Silaški, N., & Đurović, T. (2013). The FOOD metaphor in structuring the global financial crisis in Serbian - Magazine covers as multimodal discourse. In: A. Soares da Silva et al. (eds), Comunicação Política e Económica. Dimensões Cognitivas e Discursivas (pp. 507-520).

Comunicação Política e Económica Dimensões Cognitivas e Discursivas

Organizadores Augusto Soares da Silva José Cândido Martins Luísa Magalhães Miguel Gonçalves

Publicações da Faculdade de Filosofia Universidade Católica Portuguesa BRAGA  2013

Ficha Técnica Título: Comunicação Política e Económica Dimensões Cognitivas e Discursivas



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The food metaphor in structuring the global financial crisis in Serbian – Magazine covers as multimodal discourse * Nadežda Silaški and Tatjana Đurović Abstract Within the theoretical framework of Conceptual Metaphor Theory pertaining not only to verbal (Lakoff & Johnson 1980, Charteris-Black 2004, etc.) but also to pictorial and multimodal discourse (Forceville 1996, Forceville & Urios-Aparisi 2009, etc.) in this paper we tackle the topic of the global financial crisis by examining the role of both verbal and visual instances of the food metaphor in Serbian press. The data collection for our analysis consists of several covers which relate to the global financial crisis, published in the weekly EkonomEast magazine in Serbian in the period 2008-2011. The method of analysis we used is described in Bounegru and Forceville (2011). Our main aim is to establish how the food metaphor is used by the media in order to describe, by using suggestive and warning pictures accompanied by textual messages, the impact of the global financial crisis. We  are also interested to demonstrate that the food metaphor (as realised by means of several monomodal or multimodal mappings such as money is food, a lack of money is a lack of food, dealing with the financial crisis is tightening the belt, etc.) exhibits some evaluative components, since it is deployed on magazine covers both to alert readers and make them translate the depicted and perceived similarities between a lack of food and the crisis into action, all stemming from the ingrained importance ascribed to food in Serbian society. In this regard, the food metaphor may be said to be the prime example of a culturally dependent metaphor. Keywords :  Conceptual Metaphor Theory, crisis, economic discourse, multimodal metaphors, Serbian

1. Introduction The global financial crisis of the late-2000s has gained extensive media coverage not only in the United States, where it is said to have originated, but also in all European countries to which it has rapidly spread, Serbia being no exception. The fact that the industrialised world has been undergoing a pronounced economic downturn *  The paper is the result of research conducted within project no. 178002 Languages and cultures across space and time funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

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in the last four years and that the crisis has resulted in massive redundancies, bailouts of banks and plummeting stock markets around the world has consequently been fully documented by newspapers and magazines of general and business orientation. It turned out that, in order to conceptualise the global financial crisis, journalists and newspaper reporters have extensively used metaphor (together with some other cognitive instruments such as metonymy and image schemas), a cognitive tool which allows us to describe one abstract, usually intangible, concept in terms of another, more concrete and better structured concept. In this paper we analyse the role of both verbal and visual instances of the food metaphor in Serbian press, stressing its persuasive power to familiarise the readership with the magnitude and seriousness of the global financial crisis. More specifically, by analysing magazine covers, which typically consist of a photograph or illustration, accompanied with a headline and other verbal elements, we focus on the food metaphors identified on these covers, which are not, or not exclusively verbal, but rather visually, i.e. pictorially manifested. In other words, we deploy an integrative cognitive linguistic approach thus concurring with Forceville who argues that “[e]xamination of non-verbal representations should help further substantiate (or cast doubt upon) elements of the already extensive body of research based on verbal representations of metaphor”. (Forceville 2009b: 1). This arises from the very oft cited Lakoff and Johnson’s idea that “[t]he essence of metaphor is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 5), which allows for reasoning that if verbal metaphors are manifestations rather than reduplications of thought, one of these manifestations may be non-verbal or pictorial, which in turn should contribute to the completeness of a theory of metaphor (Forceville 2009b). Our main aim is to demonstrate that, in addition to being realised linguistically or verbally, “metaphors can occur non-verbally and multimodally as well as purely verbally” (Forceville 2006: 381), sharing the same purpose – highlighting the scale and destructive power of the crisis as well as influencing judgments by persuasion and manipulation. 2. Theoretical framework Verbal and pictorial metaphors are of monomodal type since their source and target domains are both realised by using the same sign system – language and pictures, respectively. While verbal metaphors have attracted ample scholarly attention since the publication of Lakoff and Johnson’s seminal book Metaphors we live by (1980), pictorial (or visual) metaphors, although being “the most examined

