Vida Pulsante: Rio’s Mega-Events Footprints, Oppressions and Resistances in Maré Favelas as Pictured by Imagens do Povo Photographers

VIDA PULSANTE: Rio’s Mega-Events Footprints, Oppressions and Resistances in Maré Favelas as Pictured by Imagens do Povo Photographers

Master’s Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts (M.A.) awarded by the Philosophical Faculty of Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg i. Br. (Germany) and the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO) Buenos Aires (Argentina)

Submitted by Andrea Cangialosi from Palermo – Italy

Summer Semester 2015 Social Sciences

Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Abstract Mega-events constitute crucial happenings in the life of a host city. Rio de Janeiro was chosen for 2014 FIFA World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics, the last ones of a long series. This research, conducted during the interval between the two happenings, questioned their alleged ‘legacy’ by instead investigating the negative impacts, hereby conceptualised as ‘footprints’. How are megaevents leaving a footprint, affecting Maré – a set of favelas in Rio de Janeiro’s North Zone – and its artists’ activities and ways of resistance? This research made a case of critically contrasting the geography of globalisation and capital (Harvey, Sassen) with the bio-political and state of exception theories (Klein, Agamben), in order to localise the magnitude of mega-events, global trends, media and aesthetics disputes (Jaguaribe, Rancière) in the daily lives of contextually adverse favelas. Indeed, while the position of favelados (favela residents) might be seen as disconnected or threatened – e.g. by crimilitarisation (militarisation of repression coupled with criminalisation of poverty and social movements), pacification and gentrification – it also revealed the rise of transversal and overlapping networks – e.g. organisations and collectives positioning themselves as resistance in the dynamics of oppression. Mega-events were therefore the stage of this inquiry into the interplays of Rio and its favelas, reflected in the case-study of Maré, which was also framed in the context of South Zone real estate speculation, and North Zone military occupations. Megaevent footprints and resistance were thus explored looking at Maré artists. Specifically, Imagens do Povo photographers showed in words and pictures their vocation for the empathetic portrayal of daily life over shocking, stigmatising depictions of favelas. Lastly, this case-study reflected upon the wrestled control over favelas, questioning the future of urbanisation and pacification plans, and the favelados fights for rights, trusting in Imagens do Povo (Images of the People) as a sign of hope and resistance. ‘Vida pulsante’ (pulsating life) is therefore a dedication to the quotidian sprightliness of life in favelas.

KEYWORDS: Rio de Janeiro, Mega-events, Right to the city, Favelas, Crimilitarisation, Resistance, Artists, Photography, Media, Daily life

Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Resumo Os megaeventos constituem acontecimentos cruciais na vida de uma cidade anfitriã. O Rio de Janeiro foi escolhido para a Copa do Mundo FIFA de 2014 e para os Jogos Olímpicos de Verão de 2016, os últimos de uma longa série. Esta pesquisa, realizada no intervalo entre as duas ocorrências, questionou o seu suposto ‘legado’, procurando investigar os impactos negativos provocados, aqui conceituados como ‘footprints’ (pegadas). Como é que os megaeventos deixam uma pegada, afetando a Maré – um conjunto de favelas na Zona Norte do Rio de Janeiro – e as atividades dos artistas e as suas formas de resistência? Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo contrastar a geografia da globalização e do capital (Harvey, Sassen) com a biopolítica e estado de exceção (Klein, Agamben), a fim de localizar as disputas da magnitude dos megaeventos, tendências globais, mídia e estética (Jaguaribe, Rancière) no cotidiano das favelas. De fato, enquanto a posição dos favelados pode ser vista como desconectada ou ameaçada – v.g. por ‘crimilitarização’ (militarização da repressão associada à criminalização da pobreza e dos movimentos sociais), pacificação e gentrificação – esta também revelou o surgimento de redes transversais e sobrepostas – v.g. organizações e coletivos se posicionando como formas de resistência nas dinâmicas da opressão. Os megaeventos constituíram, portanto, a etapa desta investigação sobre as interações entre o Rio e suas favelas, refletido no estudo do caso da Maré – enquadrado no contexto da especulação imobiliária da Zona Sul, e as ocupações militares da Zona Norte. Os footprints dos megaeventos e as resistências foram assim exploradas a partir das praticas artísticas da Maré. Mais especificamente, os fotógrafos de Imagens do Povo, que mostraram em palavras e imagens a vocação para o retrato empático da vida diária ao invés de representações chocantes e estigmatizantes das favelas. Em conclusão, este case-study reflete sobre a disputa pelo controle das favelas – questionando o futuro dos planos de urbanização e de pacificação – e as lutas dos favelados pelos direitos – confiando em Imagens do Povo como um sinal de esperança e de resistência. ‘Vida pulsante’ é, então, uma dedicação ao dinamismo da vida quotidiana nas favelas.

