TRADE UNIONS IN NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY OVERVIEW
BY
Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu*JP, ACTI, FCA Ex-Officio/Immediate Past State Chairman Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) Rivers State Council & Chairman, PENGASSAN PIB Committee
Presented to the distinguished guests, participants and organisers of the TUC Rivers State Leadership Retreat
VENUE: NUJ Press Centre, Port Harcourt.
DATE: 20th September, 2016
Trade Unions in Nigeria: A Contemporary Overview by Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu
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Abstract Trade unionism in Nigeria is as old as colonisation in Nigeria. In fact the trade union movement in Nigeria has been described and documented as one of the oldest in black Africa. Since its formation in Nigeria over a century ago, it has transited and metamorphosed into various stages of development. These developments have however been shaped by the leadership and the challenges that confronted them over time. In essence, the trade union movement in Nigeria has been more of a reactionary movement-basically reacting to the challenges that confront the workers and the ordinary people of Nigeria. Nevertheless the movement was able to stamp its feet in the sand of times as representatives of not just the workers but of the ordinary people; and key stakeholders in Nation building. The importance of its partnership with nationalists like Dr.NnamdiAzikiwe, Chief ObafemiAwolowoetc in bringing about Nigeria’s independence cannot be overemphasised. In fact, without the Trade unions involvement, the independence struggles of most African Countries would have ended as a disaster. Trade Unions also partnered with civil society groups and provided a platform for the resistance to the Military dictatorships and for the return of democratic rule in Nigeria. Since May 29th, 1999 trade Unions have continued to provide a ‘voice’ for the ordinary people and ‘shocking’ the Government into ‘shape’ whenever the need arose. Clearly therefore, these antecedents of trade unions have broadened their roles from that of traditional collective bargaining agents to more developmental and transformational roles. However with the present division amongst its leadership, changes in the world of work, globalisation, the current economic recession cum stagflation in Nigeria, increased political polarisation, ethnic tension and religious divide in Nigeria, there is no better alternative than for the contemporary trade unionists in Nigeria,to unite and revitalise the unions ,so that like their past leaders , they will be able to safely steer the ship of the movement to berth. Keywords: Trade Unionism, Trade union movement, Change, History,Leadership.
*Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu JP, ACTI, FCA, is the Ex-officio/Immediate Past State Chairman, Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) Rivers State and the Chairman Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) Committee of Petroleum & Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) .He is also the immediate past National Industrial Relations Officer of PENGASSAN. He was the Chairman NUPENG & PENGASSAN Joint National Committee on the 2012 Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB).He is a member of the International Labour and Employment Relations Association (ILERA) ; a Justice of the Peace (JP);a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) and an associate of the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN) trained by the now Akintola Williams Deloitte (Chartered Accountants) .This paper and many others written by him can be downloaded free from his Academia page https://yorksj.academia.edu/chikaonuegbu .He can be reached on: Tel 08037404222/ Email:
[email protected]. For more information on Comrade Chika Onuegbu please refer to the bookThe Courage to Stand: The Story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu by veteran journalist Mr Ignatius Chukwu.
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PROTOCOLS! “A young man or woman leaves school and gets employment in either the workshop, the big departmental store, the banking or insurance house, or any of the offices, public or private.On taking up an appointment he or she is told of certain basic entitlements like free medical treatment, paid leave, overtime pay, etc. How did these things come about? Did the employer give them of his own volition and proof of his kindly disposition towards the worker? Or were they fought for and won by the united action, the sweat and toil, the sacrifices-physical and financial –the broken heads and fractured arms, and sometimes the lives of Nigerian workers? ( Ananaba,1969,p.xi)1
1. Introduction I want to thank the leadership of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) Rivers state led by Comrade Austin Jonah and the organisers of this programme for giving me this opportunity to share with us my thought on this very important topic. This topic is very significant especially considering the current challenges faced by ordinary Nigerians and expectations of the workers based on the antecedents of the Trade Union movement in Nigeria. You would recall that just a few years ago, in 2012, we celebrated 100 years of Trade union movement in Nigeria. So, the movement is morethan 100 years old, and this topic gives us the opportunity to learn from our past leaders and then choose how we want to be remembered as leaders of the contemporary trade union movement at the various levels we find ourselves. The topic I was asked to discuss today is “TRADE UNIONISM IN NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY OVERVIEW”. However after several thoughts, I decided, and I hope you will bear with me, to make a minor but very functionally critical adjustment to the topic. So I decided to change the topic by replacing ‘trade unionism’ with ‘trade unions’. So the topic we will be discussing today is “TRADE UNIONS IN NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY OVERVIEW”. ”. I had to replace ‘trade unionism’ with ‘trade unions’ because
‘trade unionism’ is the
principles,theory,ideals and philosophy of trade unions . Trade unionism therefore is essentially the ideological consciousness and construct built around the needs, expectations and expressions of workers both for themselves, their unions and for the larger society. It is the basic underlying assumptions of trade unions and consists of the unconscious, taken for granted beliefs and deeply held values shared by members of a trade union.It is upon these ideals, consciousness, philosophy, deeply held values and 1
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation.
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principles that trade unions emerge. It is therefore the spiritual or motive force that gave impulse to the emergence of trade unions in and around the globe. Trade Unions (as workers unions) on the other hand are basically the organisations of workers for the furtherance of their collective interest. It is my considered view that the intention of the organisers is to have us share thoughts on the contemporary overview of trade unions in Nigeria rather than their philosophy, ideologies and theories. Nevertheless, let me also quickly point out that it is always very difficult to separate the two ( trade unionism and trade unions) as what ought to be is often seen from the prism of what is. The unseen often made manifest in the things that are seen! Regretably, however, it is not impossible to have trade unions without unionism.That is trade unions that are not driven by the philosophies and ideologies of the trade union movement. Such a union can however be likened to a Church without Jesus Christ! Permit me to inform that this paper adopts a Descriptive Approach and Content Analysis.
2. Conceptual Clarification The paper makes use of certain concepts, which require explanation. The clarification will therefore remove ambiguity and make room for easy comprehension of the study. Some of these concepts explained are: trade unions and contemporary overview. 2.1 Trade Unions: It is important to inform us that the term ‘trade unions’ under the Nigerian law includes not only association of workers( i.e labour unions) but also that of employers(i.e employers association), therefore it is broader. In this paper, however, the term ‘trade unions’ should be read as ‘labour unions’ (i.e association of workers). Consequently both terms – ‘trade unions’ and ‘labour unions’ will be used interchangeably as they mean one and the same thing in this paper. Nevertheless, it is important to point out that the preference for the word ‘trade unions’ over ‘labour unions’ in reference to the
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association of workers is essentially because it emphasizes the dynamic nature of the movement. Especially, when used as ‘trade union movement.’ Nevertheless, Marxist theorists still see this type of association of workers in capitalist societies as shallow2. They argue that the unions might be too entirely bent upon the local and immediate struggles with capitalism and become too engrossed with furthering the interests of their members. This could make them lose sight of the overall struggle between capital and labour 3. Modern Marxists like Miliband, Allen, Hyman and so on are of the view that the institutionalization of industrial conflict has merely dampened the more violent expressions of conflict between the proletariats and the bourgeoisies4,5. In any case, Trade unions (as labour unions only) can be defined formally, taking a cue from Section 1(1) of the Trade Unions Act CAP 437 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990, as: Any combination of workers, whether temporary or permanent the purpose of which is to regulate the terms and conditions of employment of workers, whether the combination in question would or would not, apart from the provisions of theTrade Unions Act, be an unlawful combination by reason of any of its purposes ‘being in restraint of trade’ and whether its purposes do or do not include the provision of benefits for its members. Onuegbu(2010, p.4)6 prefers this definition because it fits into a working definition for our empirical analysis, has legal support and correctly reflects the nature and dynamics of the organisations referred popularly to as labour unions (or trade unions) in Nigeria.