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type of nonverbal mode of metaphor”1 (Forceville 2008: 464), still lack a consistent and systematic theory.2 The same claim may also be made of multimodal metaphors, defined as “metaphors in which target, source, and/or mappable features are represented or suggested by at least two different sign systems (one of which may be language) or modes of perception”. (Forceville 2008: 463). This definition is somewhat changed in Forceville (2009a: 24), where they are defined as “metaphors whose target and source are each represented exclusively or predominantly in different modes”, where the adverbs exclusively and predominantly are added, as the author points out, because “non-verbal metaphors often have targets and/or sources that are cued in more than one mode simultaneously” (Forceville 2009a: 24). Pictorial and multimodal metaphors used on a cover, the most prominent part of a magazine, may have a strong effect on the readership for several reasons. Magazine covers serve as an introduction to the articles featured inside and should be as attractive to readership as possible so as to make them buy the magazine. In this sense, magazine cover functions metonymically in relation to the whole text contained inside, thus having to be strong and salient enough as a part to represent the whole. But, as Cortés de los Ríos (2010: 84) claims, dealing with the cognitive devices to communicate the economic crisis on the covers of The  Economist magazine, “the magazine cover is not simply a visual and verbal summary of what is considered the most important current topic; it is also an important form of selfadvertising”. In this sense, a magazine cover serves not only as an advertisement, but also as “the presentation of a selective view of reality” (McCracken 1993: 14), or in Berger’s terms, an image becomes “a record of how x had seen y”. (Berger 1972). Since pictures (often combined with text) have a stronger rhetorical effect and much more persuasive power than words alone, the choice of pictorial metaphors for a magazine cover seems only natural, having in mind the basic property of metaphor to represent an abstract, hard-to-understand concept in terms of a more concrete and easier-to-understand concept. Namely, pictorial and multimodal metaphors in particular “require[s] the text’s recipient to construct a meaningful reading by processing verbal and visual elements together” (Koller 2009: 49), which boosts the 1.  Forceville points out that “if metaphors are essential to thinking [...], it makes sense that they should occur not only in language but also in static and moving pictures, sounds, music, gestures, even in touch and smell” (2008: 463). 2.  See, though, Forceville (1994, 1996) for a detailed account of pictorial metaphor in advertising. See also Forceville & Urios-Aparisi (2009) for a collection of articles dealing with multimodality and multimodal metaphors used in advertising, political cartoons, comics, animation, gestures, music, sound and film.

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persuasive power of the cover. In addition, as Forceville claims, pictorial metaphors have “a more sensual and emotive impact on viewers” (2008: 475) than those purely verbal. For that same reason they may have “greater international appeal, since they do not (exclusively) rely on language codes” (Forceville 2008: 475). Finally – and this is of special importance when it comes to pictorial metaphors depicting the global financial crisis – they may have a strong impact on the readership regarding their understanding of the crisis, since the crisis, although frequently metaphorically structured in words alone, may be better understood by using powerful pictorial elements which pertain to its causes and effects and even the ideologies subtly hidden behind the metaphorical veil. 3. Data collection and methodology The data collection for our analysis consists of 8 covers of the weekly EkonomEast magazine published in Serbian in the period 2008-2011 which are instances of the food metaphor and pertain to the global financial crisis. The covers were collected from the magazine’s website http://www.emg.rs, whereas their publication period coincides with the outbreak of the global financial crisis, on the one hand, and the first signs of recovery, on the other. The  EkonomEast magazine,3 as quoted on its website, is “an economic and political weekly of liberal orientation” and its readership “includes the entire business community of Serbia and the region, corporate managers, government representatives, economists and other active members of the community”. This means that it addresses a wide section of the population and is not exclusively targeted at experts, so the discourse contained in it may be termed as “popular economic and business discourse”, which refers to “journalistic texts that deal with current economic and business matters for an audience of experts and nonexperts, and seek to inform and entertain more generally” (Skorczynska & Deignan 2006: 89). This in turn means that the magazine covers as well are aimed at experts and nonexperts alike, which may call for the use of metaphors as a tool which facilitates the understanding of the global financial crisis, its causes and consequences, and especially the impact it has had on Serbian economy and its citizens. In line with the method of analysis used in Bounegru and Forceville (2011), who analyse 30 editorial cartoons pertaining to the global financial crisis in order to identify “(1) how pictorial and verbal means of expressions are used to create metaphors; and (2) whether, and if so, how these metaphors can be traced to 3.  In the meantime, the EkonomEast Group, which used to publish the EkonomEast Magazine, has gone bankrupt and the magazine has ceased publication.