PALAVRAS-CHAVE:

Rio

de

Janeiro,

Megaeventos,

Direito

Crimilitarização, Resistência, Artistas, Fotografia, Mídia, Quotidiano

i

à

cidade,

Favelas,

Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Acknowledgements My gratefulness has to firstly be directed to all that stood behind the interminable weeks of writing, the too brief weeks of field-work and internship, and the fuzzily time-space-compressed years of GSP. I am thankful for the indeterminable chain of events, accidents and choices that brought me from some island’s shores to Freiburg for the first of many times, throughout years of far and wide frantically studying, travelling and life-learning.

None of this would have been conceivable nor possible without both unconditioned family support and an ever-stretching-and-squeezing network of friends, passers-by, work-mates and so on. Beyond those moments, we shared more than feelings and thoughts, to the point of saying that – apart from this author being helped by informants, supervisors and proof-readers – the presented study is inherently a collective work.

I won’t single out any of your names from a list possibly larger than my memory and understanding. I therefore will take the short-cut – in all honesty and gratitude – to leave these acknowledgement as open and undecipherable as the makings of life, entangled mine and yours.

This is dedicated to all the awe-inspiring beings encountered along my path, especially the ones struggling to allow, cherish, unravel and co-create this vida pulsante (pulsating life) whose beatings resist against all odds and oppressions.

Thank you! Obrigado! Dankeschön! Kop khun krab! Muchas gracias! Grazie!

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Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Agradecimentos Meu agradecimento tem que, em primeiro lugar, ser dirigido a todo o que está ali por trás das semanas intermináveis de escritura, as demais breves semanas de trabalho de campo e de estágio, e os anos do vagamente tempo-espaço-comprimido de GSP. Eu sou grato para a cadeia indeterminável de eventos, acidentes e escolhas que me trouxeram desde a bera de uma ilha para Friburgo, para a primeira de muitas vezes, ao longo de anos de muito freneticamente estudar, viajar e aprendizagem de vida em todas partes.

Nada disso teria sido possível nem tanto concebível sem o incondicional apoio familiar e uma rede que cada vez se estica-e-espreme de amigos, passantes, colegas e assim por diante. Além desses momentos, nós compartilhamos mais do que sentimentos e pensamentos, ao ponto de dizer que – para além deste autor sendo ajudado por informantes, supervisores e revisores – o estudo apresentado é inerentemente um trabalho coletivo.

Eu não vou destacar qualquer um dos seus nomes de uma lista possivelmente maior do que a minha memória e compreensão. Por isso, vou pelo atalho – com toda sinceridade e gratidão – deixando estes reconhecimentos tão abertos e indecifráveis como a fatura da vida mesma, a minha e suas enredadas.

Este é dedicado a todos os seres impressionantes encontrados ao longo do meu caminho, especialmente os que lutam para permitir, estimar, revelar e co-criar esta vida pulsante cujas batidas resistem contra todas as venturas e opressões.

Obrigado! Thank you! Dankeschön! Kop khun krab! Muchas gracias! Grazie!

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Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Table of Contents 1. Rio de Janeiro as global metropolis débutante............................................................................1 Bem-vind@s! Welcome to Rio and Maré! | Who owns the city? | Favelas’ centrality and megaevents | Case-study inquiries | Structure guiding forward 2. Thinking Rio’s favelas at MEs cross-road....................................................................................4 A concise foreword 2.1. Rio, denied rights to the (global and formal) city.....................................................................4 Scaling-up went mega/global... For whom? | Worked for the city, paid back in dispossession | Divided city becomes suppressive, yet porous 2.2. Mega-Events, exceptionality and crimilitarisation threats........................................................6 Emergencies, exceptions, urgencies | Terrorist tagging and crimilitarisation 2.3. Footprints, tracking and reading each MEs stomping...............................................................8 Legacy of controversies | Rio and MEs | Antonymous of legacy? 2.4. Favelas, controversial asfaltização and pacification...............................................................10 One city, two standards and half? | Mega-events pacification belt 2.5. Resistances, urban subaltern disputing imaginary and imageries...........................................13 Favelados agencies despite oppressions | Pedagogies of gaze and art’s resistant forms 3. Methodology intermezzo..............................................................................................................14 3.1. Researcher and journalist, approaching the case-study...........................................................14 Case-study potentials | Central and sub-questions 3.2. Means and roadmap, in and out the field-work.......................................................................15 Methodology navigator | Internship, field-work entrée | Snowballing down Maré | Experts in Maré | Tapping into Maré artistry 3.2.1. Resources and analyses, working the pieces....................................................................18 Accessing words’ worlds | Nomenclature matters | Images and reflections | The closest medium 3.2.2. Unresolved, post-World Cup yet pre-Olympics...............................................................19 Journalist VS researcher | Late arrival, early departure | Footprints sizes and shapes | Dipping a toe in Maré waters iv

Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

4. Locating Complexo das favelas de Maré......................................................................................21 4.1. MEs and favelas, uniquenesses and commonalities................................................................21 The act of comparing | Steadily, yet unevenly, growing | South VS North Zones 4.2. South Zone, all (market’s) eyes on you...................................................................................22 Vidigal represents | Market (en)titles and evicts | Rows of invasions | Favelas’ futures aren’t (written in) stars 4.3. North Zone, Alemão as Maré’s elder brother..........................................................................24 Expropriations in Alemão | Urbanisation for whom? 4.3.1. Alemão, anti-dehistoricising militarisation......................................................................26 1920s-2000s: Alemão prehistory and origins | 2007: Of games and massacres | 2010: Challenged security goes full-force | 2010-2012: Once summoned, army stays | 2014: #SOSComplexoDoAlemão, #DontShoot! | 2015: Irrepressible carnival joy 4.4. Focus on Maré, from swamps arose with strength..................................................................28 4.4.1. Maré, vast and diversified whereabouts...........................................................................29 x+y+z = Maré cultures | Rock fostering mobilisation and discussion | Generations of resistance | From records and memories 4.4.2. Maré, anti-dehistoricising informality..............................................................................31 1940-2005: Of roots and stilts | 2009-2014: Of bullets and rights | 2014: Of boots and tracks | 2015: Of peace and fears 5. MEs footprints on Maré...............................................................................................................35 5.1. Maré in Rio, MEs footprints exploratory case-study..............................................................35 Ears on the ground, eyes on the horizon | Rio and MEs seen from Maré | Favelas and MEs seen from Maré 5.1.1. State-triggered, unwelcome infrastructures and evictions................................................37 Up-bricking is no upgrading | Eviction VS self-construction-powered belonging | Demolish, for better or worse! | UPP ‘Risk’ 5.1.2. Market-triggered, real estate speculation and business re-appropriation.........................38 Pacification bubble | From business seizure to state patrimonialisation | Gentrification spectre and hopes 5.1.3. Security, the army yet another weaponed players............................................................39

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Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Security for whom? | Exceptionality and in/formality meet crimilitarisation | Following (hegemonic) orders | Complex outcomes 5.2. Impacts on artists’ works and working conditions..................................................................42 Freedom to move and click 6. MEs resistances by Maré artists..................................................................................................43 6.1. Resistances and oppressions, peek into Maré struggles..........................................................43 6.1.1. Oppressions, im/material violations.................................................................................43 ‘Repressão eterna da favela’ | Single-storied favelas | Acts of resistance, bravery or oppression? 6.1.2. Resistances, in/direct manifestations................................................................................45 Communication and protest endeavours | Direct, confrontational actions | Arts of resistances: stencil, graffiti and photography 6.2. Photographers’ collective Imagens do Povo at Observatório de Favelas...............................49 20 years of empathetic photography 6.2.1. Reporter-activist approach (Baltar, Naldinho & A.F. Rodrigues)....................................51 Baltar, of inalienable respect and rights | Naldinho, demystifying favelas oppressors | A.F. Rodrigues, countering bias with empathy 6.2.2. Archivist-documentarian approach (Barros, Monara, Ratão & Valdean).........................58 Barros, because Maré rocks | Monara, to access and preserve memories | Ratão, of origins, pride and belonging | Valdean, rather ignoring disturbances 6.2.3. Struggles over rights and representations, framing some considerations.........................67 [1] Two complementary gazes | [2] Same rights (to the same city) | [3] Making (up for) history | [4] Countering oppressions, in narratives and contents | Photographers, resistances vis-à-vis oppressions 7. Final considerations......................................................................................................................70 Neoliberal, global Rio: games and oppositions 7.1. Mega-events, dividing rights to the city and city into dividends............................................71 MEs and global ostentação | Taking a meat-axe to favelas 7.1.1. Pacified favelas, assimilated or integrated?......................................................................72 Porous borders: pacification belt and asphalt frontier | Unwished-for urbanisation:

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Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

teleféricos, barreiras and so on | Pacification plans: progression, relapse and imminence 7.1.2. Formal city’s orders, (MEs extraordinary) outlawing ordinary........................................73 Emergencies and crimilitarisation lethal combo | Favelas (pulsating) life-threat 7.2. Snapshots of ‘vida pulsante’, ‘imageticamente’ (re)balancing and (r)existing.......................74 Oppressions and resistances, Maré dynamics peeked | Balancing trends, two aesthetics of politics | Rebalancing narratives, empathy over shock | Balancing acts, ‘atos de existência’ and ‘vida pulsante’ 7.3. Closure, departing from the case-study...................................................................................76 Grafiteiros honourable mention | Grounded relevancy | IdP as community photography and Rio as plural city | Exit prompts and guesses References..........................................................................................................................................79 List of Interviews..............................................................................................................................95 Appendix...........................................................................................................................................96 A: Interview guidelines...................................................................................................................96 B: Interview excerpts......................................................................................................................96 C: Field-work notes........................................................................................................................98 D: Coding graph.............................................................................................................................99

