The urban event. The city as a complex system far from equilibrium

city as organism

new visions for urban life 22nd ISUF International Conference|22-26 september 2015 Rome Italy

edited by Giuseppe Strappa Anna Rita Donatella Amato Antonio Camporeale

2

U+D edition

Urban Form Reading and Design Urban Morphology Theories and Methods New Researchers’ Forum Local Networks Forum

city as organism

new visions for urban life 22nd ISUF International Conference|22-26 september 2015 Rome Italy

edited by Giuseppe Strappa Anna Rita Donatella Amato Antonio Camporeale

Urban Form Reading and Design Urban Morphology Theories and Methods New Researchers’ Forum Local Networks Forum

2

U+D edition Rome ISBN 97888941188-1-0 May 2016

DiAP

DiAP

Dipartimento di Architettura e Progetto https://web.uniroma1.it/dip_diap/

U+D urbanform and design online journal http://www.urbanform.it/

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Laboratorio di Lettura e Progetto dell’Architettura via A. Gramsci, 53 https://web.uniroma1.it/lpa/

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Dottorato di Ricerca in Architettura e Costruzione via A. Gramsci, 53 https://web.uniroma1.it/dottoratodraco/

Contacts email: roma2015@isu taly.com

Organization

Conference Chair

Giuseppe Strappa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy

Scienti c Committee

Giovanni Carbonara, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Giancarlo Cataldi, University of Florence, Italy Carlos Dias Coelho, University of Lisbon, Portugal Michael P. Conzen, University of Chicago, United States Anna Maria Giovenale, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Kai Gu, University of Auckland, New Zealand Karl Kropf, Oxford Brookes University, United Kingdom Jean-François Lejeune, University of Miami, United States Renato Masiani, 'Sapienza' University of Rome, Italy Vitor Manuel Araujo Oliveira, University of Porto, Portugal Piero Ostilio Rossi, 'Sapienza' University of Rome, Italy Ivor Samuels, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom Brenda Case Scheer, University of Utah, United States Giuseppe Strappa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Jeremy Whitehand, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom

Organizing Committee

Anna Rita Donatella Amato, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Alessandro Camiz, Girne American University, TRNC Paolo Carlotti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Anna Irene Del Monaco, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Matteo Ieva, Polytechnic of Bari, Italy Marco Maretto, University of Parma, Italy Nicola Marzot, University of Ferrara, Italy and TU-Delft, The Netherlands Dina Nencini, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Giuseppe Strappa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Fabrizio Toppetti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy

Organizing Team

Antonio Camporeale, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Giusi Ciotoli, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy Marco Falsetti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy

Conference Partners and Sponsors

Isu taly, Italian Network of Urban Morphology Arab Gulf Network of Urban Morphology Chinese Network of Urban Morphology Polish Network of Urban Morphology Portuguese-language Network of Urban Morphology Serbian Network of Urban Morphology Spanish Network of Urban Morphology Turkish Network of Urban Morphology Paesaggio Urbano - Urban Design Revista de Morfologia Urbana U+D Urbanform and Design Urban Morphology

Urban Form and Theories

The urban event. The city as a complex system far from equilibrium Sara M. Boccolini

Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (SECyT) - Bauhaus research School, Bauhaus Universität -Weimar Keywords: urban planning, complex systems, new urbanism, open planning

Abstract

This research explores the methodological, instrumental and conceptual possibilities of the systemic approach developed in quantum physics and mathematics: urban centers are complex systems that function as nodes articulating human activities networks in the territory, in a dialectical relationship that evolves over time. Where traditional urbanism sees fragmentation, incoherence and chaos, this approach sees organized complexity as the true nature of urban form and meaning. The mechanistic and reductionist view has dominated since the beginning of urbanism as discipline, accompanying the determinist approach that dominated science for centuries. Currently urban studies and urban planning seem to have reached an impasse, even accepting the tendency of cities into chaos as an inevitable process, or proclaiming the death of cities we knew them. However, overtime, cities have grown and con gured themselves as the centers of power, innovation and development; they articulate the cultural, economic and political development of societies worldwide. This article allows reading existing cities in the light of a new approach. It combines the complex systems framework with urban trends such as the strategic lines raised by UN-Habitat. The urban condition is explored through its dynamic, complex, self-organizing nature, and the intensity of exchanges -synoecism- that de ne it. Therefore, diversity, exchanges and meetings between extrangers are crucial. The city is a system open to the territory, where top/down and bottom/up processes occur simultaneously; the development of these processes over time produces a complex dialectic relationship, whose understanding is key to developing an ef cient and sustainable urban environment.

