RMCLAS PAPER 2017.doc

Graciela Iturbide and the Village Poetic: Revisiting Cultural Resilience in
the Queer Photographs of Juchitán de las Mujeres

Naomi Alisa Calnitsky
PhD (Carleton – Pending Spring 2017 Graduation), M.A. (University of
Otago), B.A. Hons. (University of Manitoba)


Abstract

Born in 1942 in Mexico City, Graciela Iturbide would emerge as one of the
most celebrated Mexican female photographers of the twentieth century. She
worked as assistant to Manuel Alvarez Bravo, once husband of Lola Alvarez
Bravo after attending film school at the UNAM, enrolling at twenty-seven.
In 1978, Iturbide would later photograph the Seri Indians of Sonora for the
Ethnographic Archive of the National Indigenous Institute of Mexico,
published as "Those Who Live in the Sand / Los que Vivos en la arena"
(1981).[1] The following year, Iturbide began a decade-long project with a
Zapotec Indian community in Juchitán de Zaragoza, Oaxaca, upon invitation
from the artist Francisco Toledo, culminating in the publication of her
photographic book, Juchitán de las Mujeres. Notable among this collection
of photographs was
Nuestra Señora de las Iguanas, or "Our Lady of the Iguanas," a gelatin
silver photograph taken in 1979 that details the dignity, power and self-
assured gaze of a defiant female Zapotec woman crowned by iguanas. The
collection shows how female dominance over ritual and culture proved an
anomaly in the matriarchal town of Juchitán, where a queer culture also
flourished. The photograph, "Magnolia," taken in 1986, depicted a man in a
dress whose face is reflected in a hand-held mirror, one of the most overt
expressions of queerness captured in Iturbide's oeuvre. Although she did
not define herself as one, Stanley Brandes referred to her an "innate
anthropologist." This paper will examine Iturbide's work in the context of
her emphasis upon female and feminine subjects in the Juchitán collection,
including transvestitism and cross-dressing that help define a "third
gender" known as muxhes. Graciela's photographs of indigeneity and
waywardly culture in Juchitán came to embody a subversive village poetic
that ran countercurrent to depictions of female subjects in Mexico as
subservient.


Introduction
This paper will attempt to do three things: the first will be to be briefly
trace and chart the artistic career of Mexican photographer Graciela
Iturbide, who was born in 1942 in Mexico City, and would emerge as one of
the most celebrated Mexican female photographers of the twentieth century.
The second will be to focus on her Juchitán collection, which was a decade-
long project with a Zapotec Indian community in the town of Juchitán de
Zaragoza in the state of Oaxaca, where she travelled upon invitation from
the artist Francisco Toledo, culminating in the publication of her
photographic book, Juchitán de las Mujeres. The third aspect of this talk
will be to focus in on a number of photographs from Juchitán, to
specifically explore the ways in which these photos were highly revealing
of the inner worlds of its subjects in terms of their connectivity with
themes of power, gender, sexuality, transvestitism and cross-dressing,
alternate sexualities, and queerness, and how such photographs came to
constitute what I term a "village poetic," in which culture and ritual in
the town were unlocked before Iturbide's camera to produce a subversive
visual narrative that shed light on the town's matriarchal culture and the
phenomenon of a "third gender" known as muxhes. Inspired by a trip to
Mexico City, in which the Juchitán collection was on display at the Museo
de Arte Moderno or Museum of Modern Art in Chapultepec Park. I was so
deeply impressed by the visual impact of Graciela's photographs that I
could not leave the gallery without a copy of her book. Although I am not
an art historian by training, the art history focus of the essay seeks to
reposition the female artist and emergent agent in the Mexican twentieth
century in a context of accelerating modernism in the sphere of artistic
production in Mexico from the 1920s on, to focus on Graciela Iturbide's
unique contribution to the celebration of Mexican indigeneity and queerness
through the sophisticated "high culture" form of photography. The paper
does not aim to offer a chronology of female artistic output in Mexico
alongside attention to Iturbide, but the evolving context of modernity in
which her works emerged from the 1970s must be noted.