List of Figures Figure 1: Cummings (2013), Rio mega-events infrastructures and pacified favelas.........................12 Figure 2: Dodt (2014), Mapping Rio favelas’ evictions in relationship with Olympics and relocation sites, from 2009 to 2012.....................................................................................................................12 Figure 3: O Globo, “O desafio da pacificação na Maré”..................................................................29 Figure 4: Solos Culturais, “Guia Cultural de Favelas” (Maré cut)...................................................29 Figure 5: Graph-like representation of codes and relationships revolving around Maré and photography......................................................................................................................................100

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Vida Pulsante – MEs footprints, oppressions and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

List of Photos Photo 1: Luiz Baltar, “Qual a paz que eu não quero conservar [p]ra tentar ser feliz?”...................52 Photo 2: Luiz Baltar, “Marcha contra o genocídio do Povo Negro na Maré”...................................53 Photo 3: Naldinho Lourenço, “Muro”................................................................................................55 Photo 4: Naldinho Lourenço, “Ocupação da Rocinha”.....................................................................55 Photo 5: A.F. Rodrigues, “Pai corre para proteger seu bebê”...........................................................57 Photo 6: A.F. Rodrigues, “Mais do mesmo e a vida segue nas favelas do Rio”.................................57 Photo 7: Paulo Barros, “Algoz e Matanza”........................................................................................59 Photo 8: Paulo Barros, “Meeting of Favela 8”...................................................................................59 Photo 9: Monara Barreto, “Graffiti na McLaren”..............................................................................61 Photo 10: Monara Barreto, “Bloco Timoneiros da Viola”..................................................................61 Photo 11: Ratão Diniz, “Integrante do grupo Carroça de Mamulengos”..........................................63 Photo 12: Ratão Diniz, “Bloco da Lama”..........................................................................................63 Photo 13: Francisco Valdean, “Crianças no morro do Timbau”........................................................65 Photo 14: Francisco Valdean, “Iracema, moradora da Baixa do Sapateiro”.....................................66

List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ANCOP

National Coalition of Local Committees for a people’s World Cup and Olympics

CUFA

Central Única das Favelas

ESPOCC

Escola Popular de Comunicação Crítica

IFRJ

Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Rio de Janeiro

int.

interview

IP or IdP

Imagens do Povo

MCMV

Minha Casa, Minha Vida

MEs

Mega-events

PAC

Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento

UFF

Universidade Federal Fluminense

UFRJ

Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

1. Rio de Janeiro as global metropolis débutante «At once both a cinematic cityscape and a grimy urban front line, Rio de Janeiro, known as the cidade maravilhosa (marvelous city), is nothing if not exhilarating. […] Rio occupies one of the most spectacular settings of any metropolis in the world. […] From the worldfamous beaches of Copacabana and Ipanema to the tops of scenic outlooks of Corcovado and Pão de Açúcar to the dance halls, bars and open-air cafés that proliferate the city, cariocas live for the moment without a care in the world.» «Sejam bem-vindos […] a Maré! […] Aqui é um lugar de VIDA. […] Sobre as águas ergueram suas casas, fincaram as palafitas. Nesse lugar, o tempo era contado pelo fluxo e refluxo da maré. Redes ao mar, aterros, rola-rola, bicas d’água, tijolos, lajes, mutirão… São HERANCAS CONSTRUIDAS por tantas pessoas ao longo do tempo. Aqui, onde muitos só enxergam a violência, nasce uma nova maneira de contar os tempos da cidade, a partir do DIÁLOGO, da TROCA e do RESPEITO à diversidade cultural. […] Maré é um CONVITE à construção desse novo tempo.»

«Welcome to […] Maré! […] Here’s a place of LIFE. […] Above waters they [favelados] constructed stilt houses. In this place, time was counted by the ebbs and tides. Fishing nets, land-fills, water pipes, wooden waterbarrels, bricks, paving stones, mutirão (collective actions)... All these are HERITAGES BUILT by many people, over the years. Here, where many see only violence, a new way of telling the times of the city is born, starting from DIALOGUE, EXCHANGE, and RESPECT for cultural diversity. […] Maré is an INVITATION to the construction of this new [telling of] time.»