2
Hyman, R. (1975) Industrial Relations, a Marxist Introduction: London: Macmillan Press
3
Phillip,D.D & Adeshola A.J.(2013). A Comparative Analysis of Trade Disputes Settlement in Nigerian Public and Private Universities. Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization .Vol.18, 2013 4
Akpala, A. (1982) Industrial Relations Model for Developing countries: The Nigerian System. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publisher
5
Phillip,D.D & Adeshola A.J.(2013). A Comparative Analysis of Trade Disputes Settlement in Nigerian Public and Private Universities. Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization .Vol.18, 2013 6
Onuegbu,.H.C. (2010) Labour unions and enterprise strategic business plan. A paper presented at the 10th anniversary lecture of Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association(PENGASSAN) Nigeria LNG Limited Branch, Rivers State,Friday 11th December
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As you will recall , trade unions in Nigeria and Africa generally, since colonial times, have done more than being mere medium for bargaining for the improvement of the welfare of their members. They have whenever the need arose provided a platform for workers and ordinary citizens to resist oppression and obnoxious policies of government. This is in furtherance of the role of trade unions in the advancement of the socio-economic and political interest of their members and ordinary citizens, as well as social justice generally. In doing so, our members and those of our civil society allies have had to even pay the ultimate price. In Nigeria, as in many African countries, this role was foisted on the trade unions by the ordinary people because of their genuine believe in the capacity of the trade union movement as true agents of social change. Moreso, the weakness of institutions of governance in the post independence Nigeria has meant that trade unions will continue to be vanguards of the Nigerian people. Unfortunately these secondary roles has placed trade unions in the difficult position where people sometimes inadvertently see them as active ‘opposition to the government in power’ or even ‘alternative government’. This actually, all things being equal, should not be so! Afterall trade unions are representatives of the employees of government and other employers of labour. As employees and representatives of the employees, they are expected to work together with their employers (government and other employers) for the betterment of the employing organisations and their members. Also, some researchers like Wong (2000;p9)7 have suggested the need for the modernisation of trade unions and broadening their roles beyond collective bargaining on terms and conditions at the workplace to that of a socio-economic movement contributing to workers’ well-being in the wider community. The objective was to provide services which private businesses were not offering to lower-income workers, and to give workers a stake in the ownership and management of business ventures.
7
Wong, E. S. (2000)Partnership of trade unions in national development programmes and in promotion of labour mobility in Singapore . Geneva: International Institute for labour studies
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To this end, Trade Unions can, for instance, leverage on their numerical strength to negotiate and obtain discounted rates from airlines, insurance and shops etc for their members. They can also form strategic partnership with banks and other organisations to deliver value adding services and at lower costs to their members. Trade Unions therefore need to be innovative and go beyond the traditional collective bargaining roles. For instance the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) recently rolledout its US$1 Billion TUC Investment Funds and has made significant progress in the acquisition of 57% shares in Unity Bank8. Let me however quickly add that these additional roles, while being welcomed, are secondary to the primary duties of labour unions. The fact remains that the basic and primary duty of labour unions are as stated in our adopted definition and it is doubtful if members of a union will be satisfied with their unions if they neglect their basic duties for those additional services. 2.2 Contemporary Overview of Trade Unions: The Etymology9 of the word contemporary shows that the word was first used in 163110, and is from latin word contemporarius, which is a combination of two words con- 'together with' + tempus, tempor'time'. It means ‘’belonging to the present time’’11. Its symnonyms include modern, present-day, present, current, present-time etc. While the word ‘Overview’ means “a general description or an outline of something”12. Therefore we can confortably say that by comtemporary overview of Trade Unions, we mean the general description or outline of present-day trade unions in Nigeria. However to have a full grasps of the present-day trade unions in Nigeria, it would be beneficial to also have a brief overview of the past.
8
Mohammed Shosanya & Sunday Micheal Ogbu, ‘TUC injects N80bn into Unity Bank.’ Daily trust Newspapers, Jun 20 2016.
9
The origin of a word.
10
http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/contemporary
11
th
Hornby, A. S.,Et al(2015). Oxford advanced learner's dictionary of current English 9 Edition. London, Oxford University Press.P.329 12
Ibid , P.1102
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3. Trade Union Movement in Nigeria: The Past The history of the Trade Union movement in Nigeria could be linked to the general history of Nigeria. Therefore, we can present an overview of the Nigerian Trade Union movement according to the major historical episodes in Nigeria: a. The Early European Explorers and Colonial Era b. The First Republic c. The Military Government Era d. The Current Democracy Upto May 29 2015. 3.1 The Early European Explorers and Colonial Era “Courage brother, do not stumble. Though the path be dark as night; There’s a star to guide the humble, Trust in God and do the right” Dr Nnamdi Azikwe to Michael Imuodu in 194513 Paid employment in Nigeria is presumed to have started with the early European explorers 14 . For instance, on 20th July, 1795 when Mungo Park and his team arrived on what is now known as Nigeria for their exploration, they hired the services of Amadi15 and Isaac as guides and carriers16,17. Fashoyin(1991,p.31)18 notes that the first record of trade union activities in Nigeria was by the Mechanics Mutual Aid Provident and Improvement Association formed in 1883. While the first evidence of strike was by the workers of the Public Works Department, Lagos in 1897.
13
Dr Nnamdi Azikwe, then General Secretary of the National Council of Nigeria and the Camerouns, NCNC, to Michael Imuodu at the Oko Awo reception on June 2, 1945 following his release from detention. See Lakemfa,Owei(20``12). One hundred years of trade unionism in Nigeria. This is also the first verse in the hymn ‘Trust in God’ (“Courage, brother!”) By Norman Macleod (1812–1872) in Alfred H. Miles, ed. The Sacred Poets of the Nineteenth Century. 1907. It is hymn 513 of the Historic hymns series of the Methodist Hymnal, 1905. 14
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation
15
Amadi Fatouma, the guide who had accompanied Park from Sansanding down the Niger. Please see Park, M. (1805).
16
Burns,A.C.(1929). History of Nigeria. London : George Allen and Unwin, Ltd
17
Park, M. (1805).The Journal of a Mission to the Interior of Africa in the year 1805‘, (together with other documents official and private relating to the same mission). Printed for John Murray, Albemarle- Street, by W. Bulmer and Company, Cleveland Road St, James, 1815. 18
nd
Fashoyin, Tayo (1992 ) Industrial Relations in Nigeria, 2 Edition, Lagos, Longman Press.
