now known simply as The Great Debate. The Three Pillars: Ganden, Drepung and Sera Monasteries Monasteries and monks have shaped the Tibetan way of life for more than a thousand years. It has been estimated that at one point, 20% of the population was either part of a monastic community or supporting one. A person entered a monastery at the young age of six or seven,

and it was considered a great honor for a family to have a child as a monk (or, to a lesser degree, a nun). At the beginning of a monastic education, there is much memorization. In Tibet, the major subjects of study included science, logic and epistemology, grammar, medicine, and arts and crafts. Five minor branches that a student might study were poetics, metrics, lexicography, theater, and astrology. All subjects were taught as they related to Buddhism. As indicated in the graphs below the map, the number of monks in all the monasteries has declined.

TIBET’S KYICHU VALLEY to Na u

ngch

Sera Monastery

o ngp

da

am

Gy

o

to K

hu

to Shigatse

Norbulingkha

Ngari Labrang

Ky

ic

Drepung Monastery

Ganden Monastery

LHASA

hu

ic

to G yants

Ky

0

Gongkar

Yarlung Tsang po (Brahma utra) p

10,000

Change in the number of monks at three major monasteries

Drepung

5,000

0

0

Sera

10,000

10,000

5,000

‘50

‘87

‘90

5

0

5

10 mi 10 km

Ganden

5,000

‘50

‘87

‘90

0

‘50

n/a ‘87 ‘90

Map produced by Dick Gilbreath at the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab.

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Ganden Monastery Ganden, meaning “The Joyous” or “Place of Bliss,” was the first of the monasteries to be known as the Three Pillars. It was established in 1409 by Tsongkhapa, founder of the Gelug lineage, and is about 40 kilometers east of Lhasa. From the road below, you can see the buildings of Ganden Monastery hanging on the side of the mountain, tucked below a ridge that protects the buildings from the wind. At the base of the mountain, colorful prayer flags are strung from a white stupa, and you can hear cows, goats, and sheep milling about in the courtyards of the houses near the road. The road that leads to Ganden Monastery is steep, with frightening, hairpin turns up the side of a bare mountain face and no vegetation to hide the sharp drop-offs. The Chinese destroyed most of the monastery during the Cultural Revolution, but in 1982, a rebuilding campaign began. It now includes the Golden Tomb of Tsongkhapa, the founder of the Gelug sect of Buddhism; the Golden Throne Room, where it is said that the Dalai Lama left his hat behind when he fled Tibet; and Nagam

Cho Khang Temple, where Tsongkhapa taught. It is estimated that at its peak, over 4,000 monks resided at Ganden. Today, there are less than 300. Drepung Monastery Drepung Monastery, located on the northwest side of Lhasa, means “The Rice Heap.” Jamyang Choje, one of two main disciples of Tsongkhapa, founded it in 1416. By 1959, with approximately 10,000 monks, it was the largest monastery in the world. It is also one of the few monasteries in Tibet that has survived intact through various wars, plundering, and the Chinese Cultural Revolution. It, too, is now home to less than 300 hundred monks. Sera Monastery Jamchen Choje Sakya Yeshe, the second main disciple of Tsongkhapa, founded Sera Monastery in 1419. Sera, meaning “The Merciful Hail,” is located on the north side of Lhasa. Prior to 1959, more than 7,000 monks lived there. Now, a few hundred are in residence. While we often think of monks leading

quiet, contemplative lives, one aspect of the Gulag lineage of Tibetan Buddhism is debating. Active, dramatic, and noisy, Sera monastery is known for its debating courtyard, where monks gather in the afternoon. The challenger stands, while the defender sits, and then the challenger postulates a theory, ending his thought with a loud clap of his hands. The clap is filled with symbolism, including the two hands coming together representing the joining of wisdom and practice. Every afternoon, the courtyard is filled with monks debating and clapping. Monastic Life in Tibet Before the Chinese invasion, the Three Pillars (Ganden, Drepung and Sera) as well as other monasteries, survived in a variety of ways. The Tibetan government gave many of the monasteries land for buildings and farming. Some monasteries rented out the farmland and took part of the crops as rent or used money generated from the sale of the crops to support religious activities. The families of many monks supported them by sending money and food, while the locals supplied the monks with food,