Setting Contexts: The Zapotec of Oaxaca
In describing the Zapotecs at the time of Spanish conquest, Michael Lind
writes that they occupied:
The southern part of the present-day state of Oaxaca, Mexico, including
the large Valley of Oaxaca, the small mountainous valleys surrounding
it, and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec…The Valley of Oaxaca, the Zapotec
heartland, manifests three arms or sub-valleys: the Tlacolula arm in the
east, drained by the Rio Salado; the Etla arm in the north; and the
Zimatlán arm, or Valle Grande in the south. The Rio Atoyac drains both
north and south arms…The small mountainous valleys surrounding the
Valley of Oaxaca include the Sierra Juárez to the north; part of the
Penoles region to the west; the Sola, Coatlán, Miahuatlán, and Ejutla
Valleys to the south; and the Ozolotepec and Chichicapa regions to the
east. Extending east-southeast of the Valley of Oaxaca along the
Tehuantepec River drainage are the areas of Nexapa, Jalapa de Marquez,
and Tehuantepedc that the Zapotecs occupied late in their Prehispanic
history. Zapotec is not a dead language; it is still spoken by nearly
half a million native speakers today who continue to live in the Valley
of Oaxaca, the small mountainous valleys around it, and the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec…
Shortly before the Spanish Conquest, the Zapotecs lived in numerous city-
states or small kingdoms. Called quiche in Zapotec, these city-states
varied in size and importance but were composed of a capital city that
controlled a small territory and the subject communities within it. In
the Valley of Oaxaca, at least thirteen different city-states and an
unknown number of additional city-states occurred in the small
mountainous valleys adjacent to the valley and in the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec.[2]
Zapotec life was 'animistic' since it 'attributed life to many things we
consider inanimate.'[3] The Relacion de Teguantepec (1580) recorded that in
Tehuantepec, the "principal idols" were those of "precious green stones
[chalchiuites] and ceramics and wood that they worshipped as gods."[4] Lind
notes that, on the "eve of the Spanish conquest, the Zapotecs livd in
numerous contiguous city-states, or queche, distributed throughout the
Valley of Oaxaca and the surrounding mountain regions, extending into the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec."[5] In this paper, I will forward the argument
that certain remnants of Zapotec animatism and deity worship have carried
through to the present day in a town known for its contemporary record of
political resistance centered in indigenous identity and culture,
especially through the inhabitants' relationships with the land and the
landscape.

Graciela Iturbide: Career
Although she did not define herself as one, Stanley Brandes would refer
to Graciela Iturbide as an "innate anthropologist." Graciela enrolled in
film school at the age of twenty-seven at the Universidad Nacional Autonoma
de Mexico (UNAM) and later became an assistant to Manuel Alvarez Bravo, who
was for a time married to the prominent photographer Lola Alvarez Bravo. In
1973, the Museo Arte Moderno (MAM) in Mexico City acquired some four
hundred of Bravo's works dating from 1925-72. In 1978, Iturbide would
photograph the Seri Indians of Sonora in Northern Mexico for the
Ethnogranic Archive of the National Indigenous Institute of Mexico,
creating a book published as "Those Who Live in the Sand / Los que Vivos en
la arena" (1981). The next year, she would commence a decade-long project
with a Zapotec Indian community in Juchitán de Zaragoza, Oaxaca, upon
invitation from the artist Francisco Toledo, culminating in the publication
of her photographic book, Juchitán de las Mujeres.
This paper will explore this influential photographer's work in the
context of her emphasis upon a diverse array of feminine subjects in
Juchitán, in her documentation of the local phenomenon of transvestitism
and cross-dressing that fit in to a locally defined "third gender" known as
muxhes. Her images of indigeneity and waywardly culture in Juchitán would
come to embody a subversive village poetic which ran countercurrent to
other locations in Mexico where homosexuality and the female gender was not
necessarily so dominant.