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However it was not until August 19th, 1912 that, the Southern Nigeria Civil Service Union was inaugurated as the first trade union in Nigeria19. And following the amalgamation of the Southern and northern proctectorates in Nigeria, the Southern Nigerian Civil service Union changed its name to the Nigeria Civil service Union(Ananaba,1969, p.10). Evidence from available literature is that the union was not formed by “a group of dissatisfied workers ,who wanted a platform from which to fight for amelioration of grievances or for the improvement of specific condition of employment…its formation was merely to match the existence of such institutions elsewhere”20 However the union soon became a platform for the agitation for leave rights, against racial discrimination, and other disabilities suffered by the then Nigerian Civil servants such as fine for lateness and unauthorised absences. Later between 1916 to 1919 the issue of war bonus became the primary focus of the union (Ananaba, 1969). Other notable unions that emerged during the period are: i. Association of European Civil servants : 1919 ii. The Nigerian Union of Teachers :1931 iii. The Railway workers Union: 1931 The key achievemenst and stuggles of this era include the formation of the first trade unions in Nigeria, enactment of the Trade Unions ordiance of 1st April 1939 which provided the first legal framework for the recognition, existence and registration of trade unions in Nigeria giving impetus to the emergence of other unions in public and private sector; the Cost of living allowance (COLA) agitation which is the historical foundation of the current minimum wage; founding of the first labour centres in Nigeria; and the collaboration with the nationalists in the struggle for the independence of Nigeria. It would however appear that their collaboration with the nationalists for the independence of Nigeria seem to have overshadowed all the other achievements of the early Comrades. It is important to note that the founding fathers of the trade union movement in Nigeria realised very early the importance of a Central labour organisation ( labour centre). And so in 1941 following the promulgation by then colonial Government of the General Defence Regulations, which virtually made 19
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation
20
Yesufu, T.M. (1962). An Introduction to Industrial Relations in Nigeria. London: OUP
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illegal any strike action by workers in any establishment, they formed the Federated Trade Unions of Nigeria (FTUN)21 as the first Labour Centre in Nigeria. The FTUN at its first annual conference in July 1943, changed its name to the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC)22. This is also another laundable achievement of that era. However disagreement among leaders of the TUC in 1949 over affiliation with political organizations led to the emergence of a rival labour centre known as Nigerian National Federation of Labour (NNFL) under theleadership of Michael Imoudu as President and Nduka Eze as Secretary)23. Another striking feature of this era is the absence of senior staff associations for Nigerians as most senior staff were Europeans and the few Nigerians that were priviledged to be senior staff could not form a union24. However the Europeans had their Association of European Civil Servants as aforementioned. Notable trade union leaders of this era include Michael Athokhamien Imoudu who was the president of the Railway Workers Union (RWU), which later became one of the most militant unions in the country during the colonial period25; Wahab Omorilewa Goodluck who later became the first president of the present-day Nigeria Labour Congress and Samuel Udo Bassey(General Secretary of the Municipal Workers Union and later Nigeria Trade Union Congress, NTUC)who later parted way with Imuodu26, Reverend I.O. Ransome-Kuti who was the first president of Nigerian Union of Teachers, Nduka Eze( who founded the United African Workers Union in 1946 and was the first Secretary of the Nigerian National Federation of Labour )27, Haroon Popoola Adebola ; T. A. Bankole president and M. A. Tokunboh
21
Tokunboh. M. A. (1984) The Labour Movement in Nigeria. Ibadan: Lantern Books, at p. 41
22
Otuturu, G. G. (2013). A Survey Of Central Labour Organizations In Nigeria.LABOUR LAW REVIEWNJLIR Vol. 7 N0.2, 2013
23
Otuturu, G. G. (2007) Legal Aspects of Industrial Relations in Nigeria. Port Harcourt: Pearl Publishers.
24
Yesufu, T. M. (1982). The Dynamics of Industrial Relations: The Nigerian Experience. Ibadan: University Press Limited
25
Cohen, Robin (1970). "Nigeria's Labour Leader Number 1:Notes for a Biographical Study of M. A.O. Imoudu". Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Historical Society of Nigeria. 5 (2): 303. 26
ibid
27
Coleman J.S . and Rosberg,C.G.(Eds) (1966). Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa.University of California Press,Berkeley CA.
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secretary of the Federated Trade Unions of Nigeria (FTUN),first labour Centre in Nigeria which later changed its name to fromFTUN to the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUCN). During the colonial era, the nationalist leaders collaborated with labour unions in the struggle for Nigeria’s political independence. For instance, nationalists like the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo was noted to be active in trade union issues as far back as 1937, while Azikwe’s: “Brand of combative nationalist agitation and aggressive journalism... focused public attention on the various forms of colonial exploitation(including the exploitation of Nigeria labour) and inspired confidence among many Nigerians in their ability to end colonial rule through the intensification of activist political and working class agitations”(Ananaba,1969;p92)28 . Consequently, the emergence in the early thirties of Chief Michael Imoudu on the labour movement scene was to serve as a catalyst for radicalism in the 30’s, 40’s, 50’s,60’s until his pre-mature retirement from trade union activities by the military junta in 1977(Darah,1986;p87)29. Among these struggles, the most celebrated, the most successful, and most effective in impact was the General Strike of 1945, which led the colonial state to set up the Tudor Davies Commission whose report among others, upheld the grievances of the workers against the high cost of living, awarded increases in the cost of living allowance (COLA) and made other recommendations. In the circumstances of increased tempo of trade unionism, the number of registered unions steadily rose from 14 in 1940 to 347 in 1959/60; with membership also rising from 4,629 in 1940 to 259,072 in 1959/60 (ibid)30. The interest of organized labour in the decolonization politics was premised on the belief that the termination of colonial rule was a necessity since workers had come to view their low wages, poor working conditions and indignities in the hands of the white employers, both public and private, as arising directly from the colonial situation (Offiong, 1983)31. It was realised that the workers’ predicament was not as a result of bad management alone, but also due to the nature of colonial administration. The facts remain that the labour unions were catalytic to the realization of political 28
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope PublishingCorporation,
29
Darah,G.G.(1986)”Imoudu and the Labour Movement”, journal of African Maxists, Issue 9,June. P;87
30
ibid
31
Offiong, D.A.(1983)Organized labour and Political Development in Nigeria, Calabar,Centaur Press
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independence in Nigeria and this remains one of the greatest achievements of the Imuodu era for which the National institute for Labour Studies(NILS) was renamed Michael Imoudu Institute for Labour Studies by the then Military President of the Country, General Ibrahim Babangida, on 1st May 1992 in honour of Pa Michael Imoudu32. It is however important to point out that trade unions in that period had a lot of challenges chief amongst which were internal divisions, , disunity and factionalisation33,34;victimisation by the colonial masters etc. The shooting by Armed British colonial police led by Captain F. S. Phillip, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) of defenceless Nigerians workers at Iva Valley, Coal mine Enugu remains a sour point in the history of Nigerian labour movement and a clear testament of the level of victimisation suffered by the Nigerian workers and their unions under the colonial administration35,36,37.That shooting led to the killing of 21 Nigerian workers and injuring of another 5138. It however unified the Nigerian workers, albeit temporarily39, and made the urgency for national independence a central theme. Unfortunately, Iva Valley Coal mine massacre is not remembered by the Nigerian government and the political class who are the main beneficiaries of the independence struggle. This is a sad reminder of how the political class treat their trade union partners.
32
http://www.minilsnig.org/History.html
33
Fashoyin, T,(1992 ) Industrial Relations in Nigeria, 2nd Edition, Lagos, Longman Press
34
Adewumi, F.(2007)‘’Unity and division: the dialectics of the Nigerian trade union movement’’ African Journal of Business Management pp. 055-063, June 2007 35
Jaja, S.O. (1982).The Enugu Colliery Massacre in Retrospect: An Episode in British Administration of Nigeria .Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Volume 11 #3-4. December. p. 86-106. 36
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation, Chapter 11.
37
Lakemfa,Owei(2009). Iva Valley Massacre: Sixty years of struggle . The Nigerian Vanguard of 18 November 2009.
th
38
Ololade,Olatunji(2015). SORROWFUL SONGS FROM THE VALLEY OF IVA. The Nation Newspaper ,15the September 2015.