The shaded courtyard of the Sera Monastery, three miles north of central Lhasa and founded in 1419, has served as the site for philosophical debates among the monks for centuries. Its monastic colleges of instruction specialized in the fundamental precepts of Buddhism, instruction of itinerant monks from outside central Tibet, and Tantric studies. Many of the colleges were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, but Sera survived the ravages.

The Ganden Monastery, 25 miles west of Lhasa overlooking the Kyichu Valley, is the major seat of the Gelugpa order. Built in 1417, it suffered most during the Cultural Revolution, but large-scale construction of monastic buildings is underway.

The Drepung Monastery, 4 miles west of central Lhasa and founded in 1416, was the largest Gelugpa monastery. During the rule of the Second Dalai Lama in the 16th century, it was the center of political power in Tibet before the Potala was built by the Fifth Dalai Lama. Drepung housed a number of colleges, each with its own specialization, resources, and administration. Each college was headed by an abbot. During the Cultural Revolution, it suffered only nominally. Most important chapels remain intact.

animals, and labor. In turn, the monasteries provided for the people's spiritual life by officiating at ceremonies and praying for good crops, rain, healthy children, etc. The students came to the monasteries from all over Tibet and from outside the country. For younger monks, teachings consisted of memorization of texts and rote exercises. Older monks had to find a teacher willing to impart more esoteric teachings to them. Buddhism in Tibetan Life and Landscape Today During the initial years of the Chinese occupation, Tibetan religion and society remained intact. The 17-Point Agreement between Tibet and China committed them to maintaining the existing arrangement. Clause seven of the Agreement guaranteed that “the policy of freedom of religious belief laid down in the Common Programme of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference will be protected. The Central Authorities will not effect any change in the income of monasteries.” However, between 1956 and 1959, Tibet was split. Amdo, the northern part, was incorporated into the newly-created Qinghai Province, and large parts of Kham in eastern Tibet ware merged into the Chinese provinces of Sichuan and Yunnan. As such, the promises made to Tibet in the 17-Point Agreement were not applied to these areas since they had become part of China and distinct from Tibet. Radical reforms were carried out in these areas with haste and rigor. The income of monasteries was stopped and monastic estates were confiscated. Monastic abbots who proved obdurate were sent to “reeducation camps” or jailed. These reforms in the former ethnic Tibetan territories had repercussions in central Tibet since Tibetans on both sides were united by bonds of ethnicity, language, and culture. Around 1956, the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region was created, consisting of both Tibetans and Chinese, to institute reforms in central Tibet. These harsh reforms resulted in discontent, which soon turned into hostility and the uprising of 1959. Because Buddhism, if left unchecked, would seriously undermine the establishment of socialism and Chinese control, China adopted a policy whose ultimate aim was to reduce or eliminate the influence of Buddhism among Tibetan people. After the 1959 uprising, China's attitude towards Tibetan Buddhism underwent a severe 36

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Stupas, or chortens, which house the cremated relics of lamas and holy men, dot the landscape of Tibet. They are highly symbolic religious structures and the most prominent Tibetan architectural motif. change, and all the monasteries that had participated were dismantled, the monks were sent to labor camps, and the monastic properties were taken over by the government. Many monks were denounced as “reactionaries” and executed. Others were asked to leave the monastery and sent back to their villages. Monastic estates were taken over by the state and put in charge of local Chinese cadres. The destruction of religion required change in the economic structure supporting the monasteries. Traditionally, monasteries derived income from voluntary offerings, taxes, rent, government grants, and business revenues. Some survived solely from voluntary offerings and had landholdings or power to levy taxes. The larger monasteries in the Lhasa area relied heavily on taxes and rents from villages and land, some of which were leased to them by the government. Economic surplus was evidenced by very large stores of grain and herds of livestock. This surplus was used for religious purposes through private sponsorship of religious ceremonies and offerings to monasteries, which brought the donor both social status and religious merit (Ekvall, 1964: 192). China maintains that the monasteries were feudal serf owners, who forced their serfs to work day and night and cruelly punished them for the slightest infractions. Barbara Aziz (1978) has described the pre1950 religious life in Tibet with particular reference to the complex economic, political, and legal relations between the