Juchitán
Juchitán is an indigenous town in Southeastern Oaxaca, part of the
district of Juchitán
in the western part of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec; and it is home to both
Zapotec and Huave peoples. The word Zapotec refers to the Nahuatl
tzapotecah meaning inhabitants of the place of the sapote, a soft fruit
native to Mexico, Central America and northern South America. The Zapotecs
are broadly divided into four categories including the istmenos who live in
the Southern Istmhus of Tehuantepec, the serranos in the northern mountains
of the Sierra Madre of Oaxaca, the southern Zapotecs who inhabit the
Southern mountains of the Sierre Sur, and Central Valley Zapotecs of the
Central Valley of Oaxaca, the site of the Zapotec civiliations and most
important Zapotec archeological sites including Monte Alban, Mitla and
Yagul.[6] The town of Juchitán also elected a left-wing socialist
municipal government in 1980, and its citizens have a history of rising up
against repressive government rule when other communities chose to
acquiesce.
In the written type in the photographic book, "Juchitán de Las Mujeres,
1979-1989," by Elena Poniatowska, Poniatowska writes that Juchitán is a
place in which there is "no female surrender."[7] Poniatowska's complex
lineage includes the fact of her mother's family having lost land and fled
Mexico after Porfirio Diaz's removal from power.
Of Juchitán she writes, it is a "mythical place where man finds his
origins and woman her deepest essence."[8] Miguel Covarubbias observed of
Juchitán that one finds there "neither the evasive behavior nor the servile
humility characteristic of peoples whose strength of character has been
undermined by the direct repression of a social class…" In the market,
Poniatowska writes, "women answer back freely, both to compliments and to
off-colour remarks. The same thing happens when they dance. Men are the
ones who die of love. There is no female surrender…"[9] In introducing the
unique culture of the town, she writes, "Juchitán is not like any other
town. It has the destiny of its Indian wisdom. Everything is different;
women like to walk embracing each other, and here they come to the marches,
overpowering, with their iron calves."[10]
You should see them arrive like walking towers, their windows open,
their heart like a window, their nocturnal girth visited by the moon.
You should see them arrive; they are already the government, they, the
people, guardians of men, distributors of food…
Here they come, shaking their wombs, pulling the machos toward them,
the machos who, in contrast with them, wear light-colored pants,
shirts, leather sandals and palm hats which they lift high in the air
as they shout "long live Juchitec woman![11]
It is observed how market relationships were distinctly defined by male-
female dichotomies:
It is the Juchitec woman who owns the market. She is the powerful one;
the merchant; the bargainer; the generous avaricious, greedy one. Only
women sell. With their machetes and their palm hats, the men leave
home at dawn for work; they are iguana hunters, peasants, fisherman.
When they come back, they hand over their harvest to the women, who
carry it to the plaza, in gourd bowls decorated with flowers and birds,
plantains (platanos machos), guayabas bursting with ripeness, papayas,
watermelons, pineapples, custard apples (anonas), sapotes (zapotes) (a
soft, edible fruit), chicozapotes, guavas which distil their unique
aroma.[12]
In describing homosexual life and relations in the town, Poniatowska
writes:
The artistic and literary talent of the Zapotecs flowers during that
hour suspended between blueness and good-night, that hour of relaxation
that lends itself to reflection, imagination, and transforms Oaxaca into
the most creative, free, hardworking state in the Republic. Homosexuals
sell flowers. They dress like women, covered with ruffles, they put on
make up, paint their nails red, Señora Tentación. They go back and
forth, hustling and bustling, just like women vendors…[13]
In describing how homosexuals were an accepted and integral part of the
town's social fabric, Poniatowska writes,
Perhaps because the mother is so important in the community,
homosexuality is accepted, since the boy helps in the kitchen, does the
chores. A mother is pleased to have a gay son who will never leave her.
Daughters marry and go away, while the boy, attached to his mother,
takes care of the family, of the cooking grill; grabs the broom; lights
the candles; hangs the clothes in the sun to dry; and makes totopos,
which is a way of patting the sun flat and heaving it over the grill.
…the women of Juchitán are strong willed, in contrast with other
regions, where women shrink back and cry: in Jalisco, in the Bajio, in
Mexico City. They have nothing in common with self-sacrificing Mexican
mothers drowned in tears.

"Our Lady of the Iguanas" (1979)
Notable among this collection of photographs was Nuestra Señora de las
Iguanas, or "Our Lady of the Iguanas," (See Fig. 1) a gelatin silver
photograph taken in 1979 that details the dignity, power and self-assured
gaze of a defiant female Zapotec woman crowned by iguanas. This powerful
image, not only relays the community's interconnection with nature but also
their sense of place rooted deeply within the local flora and fauna.