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underlying conceptual metaphors” (2011: 210), we will discuss monomodal and multimodal food metaphors related to the global financial crisis, in which “[t]he target domain is always the financial crisis or a phenomenon that is metonymi­cally associated with it” (Bounegru & Forceville 2011: 214). 4. The food metaphor and the global financial crisis Our data collection originally contained a total of 24 metaphorical covers of the EconomEast magazine published in the period 2008-2011, out of which 5 covers, which are instances of the food metaphor, will be analysed here. Among other source domains found in our data collection (movement, game, natural disaster, war and tool domains), the financial crisis was found to be depicted via the food domain. The food metaphor has received little scholarly attention in scant literature on visual representations of the global financial crisis in British and American media. Our own focus on this metaphor as used in Serbian press for the structuring of the global financial crisis has arisen from the fact that Serbia’s economy has in leaner years always relied on the production of food and the export of food products, which points out the importance attributed to food in Serbian society. In addition, Serbia prides itself on high quality healthy food and on its potential to sustain the population even in times of economic hardships. Our  main aim is therefore to establish how the food metaphor, realised both verbally and pictorially, is used by the media in order to describe, by using suggestive and warning pictures accompanied by textual messages, often perplexing causes and far-reaching consequences of the global financial crisis. The selected covers containing the food metaphor will be further studied in terms of the modality and the underlying image schemas. Greco (2009: 201) points out that “[m]etaphorical mappings do not occur isolated from each other, they can be organised into hierarchical structures, in which lower mappings in the hierarchy adopt the structures of the higher, broader mappings”. Hence the underlying conceptual metaphor appearing on all the selected covers is the economy is an organism from which the metaphor money is food originates. Pictorial metaphors on all covers are reinforced by verbal elements which, when contextually related to the concept of financial crisis, give birth to the topic lack of money is a lack of food metaphor via the above mentioned structural metaphor money is food. That we think about money in terms of food is linguistically well manifested both in English and Serbian,4 which documents the underlying conceptual metaphor 4.  In English there are following linguistic examples that all relate to the idea of viewing money as food: bread, earn a crust, breadwinner, dough, slice of the cake, windfall, fat (profit), etc. Very similar

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money is food. Our analysis of the EkonomEast magazine covers has shown that this metaphor is also realised pictorially, with both the source and the target domains represented in a visual form. The examples of covers which illustrate the pictorial money is food metaphor are shown in Figure 1 below.

EkonomEast, no. 452, EkonomEast, no. 451, EkonomEast, no. 484, 16 January 2009 9 January 2009 28 August 2009 Caption:  Serbia without food! Caption:  A luncheon worth € 3bn Caption:  Enter the dragon Figure 1.  Covers illustrating the money is food pictorial metaphor

What are the correspondences between money metaphorically structured as food, or rather a lack of it, on the one hand, and the economy as an organism on the other? Firstly, both hunger and the economy can be satisfied – we can satisfy our hunger by eating tangible objects – food, just as we can “satisfy” or “nourish” the economy faced with the financial crisis by injecting or pumping money into it; and secondly, the physiological boundary which suggests that a high level of satisfaction and physical health has been reached if a stomach is filled with food; a full stomach presupposes a healthy organism, viewed here as a healthy and functional economy filled with money as food. Conversely, the financial crisis leads to an empty, flat stomach, i.e. economies void of the funds necessary to sustain the economic organism. Conceptualising economy as an organism has been amply documented (see e.g. Charteris & Ennis 2001, Charteris-Black & Musolff 2003, White 2003, etc.). The  selected magazine covers containing the underlying conceptual metaphor idiomatic expressions in Serbian also draw on the money is food metaphor – nema hleba bez motike (there is no bread without a shovel), zaraditi hleb (earn bread), parče kolača (slice of the cake), debeo profit (fat profit), etc.