39
Fashoyin, T,(1992 ) Industrial Relations in Nigeria, 2nd Edition, Lagos, Longman Press, p.41
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3.2 The First Republic Era “Our fight for freedom was dedicated to the proposition that every worker, every citizen, in independent Nigeria must be a man of dignity with the right to the pursuit of, and guaranteed the means to happiness in individual liberty and freedom; that he will be a man who can raise a family in congenial surroundings, in a comfortable home, assured that his children will possess equal opportunity in education, in business and in politics”.( United Labour Congress of Nigeria(1963)40 Again the key actors within the labour cycles pre-independence were largely the main actors during this period-Michael Imuodu who now was the President of the NTUC, Wahab Goodluck, S. U. Bassey, Sidi Khayan general secretary of the United Dock workers and Seamen, L.L.Borha General Secretary United Labour Congress Nigeria, Wogu Ananaba, Alhaji H.P.Adebola who was the president of the TUC (N) etc. The period marked the beginning of the labour movement in the post independence Nigeria. Efforts were made to reconcile the trade union movement in Nigeria leading to the setting up of the Labour Reconciliation Committee in 1961 by the All Nigeria Peoples’s Conference. The period was basically characterised by disillusionment that followed the independence, divisions within the labour movement and proliferations of trade unions. The disillusionment that followed the independence by the labour leaders was pathetic. In fact the disagreement between the political class and the labour leaders who were partners during the independence struggle reached a crescendo when the political class proposed to put in place the Preventive Detention act, which was widely resisted by the movement and later withdrawn by the government. Also, other signs of tyranny by the new political class include the proposal to form an allparty government thereby eradicating opposition. On the issue of division, Comrade Imuodu41 himself identified the problems militating against the unity of the movement following the successful outcomes of the 1964 general strike as42:
40
An Open Letter to the Federal Government by the United Labour Congress of Nigeria signed by its General Secretary Lawrence.L.Borha 41
th
Imoudu,M.(1965).Programme for the Unification of One Central Labour Organisation.Lagos.20 Century Press,July 1965.
42
Cohen, Robin (1970). "Nigeria's Labour Leader Number 1:Notes for a Biographical Study of M. A.O. Imoudu". Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Historical Society of Nigeria. 5 (2): 303-308, p.305
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i.
Materal interests
ii.
Structure and quarrel over unions like women over men and men over women
iii.
Treachery and betrayal
iv.
Embezzlement
v.
Fight for leadership
vi.
Government recognition
vii.
International relations and
viii.
The question of ideology.
The proliferation of trade unions was promoted by trade union entrepreneurs who as Fashoyin(1992, p.40)43 noted : “would establish unions indiscriminately,to achieve personal ends.Union entrepreneurs caused the formation of unions often as a means of improving their economic position relative to the workers…In the 1950s and 1960s, it was not uncommon to find a union secretary running seven unions in the same office’’. This was also corobororated by the Federal Ministry of Labour44 . Notwithstanding their internal divisions (such as the disagreements between the TUC(N) and the NTUC, and the failure of the Reconciliation effort aforementioned), the labour movement during this period successfully prosecuted the 1964 general strike following the emergence of the United labour Congress of Nigeria which succeeded both the TUC(N) and the NTUC.
3.3 The Military Government Era45 “Once again, it could be said with clear mindedness, sincerity of purpose and with conviction that Chief Ovie Kokori of NUPENG and Chief Dabibi of PENGASSAN and their colleagues who worked shoulder to shoulder with them in pursuit of the hard, arduous, dangerous and extremely difficult struggle of that period would standout as
43
Fashoyin, Tayo (1992 ) Industrial Relations in Nigeria, 2nd Edition, Lagos, Longman Press
44
Federal Ministry of Labour Annual Report 1961/1962
45
The Military Government era in Nigeria is made up of the 1966 to 1979 era which could be called the first Military era and the 1984 to 1999 era which could be called the second Military era.However in this paper, both will be treated as one.
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valiant soldiers for the rule of law, constitutionality, equity and social justice in Nigeria” (Ogunniyi, 2004, p.546). Following the January 15th, 1966 coup detat that brought in the Military into the political leadership in Nigeria, and the disillusionment of the labour movement with the Civilian political leadership, Ananaba(1969,253)47 seem to suggest that all the Nigerian trade union centres celebrated the coup. This was however followed by a counter Coup six months later. Reading through Ananaba however seem to indicate severe ethnic tensions in the movement during this period, leading to the formation of the Eastern Nigerian Trade Union Rehabilitation Committee48. The events of that period in the country led to the Nigerian Civil war. However, after the Civil war and around 1973/74 , the trade union movement had four central labour organization namely: the Nigerian Trade Union Congress (NTUC) led by Wahab Goodluck, the Labour Unity Front (LUF) led by Michael Imoudu, the Nigerian Workers Council (NWC) led by Ramon and the United Labour Congress of Nigeria led by Kaltungo and Odeyemi (ULCN). Only the ULCN was officially recognised by the Nigerian government49. A key development that took place during this period was the Apena Cementary declaration of 1974,when at the gathering for the burial of Comrade J.A.Oduleye,the treasurer of the TUCN, leaders of NTUC,LUF,NWC and ULCN agreed to unite ,leading to the formation of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) on 18th December 1975 at the Lagos City Hall50. It is however important to note that the Olusegun Obasanjo administration in 1977 barred Michael Imoudu, Samuel Bassey,Wahab Goodluck etc from participation in trade unionism following the promulgation of the Trade Unions (Disqualification of Certain Persons) Act 15. This was the beginning of the several episode of banning of Trade unions and unionists in Nigeria by the Military governments. You will recall that in 1988 the General Babangida administration also banned NLC in 1988 and appointed Micheal Ogunkoya as Sole administrator. General Abacha administration also in August 1994 banned NUPENG and PENGASSAN and imposed sole administrators on them. However, it is important to note that much of the structure and legislation guiding the trade union movement in Nigeria was done by the Military. 46
Ogunniyi, Oladosu (2004): Nigerian Labour And Employment Law In Perspective. 2nd Edition. Folio Publishers Limited.
47
Ananaba, W. (1969). The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation
48
The formation of the Eastern Nigerian Trade Union Rehabilitation Committee in October 8 1966 which encouraged all unions in the region to sever relationships with the national centres in Lagos as reported by Ananaba(1969, p.257) is a clear indication of the level of ethnic tensions within the movement during that period. 49
Prof. Dafe Otobo (May 2004). "The Generals, NLC & Trade Union Bill"
50
Fashoyin, Tayo (1992 ) Industrial Relations in Nigeria, 2nd Edition, Lagos, Longman Press, P.46-47
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For instance, the Federal Military Government in 1976 set up the Michael Abiodun Federal Government Commission on Restructuring of Trade Unions to examine the structure, organisation and operations of the Nigeria Trade Union Movement which was bedeviled with a lot of factions and sharply divided along ideological polarization of the cold war era51. The Michael Abiodun Commission’s report include interalia that the Federal government recognize the the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) as the only central labour organsation for the 42 industrial unions and that the Senior staff association could also form a labour Federation of their own. The Federal Military Government was however silent on the Commission's recommendation that the Senior Staff Associations could also form a Federation to serve their interests. The implication of Government's silence on this recommendation was that Senior Staff Associations were left to operate without a central coordinating body. This translated into several disadvantages for the Senior Staff Associations and their teeming members in Nigeria. All these arrangements were given the full backing of the law in the Trade Unions Act Cap 437 of 1990 Law of Federation of Nigeria (LFN) first known as Trade Union Decree 22 of February 1978( Chukwu,2016,p.91).
Also, the Federal Military government set the tone for the legal and regulatory framework of the movement in Nigeria. Most of the extant labour laws in Nigeria were made during the Military era and it has not been easy changing these laws and their impact on the labour movements in Nigeria. For instance, it took over 27 years for the injustice done by the Federal Military Government to the Senior Staff Associations in Nigeria through Trade Union Decree 22 of February 1978 to be corrected. Chukwu(2016,91)52 notes that : “TUC had gone through various transformations as a result of the refusal of the Military Government in 1978 to establish or recognize any labour Centre for the Senior Staff Associations in Nigeria as they did for the Industrial Unions. Thus, through this injustice, the Military Government only established only one Central Labour Organsation (that is, the Nigeria Labour Congress)for the 42 industrial unions only and none for the Senior Staff Associations through Trade Union Decree 22 of February 1978. This led to the Senior Staff Associations in Nigeria to consider various arrangements for their umbrella body or Federation in Nigeria starting in 1980, first as Federation of Senior Staff Associations of Nigeria (FESSAN), then as Senior Staff Consultative Association of Nigeria (SESCAN) and, finally, Trade Union Congress of Nigeria(TUC). This injustice meted to the Senior Staff associations in Nigeria in 1978 by the Military Government which was decreed into the Nigeria Laws 51
Chukwu,Ignatius.(2016). The Courage to Stand: The Story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu.Port Harcourt, Silver news and Media agency ltd.p.91 52
ibid
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was finally corrected in 2005 during the civilian administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (a former Military Head of State) due to the consistent and tenacious struggle by the Senior Staff Associations in Nigeria.” Some of these laws which became Acts of the national assembly include53: i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv.