Fig. 1 "Nuestra Señora de las Iguanas / Our Lady of the Iguanas"
(Graciela Iturbide, Juchitán, México, 1979)


Tranvetistism, Queerness and "Third Gender" in Juchitán
Los Muxes (also spelled muxhes) or the "third gender" are viewed as a
"blessing" in Juchitán and number approximately 3000. They "drink beer,
they are part of local government and they are symbol of good luck for
their family, homosexuals who enjoy "respect and admiration." They are
"like women, they work "as a man, but they wash, cook, clean the house and
when the other sons will get married and leave, they will stay and look
after their old parents." A 2008 New York Times article entitled, "A
Lifestyle Distinct: The Muxe of Mexico" described attitudes toward gender
and sex as more "elastic" in Southern Oaxaca, where muxe males play defined
community roles, that date to pre-Colombian Mexico; they perform
traditionally females roles including embroidery, selling at the market,
cooking and in some cases work as sex workers; others own beauty parlours.
Juchitán was also featured in an American version Elle Magazine article,
which described the town as "the last matriarchy," and this article met
with great controversy in the town, whose inhabitants believed the article
to distort the realities of the town.
Other artists have sought to portray Juchitán through film, including
Eisenstein, who in his unfinished film, Que Viva Mexico!, recorded "the
women from Tehuantepec lying in their hammocks, nude from the waist up, and
wrote in his diary that 'a portion of the garden of Eden remains before the
closed eyes of those who have never seen the unlimited Mexican vistas. And
you are left with the tenacious idea that Eden was not located somewhere
between the Tigris and Euphrates, but of course, here somewhere between the
Gulf of Mexico and Tehuantepec! This does not preclude the dirt in the pots
of food licked by the mangy dogs that swarm around…nor the secular
backwardness.' Sill other filmmakers have, more recently, like Maureen
Gosling and Ellen Osborne, produced documentaries concerning Juchitán,
whose Blossoms of Fire or Ramo de Fuego (2000) who set out to show how the
town "gained a reputation over the centuries as an 'unabashedly welcoming
place to grow up gay or transgendered… a place where women are visible and
vocal within the most public spheres of society, and at the same time, a
place synonymous with grassroots political struggle. Outsiders are drawn to
Juchitecas elaborate blouses, flowing skirts, ample bodies, and the
dignified way that women (and men dressed as women) move through space with
something Isthmeños refer to as gracia (grace) and presencia
(Presence)."[14]
A Master of Arts Dissertation was even written about Juchitán for the
Department of Gender Studies in 2011 at the Central European University in
Budapest, Hungary by Diana Escobedo Lastiri; this study considered the
gendered and "sexed" spaces of Juchitán as they were represented through
documentary films. Significantly Lastiri notes how, "through its
revelatory quality, instead of its Othering power, film… is actually able
to escape, even if subtly, the inflexibility of language, and thus, it
deserves our attention."[15]
In this study, the muxe's productive role is similarly emphasized:
… in Juchitán, the films represent the muxe as a hard-working person
performing roles closely related to the feminine roles in the
community. Furthermore, as shown in the films and particularly
emphasized in 2000 Blossoms of Fire, femininity appears as a positive
and productive quality in the community, and thus the relationship
between the women, a positive notion of femininity, and muxes seems to
legitimize the muxe category…[16]
Lastiri draws connections between the world of the muxes and 'nature' and
the wild, drawing on the dichotomies suggested in the work of William
Cronon concerning the ways in which culture constructs nature in an ongoing
discursive process. She also discusses how Juchitán reinforces trends in
museum culture that seek to define authenticity and purity in the culture
of the 'Other,' while underscoring the exceptional character of Juchitán
and the linkages between a 'third gender' category and positive notions of
femininity. Finally, Lastiri forwards the contention that muxes "can only
be 'accepted' as muxes within that space, for elsewhere, outside of
Juchitán, they would be catalogued and identified as transvestites,
homosexuals, fags, gays, deviants, etc."[17]
The photographic project carried out by Graciela in Juchitán spanned a
decade and was published in this book in 1989. Her work has been showed
worldwide in international museums including the Pompidou in Paris and the
Getty in Los Angeles. In a description of the uninhibited sexual culture
of Juchitán, Poniatowska writes,
the beer vendor is a free woman, she doesn't lose any sleep over
anything. After all, Juchitán is red, love scatters itself over the
cornfields, in the watermelons shrubs, along the riverbanks, people
make love outdoors. Juchitán is the sorceress of primary passions in a
world conceived before original sin.
Other cultures, especially in the Pacific world, have a comparable or
parallel form of "third gender" built in to their societies. The Fa'afafine
of Samoa (defined as "in the manner of a woman") were in pre-Christian
Samoa wholly accepted within their families and society such that men and
women were not pushed to fit into one or another gender in the sense of the
man-woman binary promoted in Western Christian hetero-normative culture.
The Fa'afafine were and are permitted to have diverse sex lives not
necessarily defined by homosexuality. In Tonga the fakaleiti and in Hawaii
the māhū similarly offer third gender categories. Recently, the performance
artist Shigeyuki Kihara has drawn increased attention to sexual minorities
in the Pacific; of Samoan and Japanese heritage, Kihara's work has
"interrogate[d] the ways that art, performance, and the public interact and
prompt dialogue about understanding the complexities of humanity…Kihara's
work comments on issues such as colonialism, European representations of
Indigenous peoples, gender, globalization, and sexual minority statuses in
the Pacific."[18]
Kihara has noted that her "existence as a fa'afafine person goes against
every thread which makes up the social fabric that is essentially Western
based" and her art has served to "critique of the imposition of western
binary norms of sexuality and gender onto indigenous Pacific peoples.[19]
As I suggest, the assertion or re-assertion of fa'afafine cultural
expression or authority has continued to function as a rejection of the
hetero-normative forms of oppression associated with colonialism and the
imposition of Christianity upon Samoa, just as muxhe cultural flourishing
in Mexico has continued to work against a colonial Spanish Catholic
cultural model through its reassertion of indigeneity and cultural freedoms
associated with non-conformist gender formations. As art historian Erica
Wolf has suggested, gender is not fixed but is instead performative and
constituted through acts of repetition. Fa'afafine have been defined as
biological males with a pronounced feminine gender orientation, and, in a
similar way to the muxes' capacity to assert social power, the fa'afafine
are "in positions of influence - school principals, bank managers,
politically empowered…"[20]