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Introduction

Cities have been associated historically with a higher quality of life, opportunities for development and progress. Within urban systems humanity has its most important fruits; it have developed there technological advances, cultural changes, revolutions, and, why not, the social and spatial models that have meant his own destruction. But while there is consensus on the key role of cities in history, this is not true in regard to the de nition of the urban condition or how to optimize urban processes to ensure a more ef cient and sustainable development. It seems that planners give up shortly after start. Frustration is obvious when the studies to understand and diagnose the city -and the planning tools derived from them- produce collateral damages and even increase the negative factors that should be reduced or eliminated. Despite all the effort and resources invested, the gap between the planned city and the built city increases more and more. Urban con icts seem to stay one step ahead of the proposed plans to solve them. The pace of events is beyond our ability to assimilate them, and plans lose their effectiveness and relevance, looking futile any attempt to management. To overcome this contingency, and looking forward to the Habitat III summit, the United Nations convene a scenario where it is crucial to de ne speci c strategies to operate in cities. The central idea is a renewed commitment to urban centers, de ning strategies aimed at achieving greater inclusiveness and accessibility. The need to provide access to housing, basic services and public spaces safe for all arises; the city need to be energy ef cient, resilient to climate change, promoting public and environmental health; widen

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Figure 1. New York City slum photographs of Jacob Riis (ca 1890) Bandits’ Roost city as organism|new visions for urban life

participation to all citizens, with policies made by and for the people living in them (UNHabitat, 2013) But because the love-hate history and the constant frustration we have with cities, Is it worth renewing this commitment? Best efforts, the economic and political investment involving this new planning structures, Are they justi ed only by the `good will'? Is it going to stop the downward spiral of failed experiences and waste of both economical and social resources? This article aims to guide the analysis of these issues under a new hypothesis: The strategic lines raised toward Habitat III are not a matter of good intentions, not even of greater justice or fair redistribution of urban bene ts. They mean a change in understanding the way a city works and develops trough time. And beyond the obvious social and environmental bene ts to be achieved, its implementation re ects the most rational logic of sustainable development, which will also promote economic and political bene ts. First, a new approach is proposed to study the urban condition: The city is a complex event, and the approaches to meet, explain and intervene in it should be equally complex. Second, the variables that determine the sustainability and ef ciency of a complex urban system will be explained. This will establish the feasibility and effectiveness of proposed policies not only by UN-Habitat, but by many others, doubling the bet for the future of our cities. The city was never a machine

The origins of modern urban planning are in the process of rapid urbanization that occurred in Europe since the mid-nineteenth century. Urban congestion was cited as the cause of all problems; It was aimed to physically control growth and prevent overcrowding, while decreasing the incubation of social unrest, and establishing new spatial land use standards. In order to de ne this policies, the conceptual advances originated during the industrialization played an important role: The city suposed to be a great machine, consisting of elementary components, with a simple and precise geometric order. Its performance could be deduced by studying its basic constituents and discovering the mechanisms that put it into operation. The city was a system that worked according to criteria established a priori from the outside; that mode of operation left no room for `informalism' or chance. Urbanism was forged in this partial and reductionist view: sociologists, geographers, architects, planners, and economists operate from their particular conceptual worlds. They dedicate only to develop aspects of the urban problem related to their specialty. Jane Jacobs (1961:155) compares this approach with a Su story of several blind men who touched an elephant and then pool their ndings to understand how it is. The shortcomings of this model have become increasingly evident, both for its simplistic conception of cause and effect between physical environment and social behavior, and the lack of preparation for any modi cation of the context, with the exception of those promoted by the plan. But how do you separate the social dimension from the cultural, economic, political, or spatial ones? The motivations and impulses of actors are the results of the interaction between them. A decision in the economic sphere will have social and political roots; a social decision will be de ned by political and economic, family or work reasons; the physical and natural environment in turn will in uence these decisions, and they will be modi ed simultaneously by them. These elds can no longer be considered separately: actors do not operate in a sigle-dimension way. Emerging trends in contemporary urban planning pose a break with the hegemonic conceptual and operational lines: they understand the dynamic, complex and interdependent nature of urban centers, raising Iterative interventions with the urban system in a continuos and exible way; analysis with an approach that understands the city as a complex system, a node that is both a set of internal processes and part of a larger network of human activities on the territory. Planners are now more circumspect regarding their ability to predict and control events city as organism|new visions for urban life