Bem-vind@s! Welcome to Rio and Maré! The two opening quotes above will possibly set the mood for the exploration of this case-study research. The second one – from Museu da Maré (Maré Museum)1 – revolves around the claims and hopes pushed forward by favelados (favela residents): a celebration of diversities, a fight against stigmatisation and a call for rethinking the city. The first – from the renowned travel guide Lonely Planet (2013) – somehow exemplifies the ‘tourist’s glance’, as well as business and media perspectives, about Rio de Janeiro: a city eligible for top standards of living (and investments). Mega-events constitute crucial happenings in the life of a host city. Rio de Janeiro has been most recently chosen for 2014 FIFA World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics – the first city in South America to host the Olympics.2 Still, such happenings are experienced and portrayed differently by the Rio of tourist and business attractions, and the Rio of favelas and social struggles. This research stands at the cross-road of mega-events and favelas, oppressions and resistances, aesthetics and media. 1 2

The first museum created by favelados, to recount Maré from origins to the actual events (see 4.4 and 5.1.3). Among the series of mega-events Rio hosted in the past: the 2007 Pan American Games, 2011 Military World Games, Rio+20, 2013 World Youth Day and 2013 FIFA Confederations Cup.

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Who owns the city? Mega-event bids can be framed in the competition of international cities and the ‘urbanisation of capital’ – using the reading of global 3 and neoliberal cities provided respectively by Saskia Sassen (2001, 2005) and David Harvey (2005, 2008, 2013). Indeed, Rio must compromise its urban planning for ‘investment-friendliness’, thus submitting itself to the market’s command. Rio of today is built upon the many urban strata of its past: its old colonial nature of city is among the ones upon which the new neoliberal kind is built. Such a city keeps indulging in exploitation of people and resources, capital accumulation, financialisation and growth disregarding political, social or ecological consequences. Also, its neoliberal apparatus serves to control «cultural and political values as well as [people’s] mental conceptions of the world». (Harvey, 2013, p. 66) Ultimately, the denial of the right to the city, often along lines of socio-economical discriminators of class, gender, age and race, means some citizens are excluded not only from participating in the life of the city, but also from the construction of its meaning and shape. Favelas’ centrality and mega-events Favelas might be considered to be in a subordinate relationship towards the rest of the city. Nevertheless, favelados have increasingly fought for their survival and well-being, and beyond that also for claims of cultural, economic and political centrality. With 11.7 million favelados, according to a Data Favela study (in Cangialosi, 2014c), if favelas were a state it would be Brazil’s fifth most populous. Moreover, in the last decade the average wage in favelas has increased by 54.7%, greater than the national average of 37.9%. Proportionally, favelas have more middle-class residents – representing 65% in favelas compared to 54% nationally. (ib.) Yet, favelas are still afflicted by social stigma, economic dependency, political clientelism and armed conflicts by organised crime, ‘milicias’ (vigilantes) or state forces. A combination of such factors is, for example, reflected in the high statistic of young black favelados who fall victim of police brutality. (Froio, 2015c) Case-study inquiries This research questions mega-events related phenomena, not by looking at the changes of the city at large, but rather specifically at Rio’s favelas. The main question leading the case-study – and its field-work which has been conducted in the interval between 2014 World-Cup and 2016 Olympics preparations – is: “How are mega-events leaving a footprint, affecting Maré – a set of favelas in Rio de Janeiro’s North Zone – and its artists’ activities and ways of resistance?”. 3

«Global cities around the world are the terrain where a multiplicity of globalization processes assume concrete, localized forms. [...] It is one of the nexi where the formation of new claims, by both the powerful and the disadvantaged, materializes and assumes concrete forms.» (Sassen, 2005, p. 40)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

To be addressed properly, such question will be further split in three sub-questions: 1) How do mega-events affect Maré, what are the peculiarities and commonalities in respect to other favelas? 2) How are Maré artists affected by mega-events, as workers and as residents? 3) How do Maré artists define and engage with ways of resistance? Structure guiding forward Firstly, the next chapter will provide a brief account of the theoretical coordinates in which the case-study will be embedded: Rio’s urbanisation as according to global cities and capital trends, how ‘MEs’ (mega-events) dictate a state of exception, at the cost of crimilitarisation (militarisation of repression coupled with criminalisation of poverty and social movements), yet opposed by politics and aesthetics disputed via photography. Chapter 3 will offer an overview of the context and design of this research project, the case-study field-work, limitations and gaps. Chapter 4 is intended to be an introduction to, and comparison of Rio’s favelas and the trends of mega-event triggered phenomena: in South Zone gentrification, and North Zone military occupations – where Maré case-study is spatially and historically situated. Secondly, a new category of ‘mega-events footprint’ will be introduced, which highlights and investigates the negative sides as opposed to the claimed ‘heritage’ or ‘legacy’. Chapter 5 pursues to to explore such impacts on Maré: in this case-study, collected field-work interviews and material by Maré artists will therefore help in aggregating a working footprint category. Thirdly, the photographers from Maré collective of Imagens do Povo (Images of the People), as the main protagonists of this research, have been asked their personal and artistic views on the conceptions and practices of resistance. Chapter 6 will reference Maré photographers and graffiti artists about such dynamics, specifically presenting Imagens do Povo collective using their words and pictures – showing their vocation for the portrayal of daily life over shocking, stigmatising depictions of favelas. Lastly, the concluding chapter will reunite gathered field-work and theoretical insights: reflecting upon the wrestled control over favelas and the favelados fights for rights, questioning the future of (pacified) favelas and ‘asfaltização’ threats, trusting in Imagens do Povo as a sign of hope and resistance, found in the struggles of activist and empathetic art against manifold oppressions. ‘Vida pulsante’ (pulsating life) – this work’s Portuguese title – is therefore a dedication to the quotidian sprightliness of life in favelas.