Considering Queerness, Subversion, Culture, and Space in the Juchitan
Gallery
On photography, Graciela once remarked,
La fotografia no es la verdad. El fotografo interpreta la realidad y,
sobre todo, hace su realidad, de acuerdo con sus conocimientos o sus
emociones...Photography is not the truth. The Photograph interprets
reality and, above all, makes it real, in accordance with its truths or
emotions.[21] [Translation Mine]
She goes on to describe the camera as window through which one can compose
reality, even dream about it, as if the camera synthesizes what you are and
what you have learned from a place; that which happens to the writer also
happens to the photographer: it is impossible to relay the truth of life.
Susan Sontag similarly has pointed to photography as a means to "collect"
the world.[22]

"Magnolia" (1986)
The set photographs entitled "Magnolia," taken in 1986 would depict in
one photograph a man in a dress and necklace, whose face is reflected in a
hand-held mirror. This series was, indeed, one of the most overt
expressions of the queer male figure captured in Iturbide's oeuvre A second
photograph depicts the same man sporting a dress and a hat (See Figs. 2 and
3).




Fig. 2 "Magnolia"
(Graciela Iturbide, Juchitán, México, 1986)



Fig. 3 "Magnolia"
(Graciela Iturbide, Juchitán, México, 1986)


Manos Poderosas/Powerful Hands
The artistry evident in the photograph, "Manos ponderosas/ Powerful
hands" (Fig. 4) is unique not only for its depiction of the persistence of
culture across generations, but also for the sense in which culture's
centrality to life in Juchitán is celebrated. The celebratory nature of
this series is similarly evident with the photograph, "Juchiteca con
cerveza / Juchiteca with beer." (Fig. 5)



Fig. 4 "Manos Poderosas/Powerful Hands"
(Graciela Iturbide, Juchitán, México, 1986)






Fig. 5 Juchiteca con cerveza / Juchiteca with beer
(Graciela Iturbide, Juchitán, México, 1984)



Depicting the Indigenous in the Modern in Los que viven en la arena

Finally, I'd like to turn back to Graciela's earlier series, Los que
viven en la arena to draw links and connections across and between the
Juchitan series and Graciela's formative work. In a series of photographs
entitled "Desierto de Sonora," the persistence of indigeneity is collected
with an explicit attention to the individuality, humanity and personality
of her subjects (See Fig. 6)





Fig. 6 "Desierto de Sonora"
(Graciela Iturbide, Mexico, 1979)

References

Belletin, Mario [author], Elena Poniatowska [author] and Graciela Iturbide
[Photography]. Juchitán de la Mujeres, 1979-1989. Ciudad de México:
Editorial RM y Calamus Editorial.