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also revolve around animising an abstract entity such as economy, i.e. “referring to something that is inanimate using a word or phrase that in other contexts refers to something that is animate” (Charteris-Black 2004: 21). Personification (together with reification – concretising, reifying abstract entities and seeing them as concrete objects) is a form of ontological metaphors which allow us to “identify our experiences as entities or substances” (Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 25) in order to reason about them. Abstract complex systems, such as economy, by means of “animate system of metaphors” (Charteris-Black 2004: 135), are made anthropomorphic hence easier to understand and deal with because “the abstract is made tangible and given meaning through the use of conventional knowledge about the existence and behaviour of living things”. (Charteris-Black 2000: 158-159). In addition, CharterisBlack (2004: 141) argues that the choice of metaphorical systems is also very significant in evaluative terms, claiming that “[t]he choice of animate or inanimate metaphor systems reflects an epistemological perspective as to whether or not the events described are conceptualised as being under human control”, and predictable. More precisely, resorting to animate metaphors as is the case on the selected covers, though maybe contrary to the original intentions of their authors, suggests that economy and the financial crisis for that matter is under the control of the human agents, i.e. economists, which, on the other hand, allows laying the blame on them and their wrong decisions which gave rise to the crisis and its perpetuation. What follows is a thorough analysis of the two covers belonging to the lack of money is a lack of food metaphor, where the target domain – the financial crisis – is metaphorically compared to the source domain, that of food. 4.1. A hungry year The  first cover presented in Figure 2 below (EkonomEast, no. 525, 10 June 2010) illustrates the impact of the financial crisis on the amount of foreign investments in Serbia. It exemplifies a multimodal metaphor which combines both pictorial and verbal modes to refer to the concept of the financial crisis as its target domain. The source domain occurs in both the pictorial and verbal modes and is conceptually linked to that of food. More precisely, the lack of money is a lack of food metaphor is visually represented by a picture of a “skinny” piggy bank, obviously lacking money. The pictorial metaphor of a “starved” piggy bank, backed by the verbal metaphor A hungry year, accentuates the notion of the economy as an organism. Our common knowledge teaches us that the heavier the pig the more quality meat we will get. This is achieved by providing the pig with the right diet so it

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reaches the ideal weight. Similarly, the more coins one inserts into their piggy bank the heavier it becomes and the more savings one enjoys. A properly fed pig implies a healthy pig just as a piggy bank properly “fed” with a coin, which metonymically stands for money, connotes healthy savings. If a pictorial metaphor of piggy bank conceptualises the economy, then making a piggy bank heavier with coins is likened to a real pig nurtured with food. Economy is doing well if it is properly served with money, i.e. investments, money being conceptualised as “food” for a piggy bank via the real food given to a pig.

EkonomEast, no. 525, 10 June 2010 Caption:  Foreign investments in Serbia A hungry year Figure 2

However, the Serbian piggy bank, connoting the plight of the Serbian economy aggravated by the crisis reflected in a lack of foreign investments (verbally accentuated by means of a caption in smaller print that reads Strane investicije u Srbiji and translates as Foreign investments in Serbia), is the one of a “hungry”, skinny piggy bank in dire need of money conceptualised as food to make it “round” and healthy again. This pictorial metaphor is underpinned by two image schemas: of quantity – more is up/less is down, and of containment – in/out. Inserting more money conceptualised as food into a piggy bank, i.e. the economy in general contributes to a healthier state, hence a good or desirable state is up via more is up. The piggy bank is a container for money, just as the Serbian economy or any other economic system serves as a container for money. The positive trajector is in, while the negative one is out. Thus, negative connotations of the crisis are visually reinforced by the

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image schemas of down and out. In addition, the whole page is predominantly in black colour which adds up to the negative perception of the crisis and its impact on the Serbian economy. The background has been darkened to bring out the central image – a skinny piggy bank as a symbol of the suffering Serbian economy. On the other hand, the verbal metaphor presented in the headline Gladna godina ‘A hungry year’ reinforces via language our real life experience of poor crops and harvest which detrimentally affect the economy, the food literally meaning money, on the one hand, and the anthropomorphisation of the economy, on the other. Animating economy which is hungry due to a lack of money, i.e. food verbally underpins the pictorial metaphor thus unequivocally conceptualising the financial crisis via the food domain. 4.2. The state on a diet The second cover (EkonomistEast no. 447, 12 Dec 2008) shown in Figure 3 below contains a multimodal metaphor which we will call dealing with the financial crisis is tightening the belt. It again comprises two metaphors, of the pictorial and verbal mode, respectively.