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

2. Thinking Rio’s favelas at MEs cross-road

A concise foreword This research will potentially make a case of critically bringing together the work of scholars dealing with geography of globalisation and capital (Harvey, 2008; Sassen, 2005), with the theories concerned with bio-politics and state of exception (Agamben, 2005; Klein, 2008), in order to localise the magnitude of mega-events, global trends, media and aesthetics disputes (Jaguaribe, 2010; Rancière, 2004) into the daily lives of ‘contextually adverse’ favelas (Jovchelovitch & Priego-Hernández, 2013). Indeed, while the position of favelados might be seen as disconnected or threatened by some networks – e.g. pacification and real estate speculation – it is yet hinting at the rise of transversal and overlapping ones – e.g. numerous organisations and collectives positioning themselves as resistance in the dynamics of oppression. Mega-events are therefore the stage of this inquiry into the interplays of Rio and its favelas, reflected in the case-study of Maré and, specifically, by its artists and their work – e.g. Imagens do Povo photographers.

2.1. Rio, denied rights to the (global and formal) city Scaling-up went mega/global... For whom? With tickets to attend the 2014 FIFA World-cup games ranging from from R$60 to R$1,980 for Brazilians (€20 to €660), and an average monthly salary of R$793 (€264), many asked: “Copa pra quem?” (World-Cup for whom?).4 And in doing so, millions took the streets, protesting against the rise of the bus fares and against the decision to invest a total of nine billion Euro Brazil into the realisation of the World-cup – instead of providing for the lacking infrastructures and services, especially in the health sector.5 Ultimately, 2014 World Cup stadiums in Brazil were as much as three times more expensive than those in 2006 Germany.6 David Harvey (2008, p. 2) poignantly tells the story of «the astonishing pace and scale of 4 5

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Among many «different protest slogans ringing out: Não vai ter Copa (There will be no Cup)! Contra estado autoritário e policial (Against an authoritarian and police state)! Eu só quero ser feliz na favela onde eu nasci (I only want to be happy in the favela where I was born)! » (Prouse, 2014) «As education, transportation, environmental remediation and health care budgets are slashed and the private sector is favored, citizens are forced to look to the market for the provision of basic human rights.» (Gaffney, 2014) «The 2013 protests […] are ongoing public demonstrations in several Brazilian cities, initiated mainly by the Movimento Passe Livre (Free Fare Movement), a local entity that advocates for free public transportation.» (Wikipedia, 2015a) It’s as if Brazil bore the cost of all last three games combined: Korea/Japan 2002 (€5 billion), Germany 2006 (€6 billion), South Africa 2010 (€4 billion). (Williquet, 2014) «With a combined budget of an estimated US$40 billion, [World-Cup and Olympics] have been met with strong resistance as well as loud boosterism.» (Gaffney, 2014)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

urbanization over the last hundred years» which has remade several times cities, citizens and relationships between the two. Namely, after Robert Moses post-World War II «took a meat axe to the Bronx», infamously re-urbanising New York’s metropolitan region – scaling up what Haussmann had done to Second Empire Paris – the ‘urbanisation of capital’ took various steps upwards until it became ‘global’. (ib., pp. 4–5,7) The reading of such urban and economic transformation trends is also studied in Saskia Sassen’s (2005) ‘global city’. Furthermore, James Ferguson (in Mezzadra & Neilson, 2013, p. 226) proposed global ‘hops’ – over the concept of flow – «to describe how movements [of people and capital] can efficiently connect ‘the enclaved points in the network while excluding (with equal efficiency) the spaces that lie between the points’.» Worked for the city, paid back in dispossession According to Harvey’s (2008, p. 38) analysis, the right to the city concentrates around private or quasi-private interests, «reshaping the city along lines favourable to developers […] and transnational capitalist-class elements, and promoting the city as an optimal location for high-value businesses and a fantastic destination for tourists.»Thus, such right becomes restricted to a political and economic elite – such as Eike Batista, billionaire who co-financed the pacification programme; ice-cream multinational Kibon/Langnese sponsoring cable-cars in favelas (Penteado, 2012); or Public-Private-Partnerships7 which allowed many of the MEs’ infrastructures (see Chapter 4). Mega-events in Rio can also be seen as part of global urbanisation processes in which «the planet as building site collides with the ‘planet of slums’.» (Harvey, 2008, p. 37) For the sake of capital surpluses absorption, ‘creative destruction’ dispossesses «the masses of any rights to the city whatsoever». (ib.) Engels already recognised how «buildings erected on these areas depress this value […], because they no longer belong to the changed circumstances. […] They are pulled down and in their stead shops, warehouses and public buildings are erected.»8 (in ib., p. 34) In this clash, Harvey forewarned how in some decades «all those hillsides in Rio now occupied by favelas will be covered by high-rise condominiums with fabulous views over the idyllic bay, while the erstwhile favela dwellers will have been filtered off into some remote periphery.» (ib., pp. 36–37) Favela territories, often lands without legally recognised titles which most city maps leave as ‘blank places’, slowly but steadily become the focus of ‘accumulation by dispossession’: «the mirror-image of capital absorption through urban redevelopment […] giving rise to numerous 7