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Figure 2. Le Corbusier´s project for the city of Algiers (1946) The drawing shows “a plan wich nds a way to ensure the superb existing line: location, classi cation, distance, architectural splendor.” 1. Civic Center; 2. The city of business; 3. Extension of the Casbah; 4. “Native” institutions; 5. Housing “where they should be taken”; 6. The road network links the different parts

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in the urban system, and more aware of the social, economic and environmental consequences of their decisions. The uncertainty of the urban development involves a constant process of monitoring, learning and adjustment to the objectives and intervention tools. Concepts such as the common good is no longer taken for granted, but working legitimizing and providing transparency to the processes of intervention, while governance stakeholders are encouraged. The inclusion now means also integrate the multiplicity of interests, abilities and objectives of the actors involved in urban development. city as organism|new visions for urban life

The city as a complex system

The complexity of the city as a system has been proposed as interpretative and instrumental framework from geography (David Harvey, 1973), sociology (Niklas Luhmann, 1995), biology (Salvador Rueda, 2014), and urbanism (Jane Jacobs, 1961, 1969; Nikos Salingaros, 2005, Edward Soja, 2000; Michael Batty, 2013). A system is a set of elements that is greater than the sum of its parts: it operates in terms of connectivity/accessibility, relationships/exchanges/synergy and context, so the properties of the parts can only be understood in relation to the whole. The elements of a system can be very simple, but the density within the interactions makes more complex patterns and processes emerge gradually. An urban system is the result of an addition of components (actors) spatially localized and rooted in a given territory, managing resources at their disposal according to social, political, and economic structures, and seeking to resolve or meet certain demands or interests, forming an agglomeration within a broader territorial and social context. In conceptualizing the city as a complex system, an alternative view of the logic of production and development of the urban condition arises. It understands the simultaneity of the interrelationship between social and spatial, economic, political dimensions to de ne urban processes, and the diversity of actors, resources and trade ows. It evidences the multi-scalarity of these interrelations, in which micro-scale phenomena have an impact on the macro scale triggered phenomena, and vice versa. The dynamic condition that derives from this interaction between components, not only internally but also with the environment, generates a dialectical process of adaptation that evolves over time (Lefebvre, 1975; Soja, 2000), that de nitively distances urban systems from deterministic systems such as machines. Cities are nodes in the network of human activities on the territory

The urban event was de ned as open-to-the-territory but autonomous system: The context only triggers structural changes, it does not speci e or direct them. The system develops between this integrative trend that conditions it as part of a larger network, and the self-assertive tendency to preserve its individual autonomy; its continuing structural changes in response to the environment de ne the dynamic and immanent logic of urban development. This evolution and adaptation extends to the context, as it is also made up of a network of systems of varying complexity able to react to changes. Thus, concepts like Darwinian adaptation are being neglected in favor of co-evolution and co-adaptation, in a dialectical process that develops through the subtle interplay between competition and cooperation, creation and mutual adaptation. The eternal difference between rural and urban arises futile, and urbanity is de ned as the condensation of human activities in a given space, part of a wider network of relationships. What are commonly called cities are just nodes in the complex web of human activities on a global scale. This network generates agglomerations of functions and population of various kinds, articulated with the environment and with other nodes: a city is not only a focal point of its rural hinterland; its development is mainly driven by trade relations established with other urban centers in the territorial network. Conceptions such as urban edges, archipelagoes, metropolitan areas, conurbations are simpli ed, understanding the territorial-cultural system as a articulated whole. The city processes external elements (resources, population information) allowing lower its levels of entropy1 and develop some level of internal organization. A system does not simply `import' order from its environment, but it absorbs energy-rich material and integrates it into its own structure, processing it according to its internal organization. Both 1 Complex systems tend to entropy -the most likely state, and in which you need a level of zero or near-zero energy to maintain it- which means evolving from order to disorder. However, nonisolated systems can reduce the tendency toward entropy -what we call chaos- constantly introducing information and external energy to the system.