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people, the monasteries, and the government. Aziz points out that it was villages, not individuals or families, upon which taxes were levied. Villages had a local democratic system through which they could decide how the various taxes would be paid by villagers to a monastery or the government. In order to cater to the tourist trade, China has allowed Tibetans to rebuild some of the monasteries destroyed earlier by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution of 1966-76. Keeping a few monasteries dimly alive as tourist attractions has turned Tibet into a museum instead of a living culture. Groups from around the world stay at Chinese-built hotels in Lhasa insulated from Tibetan life and its difficulties. They travel in groups to monasteries and take photographs of pilgrims prostrating themselves in front of the Jokhang, the most sacred temple in Tibet, as if the pilgrims were creatures in an exotic place. Local Tibetans funded the rebuilding, along with donations from abroad. The Chinese now charge, and keep, admission to the monasteries and other holy sites, just as people pay to go to an amusement park like Disneyland. Most Tibetans support tourism because they know the exposure of conditions in Tibet to the world will garner support their struggle. However, since the Han Chinese immigrants benefit economically from tourism much more than Tibetans, some Tibetans have called upon tourists to boycott travel to Tibet (Norbu, 1989:80-82). Money brought in

Monks reciting prayers at the Ramoche Temple, Lhasa. Limited religious activities are allowed in major temples and monasteries under the watchful eyes of the local authorities. from tourism is held by Chinese authorities and Chinese-dominated bodies, such as the Religious Affairs Bureaus and Democratic Management Committees (DMC). In addition, money left at the altars goes to the DMC rather than the monks or the projects they would choose to fund, as opposed to the DMC. Most of the older monks, who have the knowledge of Tibetan Buddhism, are either in exile, in prison, or dead. In order to fully practice their religion, many monks left (and still leave) Tibet, illegally crossing the Himalayas into Nepal or India in order to attend the new monasteries in exile. Today, Tibetan monasteries are just a shadow of what the vibrant religious communities they once were. In 1959, at least 6,000 functioning monasteries existed in Tibet. By 1979, only 10 remained undamaged. The inability of monasteries to serve as genuine centers of learning and the transmission of Buddhist teachings is a source of major concern to Tibetans. Traditionally, the monastic curriculum took 20 years to complete. Through a rigorous program involving memorization of texts and commentaries

and oral debate of the principles of Buddhist philosophy, the successful candidate ultimately was awarded the coveted “geshe” degree (Lopez, 1988). The onerous restrictions and control of Lhasa's great monasteries – Drepung, Ganden and Sera – by China have had an inordinately negative impact on religious education. Before 1959, there were more than 700 nunneries in Tibet with approximately 27,000 nuns, making Tibet one of the largest communities of Buddhist nuns in the world (Tsomo, 1995:119). Nunneries suffered as the monasteries did during the Cultural Revolution. One of Lhasa's largest nunneries, Nechung Ri, was razed to the ground during this time period. Many nuns have been expelled for initiating demonstrations and sent back to their hometowns (The Guardian, November 8, 1989). Guru Padmasambhava, who brought Buddhism to Tibet, said that “When the iron bird flies in the sky and horses run on wheels, the Tibetan people will be scattered across the earth, and the Buddha Dharma will spread to the land of the red-faced man.”