8

Following the example of many other cities – like Buenos Aires with Puerto Madero or Baltimore’s Inner Harbor – engaging in urban waterfront renewal, Porto Maravilha represents the largest PPP in Brazilian history: such ‘regeneration’ would at once suppress Afro-descendant quilombos black resistance heritage, (Araujo, 2015) while founding a financial centre any global city requires. (Sánchez & Broudehoux, 2013, p. 138) Such is the case of Rio South Zone favelas, undergoing hyper-valorisation and alarming gentrification. (see 3.1)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

conflicts over the capture of valuable land from low-income populations that may have lived there for many years.» (ib., pp. 34–35) On the one hand, «seemingly progressive proposal to award private-property rights to squatter populations, providing them with assets that will permit them to leave poverty behind» can be a Trojan horse: «the poor, beset with income insecurity and frequent financial difficulties, can easily be persuaded to trade in that asset for a relatively low cash payment.» On the other hand, in 2001, «a City Statute was inserted into the Brazilian Constitution, after pressure from social movements, to recognize the collective right to the city.» (see Fernandes, 2007; Harvey, 2008, p. 36) Divided city becomes suppressive, yet porous In Harvey’s words, this «massive collision—dare we call it class struggle?—over the accumulation by dispossession visited upon the least well-off and the developmental drive that seeks to colonize space for the affluent» (Harvey, 2008, p. 39) is contrasted by «urban social movements seeking to overcome isolation and reshape the city in a different image from that put forward by [such] developers, who are backed by finance, corporate capital and an increasingly entrepreneurially minded local state apparatus.» (ib., p. 33) In Rio, such a battle could be partly localised in the pacification process, in which the «privatized redistribution through criminal activity threatens individual security at every turn, prompt[ed] popular demands for police suppression.» (ib., pp. 32–33) In the context of Rio’s ‘divided city’ (see Ventura, 1994) borders, there’s a constant reclaiming and negotiation between the formal (‘asfalto’, asphalt) and ‘informal’ (‘morro’, hill). Such recalls the Lefebvrian argument, «presciently laid out in the 1960s, that the clear distinction which once existed between the urban and the rural is gradually fading into a set of porous spaces of uneven geographical development, under the hegemonic command of capital and the state». (ib., p. 36) Indeed, as Anna Tsing has argued, this porosity often spurs in the «establishment of new “frontier” spaces […] characterized by “confusions between legal and illegal, public and private, disciplined and wild” […] a frontier condition [which] exists with different degrees of violence and intensity […].» (in Mezzadra & Neilson, 2013, p. 226) Ultimately, a ‘border zone’ can «take the form of a gradiant between different territories, a dissemination of the border across a greater space, a split, hybrid, ambivalent space, or an in-between “third space” of negotiation.» (border poetics, n.d.)