EkonomEast, no. 447, 12 December 2008 Caption:  The 2009 budget The state on a diet Figure 3

This metaphor also hinges on the underlying economy is an organism/ person metaphor and the aspect of money as food. We  usually tighten our belt

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when we lose weight, which is in turn induced by reducing the amount of food we put in our body. Less food means a leaner body and consequently pulling our belt tighter around our waist. Taking less food, i.e. being on a diet may occur due to various reasons, one of them being strictly economical – harsh economic times, thus the necessity to economise on food. Consequently, when the dire financial times get better and our diet is enriched with more luxurious food, we can loosen our belt accordingly. The  pictorial metaphor depicting a person’s belly around which a belt is clinched is reinforced with the caption Država na dijeti ‘The state on a diet’, which emphasises the conceptualisation of the state and its economy as animate and organic. The  state, and consequently the economy, is metaphorically viewed as a person who should cut down on money (i.e. food) in the form of excessive spending in order to accommodate to the current economic crisis. Tightening the belt in economic sense in Serbia entails cutting or eliminating money in the form of debts, which is likened to a person who cuts or eliminates luxurious food and restricts herself only to the bare necessities. When it becomes obese, overgrown and overweight (though, primarily by the greed of a rather small group of people), the state i.e. the economy must be put on a particular dietary regime which means less money as food, or more precisely more financial responsibility in spending money and seeking for less expensive options. Still, the tightening of the state’s belt strongly suggests the overall change in “diet”, which in certain cases may be particularly painful and drastic, e.g. when companies are the object of this dietary imagery. In that case, it entails massive lay-offs of people, who as bread-winners will not be, both literally and figuratively, able to provide money-as-food to their dependants. In  terms of image schemas, the metaphor dealing with the financial crisis is tightening the belt is founded on the up-down dichotomy. Although a downward orientation is usually associated with the negative evaluation (see Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 14-17; Kövecses 2002: 36), the decrease in the quantity of money, i.e. more fiscal regulation, or literary speaking less food in order to make our organism more efficient, pinpoints positive aspects of the belt tightening measures, resulting in good is down metaphor. In addition, less quantity means being light, therefore light is good, heavy is bad, which contributes to the overall persuasive power of (multi)modal metaphors as “researchers fall back on these cognitive structures since the positive or negative value of each image schema is also added to the concept or picture” (Cortés de los Ríos 2010: 88). 5. Discussion

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Several insights may be gained from our more detailed analysis of the food metaphors. What all covers pertaining to the food domain share in terms of the underlying metaphor (economy as an organism) is the aspect of embodiment, i.e. a deeply ingrained notion that we cannot do without food to function properly, which in turn is likened to the economy void of money metaphorically structured as food. The  embodied character of the food metaphors is further reinforced by the perceived image schemas – in/out, up/down, and their attributes big/ small, heavy/light manifested in the pictorial mode and viewed as pre-conceptual, recurrent patterns or regularities which result from interaction of our body with our environment, movement in space, or handling of objects (see Johnson 1987). Still, the two selected covers differ regarding the role of pictorial and verbal modes to conceptualise the target domain, that of the financial crisis. Namely, the figure showing a starved piggy bank sufficiently cues the detrimental effect of the crisis on the Serbian economy, i.e. it fares as a metaphor (of the pictorial mode) even if not verbally specified. However, this is not the case with the cover showing the belt going round a person’s belly, since unless verbally strengthened, the metaphor does not unequivocally convey the idea of the country (Serbia) and its economy (worked out via a number of metonyms) in time of recession. The use of the food metaphor on the selected covers stems from the ingrained importance ascribed to food in Serbian society. This is why the food metaphor is strongly enculturated, i.e. culturally constructed, since it underlines the significance of food as an integral part of the Serbian tradition and beliefs. Moreover, in the country such as Serbia, with an eventful history marked by wars and periods of severe economic hardship which were accompanied, among other things, by ‘hungry years’ and the fear of scarcity of food, mapping the source domain of a lack of food onto the target domain of the global financial crisis, in both pictorial and verbal modes, becomes an overwhelming cognitive solution conveying a powerful rhetorical message. 6. Conclusion In this paper an attempt has been made to tackle the topic of the global financial crisis by examining, from a cognitive standpoint, the role of both verbal and visual instances of the food metaphor found on magazine covers. It turned out that the food metaphor, realised by means of several monomodal or multimodal mappings such as money is food, a lack of money is a lack of food, dealing with the financial crisis is tightening the belt, etc. is a powerful tool which