Escobedo Lastiri, Diana. "A Heterotopia of Deviation – Representations of
Juchitán."
(M.A. Thesis, Gender Studies, Central European University, Budapest, 2011).

Lind, Michael. Ancient Zapotec Religion: An Ethnohistorical and
Archeological Perspective. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2015.

Mejía Madrid, Fabrizio [Prologo], Carmina Estrada [Semblanzas], "Graciela
Iturbide," Un Lugar Comun: 50 Fotógrafos y La Ciudad de México (A Punto
Editorial; Secretería de Cultura de la Ciudad de México: Ciudad de México,
2015.

Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York: Picador, 2005; c.2000.

Taylor, Analisa. "Malinche and Matriarchal Utopia: Gendered Visions of
Indigeneity in
Mexico," Signs, Vol. 31, No. 3, (2006): 815.

Torre de Lagunas, Juan. "Relación de Teguantepec" [1580] in Relaciones
geográphicas del siglo XVI: Antequera. Vol. 2 Edited by René Acuña, 107-25.
Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónomia de México, 1984.

Wolf, Erica. "Shigeyuki Kihara's Fa'a fafine; In a manner of a woman: The
photographic theater of cross-cultural encounter," Pacific Arts 10.2
(2010): 23-33.

-----------------------
[1] For an image gallery see http://www.gracielaiturbide.org/category/los-
que-viven-en-la-arena/ Accessed February 28, 2017.
[2] Michael Lind, Ancient Zapotec Religion: An Ethnohistorical and
Archeological Perspective (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2015), 5.
[3] Ibid. 7.
[4] Ibid., 8. Cited from Torre de Lagunas, Juan. "Relación de Teguantepec"
[1580] in Relaciones geográphicas del siglo XVI: Antequera. Vol. 2 Edited
by René Acuña, 107-25. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónomia de
México, 1984.
[5] Ibid., 349. In the 1570s, Fray Juan de Córdova published two reports on
the Zapotec, Vocabulario en lengua zapoteca and Arte del idioma zapoteca,
compiling the vocabulario between 1572 and 1576; he had served in both the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec and in the Valley of Oaxaca and so his dictionary of
the Zapotec language reflected his time spent in those regions
specifically. See Lind, 13-14.
[6] For a recent exploration of the ancient religious culture of the
Zapotec see Michael Lind, Ancient Zapotec Religion: An Ethnohistorical and
Archaeological Perspective (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2015).
[7] Mario Bellatin and Elena Poniatowska [Text], Graciela Iturbide
[Photography]. Graciela Iturbide: Juchitán de las Mujeres, 1979-1989
(RM/Editorial Calamus, 2010).
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Analisa Taylor, "Malinche and Matriarchal Utopia: Gendered Visions of
Indigeneity in Mexico," Signs, Vol. 31, No. 3, (2006): 815.
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hô"»OJQJhÓïhmA»OJQJhÓïh³FµOJQJhÓïh)s5?6?OJQJh Diana Escobedo Lastiri, "A
Heterotopia of Deviation – Representations of Juchitán." (M.A. Thesis,
Gender Studies, Central European University, Budapest, 2011) 85-6.
[16] Lastiri, "A Heterotopia of Deviation," 29.
[17] Ibid., 77.
[18] "The Art of Shigeyuki Kihara: A Research Symposium," Available at
http://www.otago.ac.nz/historyarthistory/staff/otago045224.html
[19] Erica Wolf, "Shigeyuki Kihara's Fa'a fafine; In a manner of a woman:
The photographic theater of cross-cultural encounter," Pacific Arts 10.2
(2010): 26.
[20]
[21] Fabrizio Mejía Madrid [Prologo], Carmina Estrada [Semblanzas],
"Graciela Iturbide," Un Lugar Comun: 50 Fotógrafos y La Ciudad de México (A
Punto Editorial; Secretería de Cultura de la Ciudad de México: Ciudad de
México, 2015), 140.
[22] See Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Picador, 2005; c.2000).