Trade Unions Act of 1973; Labour Act of 1974: Trade Disputes Act of 1976: Trade Disputes (Amendment) Act of 1977: Trade Disputes (Essential Services) Act of 1976: Labour Amendment Act of 1978: Trade Unions (Amendment) Act of 1978: Trade Unions (Amendment) Act of 1979: Trade Unions (Miscellaneous) Decree of 1976: Factories Decree of 1987: Workmen’s Compensation Decree of 1987( Now repealed and replaced with the Employee compensation Act 2010) Trade Disputes ( Amendment ) Decree of 1988 Trade Unions (Amendment) Decree 1996 (No. 4 of 1996); Trade Unions (Amendment) (No. 2) Decree 1996 (No. 26 of 1996); and Trade Unions (Amendment) Decree, 1999 (No. 1)
It is however important to note that the trade union movement in Nigeria had always provided its platforms for the resistance to Military dictatorship. As a matter of fact, the trade union movement partnered with other civil society groups and enforced a change of regime from military dictatorship to civil rule. For example, in 1992, there was widespread discontent in the country as citizens were harassed and repressed (Akinyanju, 1997; p65)54. Labour stood its ground with other civil society organisations to challenge the oppressive regime.
53
For ``more detailed review of these laws please see(1)Ogunniyi, Oladosu (2004): Nigerian Labour And Employment Law In Perspective. 2nd Edition. Folio Publishers Limited;(2)Onuegbu, H. C. (2014). ILO Conventions And The Nigeria Labour Laws. A Paper presented to the Chevron Branch of PENGASSAN Workshop on Industrial Relations & Career Management. Lagos, November 13 54
Akinyanju, P.(1997)“Trade unions and Democratic struggle” in CDHR Nigeria, Nongovernmental organization and Democracy: Lagos CDHR Pp.65-88.
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The experience of the struggle towards revalidation of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election is another instance of workers’ struggle during the military era. The struggle was led by workers’ union in the oil sector, namely, National Union of Petroleum andNatural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and other civil society organisations. While the strike was effective with regards to full participation of a large number of members, it failed to achieve its goal of reversing the annulment of the election, but propelled General Ibrahim Babangida to ‘Step Aside’. Above all, the strike further strengthened the unions and made members conscious that they could achieve a lot by remaining steadfast with their unions. During General Babangida’s regime (1986 – 1993), labour unions partnered with other civil society groups, mobilizing their members to protest against the negative effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of the government. The protest led to the introduction of some relief measures meant to caution the effect of economic policy on the citizens. Obasi (1986)55 observed that SAP has led to economic deprivation of workers, thereby heightening their consciousness which in turn, led to increased militancy on their part. Such actions on the part of workers through their unions have forced government to adopt some relief measures especially, in the areas of wages and salaries increment. Notable labour leaders within this period from the NLC include: Comrade Hassan Sumonu; Comrade Aliyu Dangura; Comrade Ali Ciroma; Comrade Adams Osunde Lasis; Comrade Pascal Bayfau;Comrade Anigbo; while from the TUC we had:Comrade Engr. Femi Kila;Comrade Mr. C.O. Nwagbara;Comrade (Dr.) Femi Oladimeji; Comrade S. O. Sowemimo;Comrade Sola Iji;Comrade Lambert Ogolo(who used his relationship with Commodore Ebitu Okoh Ukiwe to get General Gowon to register Senior Staff Association as Trade Union in Nigeria)56; Comrade. M. G. Dabibi; etc. The period witnessed high level of military oppression and repression including incarceration of labour leaders, dissolution of NLC, NUPENG and PENGASSAN and setting up of Sole Administrators for these unions. It is instructive to note that the period also witnessed the courageous leadership, resilience and tenacity by NUPENG and PENGASSAN without which the Nigerian Trade union movement would have 55
Obasi,C.(1989)” State-Labour Relations Under a Structural Adjustment Programme(SAP) in Nigeria. Lessions for the future, in Nigeria Journal of Indutrial Relation 56
Chukwu,Ignatius.(2016). The Courage to Stand: The Story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu.Port Harcourt, Silver news and Media agency ltd. Chapter 10
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been dead and buried! The pathetic state of the movement at that time and the courage of Kokori and Dabibi was captured by Ogunniyi(2004, p.4)57 when he stated that: “The leaders of the two unions, Ovie Kokori and Chief Dabibi displayed exemplary leadership and unparalleled tenacity of purpose inspite of intimidating circumstances and the unrestrained exhibition of awesome instrumenst of terror by the government. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) under what many perceived as the inept leadership of Pascal Bafyau prevaricated, vacillated and ultimately proved unhelpful to the citizenry at a crucial period in Nigerian history.”
3.4 The Current Democracy Upto May 29 2015 Since the advent of this democracy on 29th May, 1999, the Trade union movement have continued to provide its platform for popular agitation against obnoxious policies of government chief amongst which were Fuel price increases, sale of the government owned refineries and lack of commitment to the minimum wage. They have in partnership with their civil society partners, embarked on several struggle especially, in the areas that have to do with poverty reduction, bad governance, resisting unpopular policies, reforms in the public sectors, anti- corruption crusade etc. Their leadership of such struggles even at the risk of their lives and means of livelihood have been known to be effective and hence the continued reliance on the Nigerian trade union movement by the Nigerian people. For instance: “...When the nationwide strike and protest against the removal was suspended, there were widespread fears that the economy and social life of Nigerians were on the verge of a deeper, scary plunge. The Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria, PENGASSAN, which, in solidarity with labour, threatened to shut down crude oil production, exacerbated the fear. Although PENGASSAN did not make good its threat President Goodluck Jonathan, in apparent move to calm frayed nerves, yielded to pressure and announced the reduction of the pump price of petrol from N141 per litre to N97, the implication of the threat was not a loss to the government, the Nigeria Labour Congress, Trade Union Congress TUC, Civil Society Groups and Nigeria in general” (Tell, January 30th,2012;p2858). The aftermath of the fuel subsidy nationwide strike is the Fuel Subsidy Report produced by the Adhoc Committee of the House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja led by HonourableFaroukLawal. Subsequently, President Goodluck Jonathan ordered the Federal Ministry of Justice to commence the probe of those indicted in the Report. The rest is now painfully history. 57
Ogunniyi, Oladosu (2004): Nigerian Labour And Employment Law In Perspective. 2nd Edition. Folio Publishers Limited
58
Tell (2012) A Revolution Postponed. January 30th,p28
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The period also witnessed the official registration of the Trade union Congress of Nigeria(TUC) as a labour centre on 8th August, 2005 when the then President of TUC, Comrade (Dr.) Peace Obiajulu received the letter of registration from the Federal Ministry of Labour following the passage into law of the Trade Unions Amendment Act 2005 by the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo(Chukwu, 2016,p.91)59. Key labour leaders within this period include on the NLC side include: Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole; Salisu Mohammed;Abdulwaheed Omar;John E. Odah;Peter Adeyemi; Issa Aremu; Peter Akpatason; Achese Igwe; Joe Ajaero etc, while on the side of the TUC the key labour leaders include: Aliyu Ohindase ; Shina Luwoye; Solomon A. Onaghinon;Dr. (Mrs.) Nkiru Obiajulu ;Dr. Brown Ogbeifun ;Gabriel Babalola ; Chief J.A. Kolawole;Peter Esele; Sanni A. Lasisi;Mrs. Rose I. Orji-Kalu;Babatunde Ogun, Chika Onuegbu, Abdulhakeem Musa Aliyu; etc.