Today, airplanes fly to Lhasa and trains run from Beijing to Lhasa, and the Tibetan people are indeed scattered across the earth. Tibet, in spite of all its hardships, still projects an image of a mystical place. How long will this last? References Aziz, Barbara.1978. Tibetan Frontier Families, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. Ekvall, Robert. 1964. Religious Observances in Tibet: Patterns and Function. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hoffman, Helmut. 1961. The Religions of Tibet, London: George Allen and Unwin. Guardian, 1989. Tibetan Nuns Defy Might of China, November 8. Lopez, Donald. 1988. Monastery as a Medium of Tibetan Culture, Cultural Survival Quarterly 12(1): 62. Norbu, Jamyang. 1989. Illusion and Reality, New Delhi: Sona Printers. Tsomo, Karma Lekshe. 1995. “Tibetan Nuns and Nunneries”, in Feminine Ground: Essays on Women and Tibet, Edited by Janice Willis. Ithaca: Snow Lion.

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The next two articles are replies to Dr. Maria Fadiman’s article on “Amazonian Oil Explorations: Contradictions in Culture and Environment,” published in the last issue of FOCUS on Geography (Summer 2009, Volume 52, No. 1).

Amazonian Oil Exploration: A Report on the Historical Facts of Texaco’s Operations by

William Doyle Because of my past association with Texaco, which included oversight of oil and gas development and producing operations in Ecuador from 1988 to1990, I am deeply concerned when unfounded accusations are made against the company 's operations in that country. As a former President of the AGS, I am disappointed when I see an article that does not meet the scientific and objectivity standards one expects in a highly regarded journal of the American Geographical Society. Although Dr. Fadiman (FOCUS, Summer 2009) demonstrates writing skills that capture and hold the attention of the reader, she is careless about confirming the information she has received and, consequently, reaches erroneous conclusions based on insufficient research. The following are a several significant and undisputed facts related to past oil operations in Ecuador. 1) That there is an environmental tragedy in Ecuador's Oriente region is a fact. 2) That since 1990 there have been more than 800 recorded oil spills in Ecuador, with a cumulative volume exceeding three million gallons since Petroecuador took over in 1990, is a fact (Stephens 2007) (El Universo 2006). 3) That many of these spills have never been cleaned up is a fact. 4) That Petroecuador has failed to remediate most of the 264 open pits for which they acknowledged, and the government of Ecuador agrees were their responsible is a fact. (Munoz 2006) 5. That the Government of Ecuador received $24.5 billion of the $25 billion generated by the consortium operations over 28 years is a fact (Texaco 9/18/09). My comments focus on just two issues: the quality of the Texaco Petroleum (Texpet) Company's work through 1990, when it was the operator of the oil production consortium of Petroecuador (62 ½% interest) and Texpet (37½ % interest) in the Oriente area of Ecuador and the environmental condition of the 161 areas for 38

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which remedial responsibility was assigned Texaco by the Government of Ecuador. Since 1990, Petroecuador has operated all Ecuadorian oil fields in which Texpet once had a minority interest. After the passage of 19 years, no cursory observation of the oil fields can be used to infer what their conditions were when Texpet was the operator. However, even though oil industry technology and environmental standards have improved since 1990, much of the work done 19-45 years ago by Texpet would still be acceptable by today's standards. For example, the use of unlined earthen pits to hold and recirculate fluid while drilling or working over oil wells was acceptable practice then and is still accepted practice in many locations. For reference, in 1982, there were 4,276 permits for unlined pits in Texas. In Louisiana, 81,933 open-air, earthen unlined pits were constructed between 1970 and 1985. And, in 1984 there were 125,000 open pits in the United States, of which 97.6% did not have synthetic liners (USEPA 1987) (Texas Sunset Report 1983). Wastewater is unavoidably produced along with oil and gas. During the years that Texaco operated these properties, the industry standard for the wastewater disposal process employed by Texaco involved removing the oil contaminants to the level required by environmental regulations and eventually discharging the clean water into local streams (Connor 2006). The quality of discharged water was monitored and the results available for inspection by regulatory agencies. This procedure is still employed and totally acceptable if the discharge water is adequately treated. For example, the procedure is still used at Bakersfield, California, where the water is discharged into the regional irrigation system and meets the stringent chemical specifications set by California. Notably, there were 50 billion gallons of produced water similarly discharged in the U.S. in 1985 (U.S.