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may facilitate the understanding of the seriousness of the financial crisis as well as the impact it may have on Serbian citizens, the readers of the EconomEast magazine. Since metaphors are said to be an inherent part of culture, as culture involves the understanding of the world shared by groups of people, the food metaphor stands out as an example par excellence of a culturally dependent metaphor, which further corroborates the claim that metaphors, inter alia, reflect cultural models. References Berger, John (1972). Ways of Seeing. London: British Broadcasting Corporation and Penguin Books. Bounegru, Liliana & Charles Forceville (2011). Metaphors in editorial cartoons representing the global financial crisis. Visual Communication 10(2), 209-229. Charteris-Black, Jonathan & Andreas Musolff (2003). ‘Battered hero’ or ‘innocent victim’? A comparative study of metaphors for euro trading in British and German financial reporting. English for Specific Purposes 22, 153-176. Charteris-Black, Jonathan & Timothy Ennis (2001). A Comparative Study of Metaphor in Spanish and English Financial Reporting. English for Specific Purposes 20, 249-266. Charteris-Black, Jonathan (2000). Metaphor and vocabulary teaching in ESP economics. English for Specific Purposes 19, 149-165. Charteris-Black, Jonathan (2004). Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Cortés de los Ríos, María Enriqueta (2010). Cognitive devices to communicate the economic crisis: An analysis through covers in The Economist. Ibérica 20, 81-107. Forceville, Charles & Eduardo Urios-Aparisi (2009). Introduction. In: Charles J. Forceville & Eduardo Urios-Aparisi (eds.), Multimodal Metaphor. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 3-17. Forceville, Charles (1994). Pictorial Metaphor in Advertisements. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 9 (1), 1-29. Forceville, Charles (1996). Pictorial Metaphor in Advertising. London and New York: Routledge. Forceville, Charles (2006). Non-verbal and multimodal metaphor in a cognitivist framework: Agendas for Research. In: Gitte Kristiansen, Michel Achard, Rene Dirven & Francisco J. Ruiz de Mendoza Ibañez (eds.), Cognitive Linguistics: Current Applications and Future Perspectives. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 379-402. Forceville, Charles (2008). Metaphor in Pictures and Multimodal Representations. In: Raymond W. Gibbs, Jr. (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Metaphor and Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 462-482. Forceville, Charles (2009a). Non-verbal and multimodal metaphor in a cognitivist framework: Agendas for Research. In: Charles J. Forceville & Eduardo Urios-Aparisi (eds.), Multimodal Metaphor. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 19-42. Forceville, Charles (2009b). Course on Pictorial and Multimodal Metaphor. Retrieved 26th September 2011, URL: < http://www.chass.utoronto.ca/epc/srb/cyber/cyber.html>.

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Greco, Sergio (2009). Metaphorical headlines in business, finance and economic magazines. Linguistica e Filologia 28, 193-211. Johnson, Mark (1987). The Body in the Mind: The  Bodily Basis of Meaning, Imagination and Reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Koller, Veronika (2009). Brand images: Multimodal metaphor in corporate branding. In: Charles J. Forceville & Eduardo Urios-Aparisi (eds.), Multimodal Metaphor. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 45-71. Kövecses, Zoltán (2002). Metaphor. A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lakoff, George & Mark Johnson (1980). Metaphors we live by. Chicago / London: University of Chicago Press. McCracken (1993). Decoding Women’s Magazines: from Mademoiselle to Ms. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Skorczynska, Hanna & Alice Deignan (2006). Readership and Purpose in the Choice of Economics Metaphors. Metaphor & Symbol 21 (2). 87-104. White, Michael (2003). Metaphor and Economics: The  case of growth. English for Specific Purposes 22 (2), 131-151.