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Figure 3. The city of Palmanuova, Udine, Italy. Palmanova is a town and comune in northeastern Italy (Friuli-Venezia Giulia), example of `star forts´ of the Late Renaissance, built up by the Venetians in 1593. Upper left: Map of the original project of the city, according to the humanists theorists of an ideal self-sustaining city. Upper right: The city today (2015), surrounded by urban equipment and housing setlements built up over time to adapt the urban structure. Bottom: The city of Palmanuova, within its metropolitan network: Clockwise, from the middle-left: the city of Gonars; San Pedro (with the main train station), Mereto di Capitolio, Sottoselva (with the stadium, technical schools, hospitals, military facilities), Jalmicco, Seveliano (shopping centers) From left to right, the highway to Venice and Eastern Europe. From top to bottom, the highway to Udine and Northern Europe. In between urban nodes, smaller agglomerations and rural hinterland and its facilities

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goods, energy, actors, and information are constantly exchanged (necessarily) with the context. This creates feedback loops, nonlinear dynamic development processes that determine the behavior of the urban system over time, in a much more complex way than a determinist system. Feedback loops allow the reaction of the elements of the system to the conditions set internally or by the context and regulate its development. It is this logic that allows cities, according to their circumstances, simultaneously generate homeostasis processes that determine the resilience of the urban system2 and learning, adaptation and evolution processes3. The mechanisms by which an open complex system -like a city- can simultaneously 2 In homeostasis processes, compared to a uctuation, the system tends to maintain its initial equilibrium condition by negative feedback mechanisms that reduce the system deviation. 3 Evolution whitin a system´s organization occurs where the uctuations are so strong that push the system through a situation of instability to a new structure and relatively stable to this situation.

city as organism|new visions for urban life

process information and trigger internal and dialectical synergies with the context, either retaining their original state or adapting itself to the new situation, they depend directly on the quantity and quality of the interrelationships of the system. As these processes are more numerous and diverse, the system will increase its ability to interact with the environment and organize itself internally. This explains the hyper stability developed by complex systems, such as cities and social structures, that can withstand very intense changes -both qualitative and quantitative-, and yet retain the organizational structure that characterizes them. This condition confronts cities with the deterministic structures, that are unable to explain the mechanisms of resilience, adaptation and evolution linear systems. The city is a pattern over time

A city can be recognized despite daily change the elements that make up: some of its inhabitants emigrate, others die; newcomers come to inhabit and others are born. Industries, businesses and traders settled there, develop and go bankrupt or transfer all or part to other cities. His nature is unstable, continually leading to processes of change, crisis and adaptation. However, we can recognize the same city at all stages; even when it is fully moved to another location due to natural disasters or infrastructure projects, epidemics or wars. The key to this is that we intuitively understand cities as a complex structure that is stable far from equilibrium, while retaining individual development patterns. Unclosed complex systems, which retain an internal structure that de nes them, despite the constant changes in the elements that compose them over time, were referred to as dissipative structures by Ilia Prigogine (1994a). Its internal structure can only be explained as a non-linear process. This self-organization is closely linked to the resilience and adaptability given by the interconnections and feedback loops when the system is far from equilibrium. However, the same logic of development can be found in any human settlement throughout history and in every corner of the planet. What determines the `urbanity' of a settlement? Towards a de nition of the urban condition

In urban nodes, activities no longer focus on the exploitation of natural resources but derived from these activities, such as management and exchange. However, nodes which bind non-rural functions also include towns, villages, antique markets in crossroads, industrial complexes, and so on. To achieve the urban condition, an agglomeration must also have other features. What characterizes these activities we call nodes cities? Many authors de ne the urban condition from the social, cultural, political, economic dimensions, and, of course, from the physical-space. However, urban centers seem to escape these de nitions. According to the bourgeois market-town of Weber (1986) what do the new towns produced by the sui generis socialist regime in China and cities in the former Soviet Union have to offer? The functional quali cation criteria also lose relevance. There are market, port, industrial, government, religious, educational, and military towns. What do the Friedrich Engels´ industrial Manchester, Robert Park´s Chicago, and Lucio Costa´s institutional Brasilia share? Is equal the minimum number of a population to be considered urban in Argentina, United States, South Africa? And while we talk about numbers, is there a maximum number of people for a city can function without collapsing and lead to entropy? The 5,000 citizens of Plato, 30,000 of Howard's Garden City, the 50,000 of the British New Towns4 or 10,000,000 of the new city of Shenzen in China? Even if we de ne urbanity by population density, alternatives are uneven, from the densities of Tokyo/Yokohama (11400 inhabitants/km²) to densities of Paris (1098 inhabitants/km²) (Demographia, 2014), to the suburban developments in the US: How can we Yet they reached 200,000 after only 30 years.