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Congress 1992). Dr. Fadiman's statement that “responsible oil drilling” requires reinjection of wastewater is misinformed. I know of no case where Texaco has ever applied less than current best practices in the development and operation of oil fields around the world. My observations in Ecuador from 1988 through 1990 are consistent with this statement. Likewise, I know of no claims by Petroecuador, the Government of Ecuador, or other technically competent organizations during the period while Texpet was the “operator” that would suggest “best practices” were not used. The author has chosen to accept and repeat the unfounded claims promoted by interested parties whose intent is to create a favorable climate for potentially high award litigation. During the period 1995-1998, Texaco closed and remediated its agreed upon share (approximately 37 ½%) of the 161 pits remaining from oil drilling operations in accordance with the Government of Ecuador's prescribed Remediation Action Plan discussed below, and these pits were certified as properly closed by the Government of Ecuador in 1998 (Texaco 9/17/09). Dr. Fadiman states, “…indigenous people and governments are trying to make transnational corporations pay for previous transgressions. The case was theoretically settled, with Texaco required to clean up the still open pits, which it claims to have done. However, open pits still dot the Ecuadorian Amazon.” In 1995, Texpet, the Government of Ecuador, and Petroecuador signed an agreement that Texpet would conduct environmental remediation proportional to Texpet's minority interest in the oil consortium (37½ %). This agreement was not a result of litigation, as implied by the author, but, rather, a responsible way to handle Texaco's share of end-of-concession cleanup obligations. A Scope of Work and a

Remedial Action Plan were submitted by Texaco and approved by the Government of Ecuador. Qualified experts, state-of-the-art technology, and environmental standards were used in planning, implementing, and inspecting of this work. The project was completed in 1998 and certified by the government of Ecuador as having fully met Texaco's obligations (Texaco 9/17/09). Any oil pits, polluted water sources, etc. existing today in this area are the result of the continuing operation of Petroecuador since 1992 or are outside the Scope of Work accepted by the Government of Ecuador in 1995 as Texaco's responsibility. In other words, they are the responsibility of the majority owner (now sole owner) of the oil fields, Petroecuador. Petroecuador reconfirmed acceptance of its responsibility for remediating its share of the consortium 264 pits in 2006 long after the current lawsuit was filed in Ecuador (El Comercio, 2006). Dr. Fadiman's assumption that the oil pits she saw were the responsibility of Texaco is incorrect. Dr. Fadiman raises the issue of the ongoing lawsuit filed in 2003. As part of the evidentiary phase, the court ordered judicially supervised inspections of 122 sites to determine the extent and cause of any environmental damage. Five independent court-appointed experts who evaluated the Sacha-53 well site and the judicially supervised inspection report for this site concluded that “the areas remediated by Texpet pose no significant risk to human health, and that Texpet's remediation of the Sacha-53 site was effective and in accordance with legal standards of the time” (Texaco 9/16/09). After completion of 47 inspections, 99% of drinking water and soil samples met Ecuadorian and world standards. Nearly all