4. Trade Union Movement in Nigeria: The Present Day “The modern concept and practice of trade unionism is a complete departure from the mundane and medieval perspectives. Today, trade union activity is for highly responsible, articulate, visionary, principled, diplomatic and focused minds and not for mediocrities to mislead the ignorant. Fostering a dialectic relationship, as opposed to stakeholdership and partnering in the workplace, is no longer fashionable. Ogbeifun (2007:233)60” The advent of democracy witnessed increased interest in trade union leadership by members of the union. The period also witnessed robust collaboration between the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria(TUC) which have impacted positively on the influence and power of the movement. These successes also attracted the attention of politicians and other divisive elements who wanted to control the movement as a means of enhancing their political power.
59
Chukwu,Ignatius.(2016). The Courage to Stand: The Story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu.Port Harcourt, Silver news and Media agency ltd 60
Ogbeifun, Louis Brown (2007). The role of Labour Unions in the Oil and Gas industry in Nigeria: A Practitioners Perspective .Concept Publishers
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Expectedly with the success, Wealthy Labour leaders like the Political class began to emerge thus, the rise of Labour oligarchies and labour aristocrats61!. This provided incentives to all manner of people to begin to seek for leadership positions in the movement and also the imposition of candidates by powerful interest groups within and outside the movement. It was not therefore a surprise that Nigerians witnessed the emergence of factions in the leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) following disagreements over the last National Delegates Conference in 2015. As a matter of fact, even the TUC had to work day and night to forestall a brewing crises in 2014 less than 10 months after its National Delegates Conference in 2014 which produced Comrade Bobboi Bala Kaigama as President-General62. It took the determination of the leadership of Kaigama and the organs of the TUC to resolve all the differences at its NEC meeting of May 3 201463. These crises have however resurrected the fundamental challenge of unity in the labour movement. If there were doubts in the minds of Nigerians regarding the impact of such divisions in the labour movement, the outcome of the discorcordant tunes that greeted the May 2016 fuel price hike from N86.50 to N145 among the key labour players64, the withdrawal of TUC from the planned nationwide
strike65 and the eventual failure of the Ayuba Wabba led NLC May 18th to 20th Nation wide strike66 are clear indications that all is not well with the Nigerian labour movement.
61
Lenin,Vladimir(1917).Imperialism:The Highest stage of Capitalism.
62
Ahiuma-Young,Victor(2014). Upheaval in TUC as 13 affiliates tackle Kaigama.The Nigerian Vanguard April 24 2014.
63
The Daily Independent newspaper of May 30, 2014. No crisis in TUC — Kaigama.
64
Ezekiel Enejeta(2016). Labour Unions Divided Over Threats To Embark On Strike. Financial Watch. May 17 2016.
65
Kunle Kalejaye(2016). Nigeria: Why TUC opted out of fuel strike action. Sweetcrude Reports. 19 May 2016
th
66
Emi Adekoya & Adeyemi Adepetun(2016). NLC: A divided house and failed bargain. The Nigerian Guardian Newspaper of 24 May 2016.
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TUC President Comrade Kaigama and some TUC NEC members at the TUC NEC meeting on 3rd May 2014 in Abuja.
The above is in addition to the increasing challenge and rise of elite bureaucracy within the Unions . Cliff67 views bureaucracy in the union as as cowardly, ridiculous , impotent and wretched , noting that : “The union bureaucrats are afraid of losing their own privileges vis-à-vis the rankand-file. Their fear of the mass struggle is much greater than their abhorrence of state control of the unions. At all decisive moments the union bureaucracy is bound to side with the state, but in the meantime it vacillates” All these and many other contemporary challenges may have combined to weaken the trade union movement in Nigeria and raise doubts as to the ability of the unions to co-create win-win workable solutions that will protect their members and the ordinary people of Nigeria who are being daily buffeted by the grim realities of the current economic recession cum stagflation in the country. As we speak many Nigerian families cannot afford food on the table, many Nigerians are dying daily due to poor health infrastructure. Insecurity and violence has become acceptable as normal. News of kidnap and murder no longer elicit public outcry. Nigerian workers are losing their jobs in thousands, and many
67
Cliff T.(1969).On Perspectives.International Socialism (1st series), No.36, April-May 1969, pp.15-21.
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of those who have not lost their jobs are being owed several months salary. Thugs were reported to have beated up members of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, faction led by Comrade Joe Ajaero, who picketed the premises of the Nigeria Employers’ Consultative Association, NECA, at the Central Business District of Alausa, Ikeja over perceived anti-workers activities on July 15th 201668. And some two weeks later two labour leaders were shot dead by policemen stationed at the gate of Nasarawa State Government House when the leadership of TUC and the NLC Nasarawa State went to visit the governor to dialogue with the government over the unlawful 50 per cent cut in workers’ salaries in the state69.And yet there is calm everywhere as if the lives that were lost meant nothing! There is no better time for a united labour movement in Nigeria than now! I fear that we may be going back to the pre- Apena Cementry Declaration Era when we had multiple Labour Centres in Nigeria if nothing serious is done to genuinely reconcile all the factions and contending groups in the Nigerian trade Union movement. Other key challenges facing the Trade Unions today is the decline in union density70, general membership apathy and poor commitment to the union and the ideals of trade unionism. Interestingly, these three are linked together. General membership aparthy and poor commitment can lead to members abandoning the union as well as discourage potential members from joining the union thereby leading to a decline in union density.Therefore, membership commitment and attitude towards the union is a great indicator of union effectiveness (Clark et al)71.This is moreso as the union cannot succeed beyond the collective commitment of its members (Onuegbu,2009)72. Clark(2009)73 offers 68
Victor Ahiuma-Young(2016). Scores injured as NLC pickets NECA, stops employers’ AGM. The Nigerian Vanguard Newspaper of July 16,2016. 69
Umar Muhammed(2016). Two feared dead as policeman shoots Nasarawa workers. The Punch Newspaper of July 30, 2016.
70
Union density is the number of workers who are union members as a percentage of all the workers who are potentially eligible to be union members. Please Scruggs, L. and P. Lange (2002), “Where Have All the Members Gone? Globalization, Institutions, and Union Density,” The Journal of Politics, Vol. 64, No. 1, 126–153. 71
Clark, P., Fullagar, C. Gordon, M., Daniel, G. (1993). Building Commitment among New Union Members: The Role of Formal and Informal Socialisation.Labour Studies Journal, 18 (3), 3-16. 72
Onuegbu, H. C. (2009). Our Union, Our Strength. A paper Presented at the General Meeting Of Air Transport Senior Staff Association Of Nigeria (ATSSAN) Federal Airports Authority Of Nigeria (FAAN) Port Harcourt Branch on August 19 2009
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practical information on how to engage union members in ways that build greater commitment and loyalty to the trade union through organizing and retaining members, union members orientation and socialization, effective political action, effective and dispassionate
grievance procedures, effective
information and communication strategies, effective union image-building, building strong union culture and effective leadership of trade unions. Hester and Fuller(2001)74 even enjoins
trade nions to
restructure their activities to include children in order to lay a solid foundation for a future of committed union members. However Voss and
Sherman(2000)75 and Onuegbu(2013)76 are of the view that successful
transformation of trade unions can only be driven from the top down given the beaureacratic nature of trade union. Afterall all the activities and programmes advised by Clark(2009) can only be implemented effectively by the leadership.The effective leadership of trade unions is therefore at the core of union revival and transformation.It is however imperilled by the rise in toxic leadership77,78 in the trade union movement. Permit me to say that I have written much about toxic leadership in the Trade Union movement 79 and its impact on the unity of the movement and solidarity in the movement. As a matter of fact , Mr Ignatius
73
Clark,P.F.(2009).Building More Effective Unions, Second Edition 2nd Edition.NY,Cornell University Press.