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set a scale of comparison between Jane Jacobs´ compact city in Greenwich Village and Edward Soja's Los Angeles? Again and again, the city seems to escape from any attempt to de ne it, and, therefore, any plan to direct its future. However, there are some features that transcend historical eras, cultural and territorial barriers and enables us to de ne qualities that make it possible to recognize the urban condition of a human agglomeration, and build greater understanding of the urban phenomenon. The urban event

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The primary urban-condition-generator phenomenons are combinations or mixtures of uses, processes of simultaneous and diverse exchange in a given space. This means greater concentration of exchanges in a speci c territory, more or less constant over time, and a certain qualitative redundancy in these processes. Some of the centers that swarm activities in the territory won in complexity and intensity of redundant exchanges to achieve a critical mass such that it generates an evolution in the systemic organization node. The system undergoes a "phase transition" (Johnson, 2003:99) starting from a mere human agglomeration to a production center of synergy and development not only for its internal structure: it is also able to be exported to the surrounding rural area and exchanged with other urban centers. Following a theory of epigenesis5 (Jacobs, 1969:144), cities are generated when, from a set of simple elements, intensity and exchanges redundancy is such that innovation processes and development of diversity occur because of them: Technological and cultural revolutions as the Golden Age of Athens, the Renaissance, the Enlightenment were produced by the synergy generated in cities. Redundancy enables the development of new forms of exchange and the creation of new goods, services and ideas, and it is the peculiarity of complex systems like cities, social groups or ecosystems. The mechanical systems are logically oppose to this pose, being that it produces inef cient and impractical systems; redundancy implies a waste of resources. But the multiplication of exchange channels, actors with similar interests, and institutions, enables the creation of new `espontaneous' feedback loops in the system, the ability to generate creative synergy. The notion of intensity of exchanges to de ne the urban condition -that goes beyond the physical density-, is called synoecism. This concept, proposed more or less explicitly by several authors6, involves the diversity of actors and ows/objects of exchange, coupled with sustained intensity of these exchanges over time in a given space. It is both stimulation of the urban activity and its intrinsic driving force (Soja, 2000:21, 41 et seq.). In urban and economic geography, this concept includes the economies of scale and agglomeration (Camagni, 2005), which redeemed the vital role of spatial proximity and encouragement of the dense urban agglomeration. Furthermore, redundancy gives an urban center exibility and resilience required to adapt to external or internal changes affecting its operation, and evolve constantly. An example - In contrast to this- are the large agglomerations, socially homogeneous and productive know as the company towns. Their lack of diversity -which does not mean lack of division of labor, but few alternative production processes- prevents a truly innovative development, growing demographically or spatially but never reaching the dynamism of a real city (Jacobs, 1969). They are much simpler structures, where external Biology, epigenesis predicts that embryonic organs are formed from nothing, through induction by the environment. By extension, in systems theory, it means mechanisms that allow an individual to modify certain aspects of their internal or external structure as a result of interaction with their immediate environment. Epigenesis therefore represents the process of “tuning” whereby each individual adapts ef ciently to their environment through the capabilities contained in its genetic code. 6 Jane Jacobs (1969), Henri Lefebvre (1969) are the main authors in developing the concept, taken by Edward Soja (2008) and although Max Weber speaks of ‘sinoikysmo’ of Greek cities (1987: 99) -. 5

city as organism|new visions for urban life

change -for example, a change in the international production lines- produces the collapse of the whole urban system. They do not have enough exibility nor resiliense to promote alternative productive activities for the population. Their `small village' idiosyncrasy contrasts to their relative big size, its economic productivity (GDP) and use of resources. To synoecism, it shall be add the dynamic and evolving condition that de ne the status of an urban agglomeration: the term `urban event ' arises to de ne the condition of urbanity, overcoming any de nition that involves the determination of rigid and static cultural or spatial structures. This is a qualitative leap from mere socio-territorial agglomeration to the complexity of the urban condition, which depends more on the processes of interaction in the time that on the elements that quantitatively de ne an urban area; if it is true what it says Edward Soja (2000:225), Lagos, Sao Paulo Mumbai or Singapore can be as revealing as Los Angeles, Paris, Chicago or Manchester. Cities are more than the sum of buildings, its streets, its money: the cities are made by men capable of seizing opportunities. (Jacobs, 1969:160) Conclusions on ef ciency and sustainability.