of the Judicial Inspection Reports follow the general theme that remedial work was done according to the agreed Scope of Work with no current endangerment of health (Texaco 9/15/09). These results have caused the plaintiffs to campaign vigorously to abort the evidentiary process; stop paying their share of the court-ordered expert fees, waiving the inspection of the remaining sites while continuing to claim damages for the uninspected sites; and demand that the court proceed directly to a liability determination using a single expert of their choice. The Government of Ecuador is meeting these demands, providing unequivocal support for Bret Stephens' article “Amazonian Swindle” (Stephens 2007). That the current conditions of pollution and damage to the environment in the Oriente is the result of substandard work by Petroecuador and underfunding by the Government of Ecuador is a fact that is obvious to any unbiased person willing to spend a few hours to research the issue. References Stephens, B, “Amazonian Swindle”, Wall Street Journal, October 30, 2007 or http://www.opinionjournal.com/for ms/printThis.html?id=110010801 Connor, J. and Gie, E, 2006. “Observaciones al Anexo G – Manejo de Desechos de Texaco en Ecuador del Informe Pericial del Perito Villacreces”. Presented in Nueva Loja's Superior Court as Appendix 7 in the Refutacion al Informe Pericial del Perito Villacreces de la Estacion Lago Agrio Central, on January 10, 2007. El Comercio, October 2, 2006 El Universo, October 1, 2006 Energy Minister Manuel Munoz in an

appearance before Congress on May 10, 2006 Texaco, 9/17/09. www.texaco.com/ sitelets/inspections/en/overview/ Texaco, 9/15/09. www.texaco.com/ sitelets/inspections/en/information/ Texaco, 9/16/09. www.texaco.com/ sitelets/ecuador/en/releases/200602-02.aspx Texaco, 9/18/09, www.texaco.com/ sitelets/ecuador/en/PlaintiffsMyths. aspx#f4 Texas Sunset Advisory Commission Report on Energy Regulatory Agencies to the Governor of Texas and 68th Legislature, 135 (January 1983) State of Louisiana's geographic information system U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Managing Industrial Solid Wastes from Manufacturing, Mining, Oil and Gas Production, and Utility Coal Combustion-Background Paper, OTA-BP-0-82 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, February 1992) USEPA, 1987. Report to Congress: Management of Wastes from the Exploration, Development, and Production of Crude Oil, Natural Gas, and Geothermal Energy – Volume 1 of 3, Oil and Gas, EPA/530-SW-88-033A, December. Dr. William Doyle is a former President of the American Geographical Society and a retired Vice President of Texaco. At Texaco he had executive oversight responsibility for international oil/gas production and development for various areas from 1986 through 1996. His e-mail address is: [email protected]

Response to Maria Fadiman by

Robert Wasserstrom*

In her report on Indians and oil development in Ecuador (FOCUS, Summer, 2009), Maria Fadiman clearly saw what she wanted to see. But she missed a far more compelling story about the Huaorani, Kichwa, and Achuar peoples she encountered.

In 1964, the Ecuadorian government opened almost all native lands in the Amazon region to homesteading. Subsequently, 350,000 migrants from other regions settled in traditional territories formerly occupied by the Huaorani, Cofán, Siona-Secoya, and Kichwa groups.

Ecuador's “colonization” program was intended to increase agricultural production and create a “human border” against Peru (Bromley 1981; Hiraoka and Yamamoto 1980). To a large degree, it was successful – at the expense of Amazonian Indians. None of this has anything to do Fall 2009

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with oil companies, which were not involved in the government's agrarian policies. Texaco used 4,115 hectares of rainforest out of nearly 7.56 million hectares in the Oriente (eastern lowlands) for its oil operations. Following government-owned roads, homesteaders cleared another 1 million hectares between 1973 and 1994. Why did they cut down so much forest? Under Ecuadorian law, homesteaders received provisional title to 50 hectares of land per family and were given five years to show that they put half of it to “productive use.” Most of them cleared 25 hectares for pasture to meet the requirements for ownership. In her fleeting visit to Achuar territory, besides the settlement of migrants in traditional territories, Fadiman also missed another important trend: colonization on indigenous lands located far from oilfield operations. Again, the key is roads. In this case, roads were built into Achuar and neighboring Shuar lands by a regional development agency that wanted to encourage homesteading (Rudel 1993). How do native cultures survive and recreate themselves despite constant pressure to integrate or simply disappear? Here, too, Fadiman is deceived by appearances. Before Europeans arrived in South America (around 1540), lowland Ecuador – indeed, the entire Amazon Basin – was covered with densely populated agricultural settlements and complex societies (Cleary 2001). By the mid-1600s, most of these civilizations had succumbed to disease, slave raids, and other depredations. Survivors fled deep into the forest, where they learned to live as seminomads. Surrounded by hostility, the Huaorani, Shuar, and Achuar, like many Amazonian groups, became warriors. Among the Shuar and Achuar, warfare increased throughout the 20th century. By the late 1970s, around half of adult Achuar men died in raids or in retaliatory killing (Taylor 1981: 651). Achuar elders later recalled this period, which was roughly from 1940 to 1960, as the time “when we were ending.” Similarly, spearing raids accounted for 44% of reported deaths among the Huaorani (Yost 1981: 687). Ironically, what may have saved them were Christian missionaries. Since the late 19th century, Ecuador had farmed out its “Indian problem” in the Oriente to various Catholic and Protestant missionary groups. Beginning in 1966, most Huaorani (85%) 40