74
Hester, K., & Fuller J.B.(2001). Building Union Commitment: The Impact of Parental Attitudes and Participation. Labor Studies Journal June 2001 vol. 26 no. 2 17-30. 75
Voss, K., & Sherman, R. (2000). Breaking the Iron law of Oligarchy: Union Revitalisation in the American Labor Movement. American Journal of Psychology, 106(2), 303-349. 76
Onuegbu, H. C. (2013). Skills-Set for Effective Leadership of Trade Unions in Contemporary times.: Dissertation submitted for the award of MA Leading Innovation and Change; York St John University.United Kingdom 77
Lipman-Blumen, J. (2006). The Allure of Toxic Leaders: Why We Follow Destructive Bosses and Corrupt Politicians - And How We Can Survive Them. Oxford University Press. 78
Pelletier, K. (2010). Leader toxicity: An empirical investigation of toxic behavior and rhetoric. Leadership, 6,373-389.
79
Onuegbu, H. C. (2014). Change, Emerging Structures, Privatisation and The Challenge Of Leadership In The New Labour Movement. A paper Presented to the 2014 Labour Writers Association of Nigeria (LAWAN) Capacity Building Workshop at Ibadan. 9th April.
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Chukwu dedicated a whole chapter in the Book –The Courage to Stand: The story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu, to discuss Toxic leadership80. It is however important to state that toxic leaders succeed more when there are succeptible followers81. The toxic triangle shown below shows the relationship between toxic (destructive) leaders, succeptible followers and conducive environment82 :
Source: The toxic triangle: elements in three domains related to destructive leadership reproduced from Padilla, A., Hogan, R., & Kaiser, R. B. (2007).
One thing is however very clear and as Adewunmi(2007)83 has observed: “the trade union remains the only organization that workers own collectively and it is the only body that can address their concerns; no other body or persons can do it for them. At every point in time what should be uppermost in the minds of union members and operatives is what can be done to strengthen the trade union organization and re-position the trade union movement in the overall interest of the working class”.
80
Chukwu,Ignatius.(2016). The Courage to Stand: The Story of Comrade Chika Onuegbu.Port Harcourt, Silver news and Media agency ltd.Chapter 14 81 Pelletier, K. L. (2011). Perceptions of and reactions to leader toxicity: Do leader-follower relationships and identification with victim matter? The Leadership Quarterly, 23, 412–424 82
Padilla, A., Hogan, R., & Kaiser, R. B. (2007). The toxic triangle: Destructive leaders, susceptible followers,and conducive environments. The Leadership Quarterly, 18, 176-194. 83
Adewumi, F.(2007)‘’Unity and division: the dialectics of the Nigerian trade union movement’’ African Journal of Business Management pp. 055-063, June 2007. p.063
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The truth is that every generation has its own challenges and it is how they conquer those challenges that defines that generation. Clearly we need to brainstorm and come out with possible solutions to the current challenges facing our movement. However in the next section, I will attempt to offer some suggested solutions.
5. Strategies to address the current challenges and revitalise the Trade Union movement in Nigeria The trade union movement in Nigeria through its leadership must evolve appropriate strategies to address the current challenges militating against its effectiveness such as internal divisions, factionalisation, power struggle and disunity that they face; the rising trend of neoliberalism such as privatisation and commercialisation; changes in the world of work; emergence of new forms of taxation; rising violence and intolerance across the country; and the current economic depression cum stagflation in the country. Without these strategies, the movement will be incapable of delivering on its stated objectives to its publics; would therefore be in danger of becoming irrelevant to their needs leading to their eventual extinction and would have booked a poor place in history. Some of these strategies that must of necessity be adopted to avoid this pitfall are: 5.1 Genuine reconciliation among all the Stakeholders in the overall interest of the movement Current attempts at reconciling the diverse factions and other schisms within the movement must be intensified as failure portends great danger for not only Nigerian workers but the future of the movement. Any feeling of, “we shall wear them out or defeat the other group eventually” amongst the parties to the division within the movement is totally misleading thus not sustainable. Divisions that have arisen are deep and highly emotive. It is not only within the NLC but also across the labour centres including internal schisms within the affiliate unions. There is a need therefore for a holistic conversation across the labour movement built on an unshakable resolve to ensure the survival of the movement. Parochial interests must be swept aside and patriotic elders who are not working towards any pre-conceived answers but who are prepared to listen to all and work inclusively with all to reach practical and implementable agreements.
5.2 Strengthening the Organs of the Movement The trade Union movement is a mass-based organisation thus a collective. Anything that undermines this foundation does a great harm to the future of the movement. What is prevalent in many Unions and at the perhaps at the centre level appears to be the usurpation of the Powers and duties of the diverse
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organs of inclusivity and administration within the Unions by few individuals who run the Unions according to their whims and caprices. This is highly dangerous as it desecrates the pillars of the movement and in the long run alienates and segments membership negating cohesion and solidarity. It has therefore become imperative that the leadership of the Unions goes back consciously to the era of the supremacy of the Organs – Where the powers of the organs are freely exercised according to the dictates of the various constitutions of the unions allowing members the platforms to participate actively in the debates that determine policy and direction for the Unions. If the Organs become empowered as it should be, impunity and graft within the movement will be greatly reduced which puts the Union on the moral high ground to engage leaders in the wider society on issues critical for the benefits of the workers and the masses.
5.3 Organise and Re-organise – to increase solidarities for strength The strength of the trade union lies in its committed members and number. It is in its ability to mobilise large membership both directly and indirectly that provides the foundation for its effectiveness. The greater the membership of the unions, the greater its solidarities thus, the greater its strength. Organising is therefore at the heart of every trade union activity which it must determinedly pursue in its quest to remain strong that will put it in a better pedestal as it engages other social partners. The movement must strive to bring in more direct membership into its fold, reach the unorganised workplaces and especially seek to bring into the fold the large chunk of workers within the informal sector who are yearning for representation.
5.4 Increasing advocacy outreach to social partners and the larger society When the movement begins a passionate and aggressive spreading of the gospel of the trade union movement amongst our social partners and of course the larger society, there will be a better understanding of what the movement stands for. This we believe will reduce confrontations and change perceptions in the minds of the social partners. As negative perceptions are changed or conquered, some of the challenges confronting the movement would be overcome putting it on a better stead for survival into the future. The Movement must therefore seek to tell its own story and not wait for others to talk about it. All avenues must be exploited to get the stakeholders understand us, our dynamics, our functions and our achievements including our roles and values to them.
5.5 Reinventing and repositioning itself The society and challenges as we have said before are in a constant state of flux, the trade union movement ought to therefore seek avenues to rediscover itself, its values to improve them and make Trade Unions in Nigeria: A Contemporary Overview by Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu
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them more congruent to the needs of the changing times and needs. It must constantly seek to be tangential to all currents positioning itself at the cutting edge of all social development and tapping into the changing flows to make itself stronger while remaining relevant to all stakeholders and its membership.
5.6 Making itself more relevant to its primary and secondary constituency The workers remain the primary constituency of the trade union movement. The movement therefore owes it a primary duty to protect, articulate and project its interests and desires her members. The larger society or the masses constitute its secondary or extended constituency and the movement owes it certain degrees of responsibility and this becomes more demanding especially in a country like Nigeria where it has become increasingly obvious that the ruling elite has consciously ganged up against the people. Together, these constitute the public of the trade union movement and the extent to which the movement meets their expectations is the extent to which their loyalty to the movement is determined. It should be remembered that the strength of the movement lies on its ability to mobilise these public which is dependent on the degree to which they have cultivated the trust, confidence and loyalty of them and which in turn depends on the degree to which their expectations from the movement have been satisfied or met.