A sustainable society is one that is able to meet their needs without compromising the opportunities of future generations; but also one that is able to interact with their environment in an ef cient way, minimizing entropy levels exported to it, to maintain or develop its internal order. Based on the systemic approach, sustainability is a direct consequence of the principles of interdependence, assosiation, exibility and diversity. The operational lines raised by UN-Habitat drive processes of generation or intensi cation of feedback loops that create the critical mass necessary to achieve the urban condition: a compact and connected city; integrated, inclusive and intense; It proposes simultaneous action at multiple scales, with strategies to promote social, economic and functional diversity, recognizing the practical grounds that directly affect sustainability, resilience and adaptability of an urban system. (UN-Habitat, 2014b) The strategies begin raising the ef ciency of the life cycle of the material resources needed by the urban system for development, and they are complemented by optimization of urban structure built with ` lling´ processes and completion of the existing fabric to complement the `guided growth by extension´ of the city.

The functional and spatial accessibility, quality public spaces, housing -access to habitat- and social cohesion directly in uence the processes of inclusion and acceptance of the difference; also they in uence a more equitable system, allowing players to have more visibility in the system (Rueda, 2015b). The open and participatory planning considers the ability of individuals to change their relative position within the system based on the information and resources that are able to manage. They increase the knowledge generated and used by the urban system, and help de ne a city model shared by all. Under this operational framework, the sustainability of the city is understood not only as an opportunity to achieve more ef cient development -economic, political, and cultural-, but as the equitable distribution of the bene ts and opportunities of an urban system. Aim at greater ef ciency and sustainability means pursuing greater social justice in urban development (Harvey, 1973:97); understanding the city as a necessarily complex, dynamic, and intense event involves reconciliation with the urban condition and its potential to achieve a higher quality of life for all. References

Batty, M. (2013) The New Science of Cities (MIT Press). Camagni, R. (2005) Economía urbana (Antoni Bosch editor). Harvey, D. ([1973] 2010) Social Justice and the City (University of Georgia Press). Jacobs, J. (1961) The death and life of great American cities. Random House. Jacobs, J. (1969) The economy of cities (Random House). city as organism|new visions for urban life

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Johnson, S. (2012) Emergence: The Connected Lives of Ants, Brains, Cities, and Software (Simon and Schuster). LeCorbusier (1946) Propos d'urbanisme (Éditions Bourrelier). Lefebvre, H. (1975) El derecho a la ciudad (Edicions Península 62). Luhmann, N. (1995) Social Systems (Stanford University Press). Prigogine, I., and Stengers, I. (1994a) Entre el tiempo y la eternidad (Alianza Editorial). Prigogine, I., and Stengers, I. (1994b) La nueva alianza: metamorfosis de la ciencia. (Alianza). Rueda, S. (2014) Ecological Urbanism: Its Application to the Design of an Eco-neighborhood in Figueres (Agència d’Ecologia Urbana de Barcelona). Rueda, S. (2015a) Habitabilidad y calidad de vida. Retrieved from http://habitat.aq.upm. es/cs/p2/a005.html Rueda, S. (2015b) La ciudad compacta y diversa frente a la conurbación difusa. Retrieved from http://habitat.aq.upm.es/cs/p2/a009.html Salingaros, N. A. (2005) Principles of Urban Structure (Techne). Soja, E. W. (2000) Postmetropolis: Critical Studies of Cities and Regions (Wiley). UN-Habitat. (2013a). Prosperity of Cities: State of the World’s Cities 2012/2013. UN HABITAT. UN-Habitat. (2013b). State of the World’s Cities 2012/2013, Prosperity of Cities. New York: Routledge. Retrieved from http://mirror.unhabitat.org/pmss/listItemDetails. aspx?publicationID=3387 UN-Habitat. (2014a). The City We Need. Research and Academia. United Nations, UN HABITAT. Urban Thinkers Campus. Retrieved from http://unhabitat.org/urbanthinkersdocuments/ UN-Habitat. (2014b). United Nations Human Settlements Programme. Retrieved December 5, 2014, from http://unhabitat.org/ Weber, M. ([1921] 1986). The City. Glencoe (Free Press).

city as organism|new visions for urban life

city as organism|new visions for urban life

U+D edition Rome May 2016