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spent half a generation living on mission stations, where they learned to wear Western clothing (seen in Fadiman's photographs), work for wages, buy metal tools, and use modern medicine (Stoll 1982: 295-318; see also Rival 2002). The impact of mission life was undeniable. According to anthropologist James Yost, 11% of Huaorani died from snake bite before moving to the missions, notwithstanding traditional healing practices or plant knowledge. By the time they reoccupied their traditional territory (after 1976), earlier population declines had reversed. This growth reflects a broader trend throughout the Amazon, where missionaries and, in some cases, governments now provide medical care (albeit sporadic and imperfect) to formerly isolated groups. In a recent study, Kendra McSweeney and Shahna Arps report that “after widespread and catastrophic population declines in the early to midtwentieth century, indigenous populations in lowland Latin America appear to be experiencing a common era of remarkably rapid growth” (2005: 19). Similar events took place among the Shuar and Achuar. Missionaries pressured them to live in nucleated centros but also played a key role in helping them rebuff encroachment by homesteaders. Among the Shuar, and some Achuar, missionaries introduced cattle raising. This was a mixed blessing, to be sure, but one that allowed native communities to qualify for secure land titles (Salazar 1977). They also provided metal tools (like the wheelbarrow in Fadiman's picture) that might formerly have provoked endless cycles of raiding and retaliation. And, they brought Western medicine. What do we learn from all this? In Ecuador, lowland Indians have undergone nearly constant cycles of change, dispersal, consolidation and renewal since the 1540s. In my view, this narrative is much more compelling than the tired version that Fadiman offers. A final contradiction emerges: the Ecuadorian government owns all subsurface minerals and has moved unenthusiastically to enforce native land rights. Although foreign oil companies make useful lightening rods (unlike stateowned Petroecuador, they give interviews and pay for helicopter flights), they cannot be held responsible for lingering conflicts between Ecuador's government and indigenous people.

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References Bromley, Ray. 1981. “The Colonization of Humid Tropical Areas of Ecuador.” Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 2(1): 15-26. Cleary, David. 2001. “Towards an Environmental History of the Amazon: from Prehistory to the Nineteenth Century.” Latin American Research Review 36 (1): 65-93. Hiraoka, Mario and Yamamoto, Shozo. 1980. “Agricultural Development in the Upper Amazon of Ecuador,” Geographical Review 70 (4): 423-445. McSweeney, Kendra and Arps, Shahna. 2005. “A 'Demographic Turnaround': The Rapid Growth of Indigenous Populations in Lowland Latin America.” Latin American Research Review 40 (1): 3-29. Rival, Laura. 2002. Trekking Through History, New York: Columbia University Press. Rudel, Thomas with Horowitz, Bruce. 1993. Tropical Deforestation. Small Farmers and Land Clearing in the Ecuadorian Amazon, New York: Columbia University Press. Salazar, Ernesto. 1977. An Indian Federation in Lowland Ecuador, Copenhagen: IGWIA, Document 28. Stoll, David. 1982. Fishers of Men or Founders of Empire? London, Zed Press. Taylor, Anne-Christine. 1981. “GodWealth: The Achuar and the Missionaries” in Whitten 1981: 647676. Whitten, Norman. 1981. Cultural Transformations and Ethnicity in Modern Ecuador. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Yost, James. 1981. “Twenty Years of Contact: The Mechanisms of Change in Huao (“Auca”) Culture” in Whitten 1981: 677-704. *Robert Wasserstrom (Ph. D., Anthropology, Harvard University, 1977) has written and edited several books about Latin America, including Class and Society in Central Chiapas (University of California Press, 1983). He has published in Nature, Environment, Comparative Studies in Society and History, and other journals. Since 1994, he has focused on oil development and indigenous peoples in Ecuador, Peru, and West Africa. He also serves as an expert witness in the Maria Aguinda y Otros vs. ChevronTexaco Corporation lawsuit. Dr. Wasserstrom’s e-mail address is [email protected].