5.7 Going back to its ideological roots The trade union movement is built remember on an ideology, a consciousness which gives it the needed impetus for effectiveness. A de-link with this root deprives it of its lifeblood which is important for its sustainability. A trade union movement cut-off from its philosophical roots is like a fish out of water – it will gasp for breath, stutter and die if nothing is done quickly. The 1978 trade union Decree that created most of the present trade unions took away the soul of the union which is its ideology while providing easy funds for the running of the unions. The movement became a body without a soul and it was a matter of time before we begin to see what we are presenting witnessing within the movement. The movement must evolve strategies therefore to reconnect to their ideological root which is what is needed for long term sustainability.
5.8 Education and Training Education and Training remain the most viable option for transmitting the mores of the society. It is an instrument for empowering the individual to contribute creatively and productively to their immediate environment and the larger society. An educated person is therefore an empowered individual who become a great resource for any organisation that he finds himself. The trade union movement must therefore not allow itself to be left out in this quest for increasing capacity to understand our environment in other to harness it for greater effectiveness. We should seek out ways to train our cadres, our operatives, our officers and our general members. We must educate them on the dynamics of the Trade Unions in Nigeria: A Contemporary Overview by Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu
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society around us, on our politics, economy and the global environment. Our social partners with whom we engage with are always involved in training, we should also take this more seriously to avoid falling behind.
5.9 Political action It has become naïve to belief that the movement should not be involved in political process at all levels. The quantity and quality of what is put on our table by our social partners is dependent on the nature and character of politics. Ignoring it is therefore ignoring the platform where our fate is determined. It is shying away from the very factor that determines the fate of the entire nation and a structure whose policies and actions have direct implications for the publics of the movement both primary and extended and which has serious implications for the survival of the movement. This position has also been canvassed by Udenta when he posited that: “An alliance of trade unions, civil society groupings and the citizens is a progressive platform for the articulation, propagation and affirmation of popular political, economic and social causes and ideals essential for the egalitarian transformation of Nigeria. The concept of the apoliticality of trade unions is an ideological weapon used by the ruling elite to shut out the unions from a decisive involvement and participation in the processes that shape the destiny of the nation. This must be resisted. The trade unions, civil society bodies and the general citizens must take a collective stand in all matters that affect the destiny of the people”(Udenta,2013, p.34)84 The trade union movement in Nigeria which was involved in the political struggle for independence, and the resistance against military rule and the struggle that led to the return of this current democracy, cannot therefore now stay away from the political process. However inview of the sensitivity of political action and its implications for trade union unity, it is important that the unions in Nigeria adopt the AFLCIO guide on the “Ten Rules for Talking to Union Members About Politics”85 as follows: 1. First, members want political action to be about them and their needs, not about candidates or political parties 2. In election campaigns, unions should provide members with information, not voting instructions 3. We have to present information credibly and objectively to overcome members' cynicism and distrust about politics 4. Unions must downplay partisan rhetoric and stress their role as an independent voice for working people 84
Udenta, I. U.(2013).“Building The Nigeria Of Our Dream: The Role Of TradeUnions, Civil Society And Citizens”. Lecture Delivered At The 4th Triennial State Delegate’s Conference (SDC) Of The TUC Rivers State Council At Hotel Presidential, Port Harcourt, On Thursday, 31st January, 2013. 85
AFL-CIO Political Training Handout.
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5. Unions should be watchdogs that approach politicians with healthy scepticism and work to hold them accountable 6. Members want unions to represent them as workers, by addressing issues that directly affect them on the job and by advancing a populist economic agenda 7. Union political action should always be "of, by and for"' the members 8. Mobilization is not fundamentally different from persuasion. Informing members is also the key to increasing participation. Members strongly support union efforts to encourage them to vote on Election Day. Regardless of party, they feel this is an important and legitimate union activity 9. Members are best reached by modem communication methods; and 10. We're more effective when we address the concerns of specific union audiences,instead of relying on a 'one-size-fits-all' approach
5.10 Participation in direct economic activities through businesses The movement must seek to participate directly in the economic activities of Nigeria. Direct participation in businesses will help the movement to build financial muscle and wean it from the vicissitudes of checkoff dues. It will also make it a strategic player in some of the industries and this will give it leverage in negotiations with other social partners. We must appreciate those unions that have gone into the property market, the hospitality industry, the bakery and confectionery sector and those that are into service delivery as businesses. These investments will surely grow and will serve as pillars tomorrow for the survival of the movement.
5.11 Deepening Networks both within and without the movement – globalisation backlash. Globalisation has been identified as one of the basic factors threatening the trade union movement here in Nigeria but within every construct is a seed that could be harnessed for a fight back. Since globalisation has meant that MNCs spread across national boundaries, we can leverage on this to create international networks of workers within the same multi-national group like say the Coca-Cola group, the Nestle group, Mobil, Lever Brothers etc. We can also network using the advantage of the platform which ICT offers to forge international or global unions that would serve as a counterpoise to the activities of the MNCs.
5.12 Legislative action It has become important that the movement takes steps to influence legislations in her favour. It should not just sit down and watch legislations that would affect her publics go through without making its inputs. It is therefore important that the movement actively sets up a legislative lobby which it must use to influence legislations to benefit its members and the larger society.In addition, the trade union movement should cause a favourable review of the Nigerian labour Laws. As we have seen, many of these laws were made during the Military administration wth military fiat, and they have become outdated hence the need for their review. Trade Unions in Nigeria: A Contemporary Overview by Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu
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5.13 Proper funding of the State Councils of the Labour Centres The importance of the State Councils to the proper functioning of the Labour Centers cannot be overemphasised. State Councils of NLC and TUC are the organs that are closer to the people and represent the TUC and NLC in their respective States. Their success or failure to agreat extent will determine the perception of NLC and TUC in their various States. It will also determine the success and failure of NLC and TUC programmes, activites and actions in each of the 36 States of the Federation and the FCT. Unfortuantely most State Councils are severely underfunded by the Labour Centers and therefore unable to function properly. As a matter of fact, some State council may at best be described as May Day organisations, which are only active during the annual May Day celebrations and thereafter remain comatose. A major fallout of this inadequate funding is that many State Councils are focused on maintaining relationships with the political leadership of their various States for their financial survival and have in the process become impotent and unable to earnestly and sincerely fight for their members and the ordinary people of their States. In some extreme cases, the State Councils have essentially become part of the ruling political party in their States and therefore focused on advancing the political views and positions of the State Governor.
6. Conclusion Trade unionism in Nigeria is as old as colonisation in Nigeria. In fact the trade union movement in Nigeria has been described and documented as one of the oldest in black Africa. Over the period since its formation in Nigeria morethan a century ago, it has transited and metamorphosed into various stages of development. These developments have however been shaped by the leadership and the challenges that confronted them over time. In essence, trade unionism in Nigeria has been more of a reactionary movement-basically reacting to the challenges that confront the workers and the ordinary people of Nigeria over time. Nevertheless the movement was able to stamp its feet in the sand of times as representatives of not just the workers but of the ordinary people; and key stakeholders in Nation building. However with the present division amongst its leadership, changes in the world of work, globalisation, demographic changes, the current economic recession cum stagflation in Nigeria and its implications for the workers and ordinary people,increased political polarisation, ethnic tension and religious divide in Nigeria, there is no better alternative than for the contemporary trade unionists in Nigeria,to unite and revitalise the unions ,so that like their past leaders , they will be able to safely steer the ship of the movement to berth. Thank you. Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu JP,ACTI,FCA
Trade Unions in Nigeria: A Contemporary Overview by Comrade Hyginus Chika Onuegbu
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