About the authors Ramesh C. Dhussa is Associate Professor of Geography in the Department of Cultural Studies at Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa. He visited Tibet and Sichuan in 2007. His email address is: [email protected]. Pradyumna P. Karan is Professor of Geography at the University of Kentucky. He is the author of The Changing Face of Tibet (University Press of Kentucky, 1976). His e-mail address is: [email protected]. Richard and Julie Farkas are founders and directors of the Kentucky based Tibetan Buddhist Community of Lexington. Devout Buddhists and frequent visitors to Tibet, Richard is production manager at the University Press of Kentucky, and Julie is Financial Advisor at Wachovia Securities. They can be reached by e-mail at [email protected]. David Zurick, a noted photographer, is Professor of Geography at Eastern Kentucky University, and author of many books on the Himalayas. David’s e-mail address is: [email protected]. Tracy H. Allen, associate professor and chair of geography at State University of New York, Oneonta, has done field research in Eastern Tibet. His e-mail address is: [email protected].

Submission Guidelines Manuscript submissions should be sent to Gregory Chu ([email protected]). FOCUS on Geography welcomes article ideas and manuscripts from geographers and those who write geographically. Articles must be excellent in quality and written in a journalistic style for a general audience. A personal point of view and a sense of humor are welcome. FOCUS on Geography provides a place for geographers' individual voices to emerge from the babble of professional jargon. Articles for all branches of geography are welcome. Brief articles are five to ten pages doublespaced; feature articles are about fifteen pages double-spaced not counting photographs, maps, or other graphics. Please submit your manuscript in a digital word processing file format. MS Word is most preferred, Word Perfect files are also acceptable. Photographs should be of very high quality, sharply focused, and reasonably bright for clear viewing; either 5” x 7” prints or 35 mm color slides are preferred. If you are submitting digital files for your photographs, please scan each photograph to a final size of 5” x 7” with a final size resolution of at least 300 dpi preferably in a TIFF format. JPEG formats are acceptable if the 5 x 7 final size resolution is 450 dpi or higher. Authors who travel and take pictures with digital cameras should use cameras that are capable of delivering individual pictures of at least 5 megapixels so that they may be lithographically printed in high quality. Clear and properly-scaled maps should be used to illustrate essays wherever appropriate; the design and production of maps should be individually discussed with the editor. Authors without cartographic background or cartographic production support should consult with the editor early on, extra time may be needed to design and produce these maps. Preferred graphic formats for maps are CorelDraw, Macromedia Freehand, and Adobe Illustrator. Other acceptable map formats are ArcGIS mxd files, ArcView shapefiles and layout files. FOCUS on Geography does not pay for articles; authors receive multiple copies of "their" issue. For further details, please contact Gregory Chu ([email protected]). For other information about FOCUS on Geography, Geographical Review, Ubique, and the AGS Travel Program, please visit the American Geographical Society website at: www.amergeog.org.

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Tibetan children posing for author, Tracy Allen.