2.2. Mega-Events, exceptionality and crimilitarisation threats Emergencies, exceptions, urgencies

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Drastic changes in Rio’s urban planning can be read under the emblem of mega-events or ‘Olympic state of emergency’, defined as «unique, exceptional conditions that facilitate and accelerate the realization of large-scale urban projects.» (Sánchez & Broudehoux, 2013, p. 136) Furthermore, such ‘state of exception’ can expanded and characterised drawing from Giorgio Agamben (2005), or from Foucauldian (2013) studies of disciplinary and normalising mechanisms, to analyse the bio-political enterprise of control in which sovereign power is able to enforce its role by the most draconian means – while nominally remaining lawful – in supposed times of crisis. In a way, emergencies and exceptionalities – whether natural, perceived or induced – have been expediently used by capitalism as valuable opportunities, as demonstrated by Naomi Klein (2008). Within the state of emergency triggered by mega-events – and their preparatory urgency – constitutional rights can be diminished, superseded and rejected. For instance, the constitutionally guaranteed right to housing. Almost every World-Cup host city «expelled residents from their homes to execute publicly financed road projects that were managed by extra-legal authorities whose projects were largely exempt from environmental impact studies and due diligence in contracting.» (Gaffney, 2014) The measures taken to secure the mega-business and its profits entailed a security apparatus designed «to protect the event, its infrastructure, its sponsors, dignitaries and the fans and tourists who are able to afford the party.» (ib.) A clear illustration is the two-kilometre ‘zone of exclusion’ – a special oligopolistic economic zone radiating from FIFA stadiums – and other perks granted by the ‘Lei Geral da Copa’ (World-Cup General Law). (ib.) Terrorist tagging and crimilitarisation Enforcing and maintaining this state of emergency requires censorship and violent repression. Amnesty International (2014), in a press release warned of a «crackdown on freedom of expression» as Brazil passed a ‘terrorism’ law that criminalises peaceful protest via «the creation of the crime of ‘disorder’.» As Brazil followed post-9/11 US steps, military and paramilitary trainings were integral part of public safety preparations for mega-events. 9 This stance is also reflected in the 2013 aptly introduced constitutional clause, ‘Garantia da Lei e da Ordem’ (Guarantee of Law and Order), allowing military interventions in public security operations. (Savell, 2014) Of the grim aspects of ‘crimilitarisation’ – which is hereby defined as coupling of disproportionately militarisation of state forces10 and criminalisation of poverty and social 9

Brazilian «Military and Federal Police went to […] Academi, formerly known as the infamous Blackwater, […] “to learn the practical experiences of the American troops fighting terrorism”» and ‘civil disturbances’. (Leeds, 2014) 10 «One of the biggest players in this industry (Riot Control and Public Order Weaponry) is the Rio-based company Condor, which recently secured itself an exclusive $22 million contract as part of the security budget for the World Cup and has expanded its business by 30% in the past 5 years.» (O’Hara, 2015)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

movements. Sadly exemplary is Rafael Braga Viera’s story: a young black homeless man, the sole person taken into custody from the 2013 protests. 11 (Cangialosi, 2014b) Even prior to the WorldCup final, dozens of activists were arrested as a preventative measure. Throughout the games, police were instructed to repress unrest using maximum force – which «as ever, [...] has its most devastating effects on young, black men.» (see Froio, 2015c; Gaffney, 2014) During mega-events «government may have cited heightened security demands […] as the main reason for bulking up security forces,» yet «new high-tech gadgets will not be put aside»: as novel instruments become routine, «the need for expediency during an “emergency” situation […] opens the political space for exceptional measures, such as the suspension of inalienable rights.» (Robertson & Cangialosi, 2014) Ultimately, such militarised state «both nurtures and is nurtured by efforts to normalize the criminalization of segments of the population [e.g. favelados].» (ib.) Rio de Janeiro, epicentre of Brazil’s global mega-event production, sustains such prolonged state of exception that «suspends ordinary paradigms of urban planning, security, construction and circulation», (public) spaces have become increasingly privatised and militarised – along with «rampant real-estate speculation, exemptions to environmental regulations and zoning laws, illegal land grabs and rule by mayoral decree» – since the Pan American Games preparations in 2005. (Gaffney, 2014) The 2016 Olympics could reach «the apogee of exceptional urban governance that will define the shape and texture of the city for the next generations.» (ib.)

2.3. Footprints, tracking and reading each MEs stomping Legacy of controversies It is often unclear whether to be awarded the role of hosting the World Cup is «an honour or a burden.» (Baade & Matheson, 2004, p. 1) Indeed, heated debates and extensive literatures have been deployed in the appraisal of mega-events hosting bids, the ‘winners’ and their ‘legacy’ – especially regarding the most celebrated sport happenings of the World-Cup and Olympics. The wide variability of cases, as well as the difficulty in predicting such benefits prior to event staging, are few of the problems to be mentioned. (Gratton, Dobson, & Shibli, 2000) This ‘unknown’ gap is argued to be instead filled with «enthusiasm» and promises, by politicians, sport administrators, corporate leaders and even academics – without any «truly scientific» assessment. (Gratton & Preuss, 2008; Horne, 2007) Suggesting a ‘longitudinal approach’, Hiller (1998) distinguishes between pre-event, event and post-event impacts, to also cover unintended and unanticipated consequences under three kinds of 11 Serving 5 years for the «possession of two plastic bottles of liquid detergent during the mass protests in June 2013» made him allegedly «guilty of carrying an “explosive or incendiary device […]”.» (Cangialosi, 2014b; Knoll, 2014)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

categories: ‘forward linkages’, effects of the event itself; ‘backward linkages’, the background objectives and event grounding; ‘parallel linkages’, residual side-effects and indirect event effects. Pursuing a characterisation of legacy aspects, Gratton and Preuss (2008, p. 1923) identify commonly recognized aspects (urban planning and sport infrastructure) and less recognised intangible legacies, such as: urban revival, enhanced international reputation, increased tourism, improved public welfare, additional employment, more local business opportunities, better corporate relocation, chances for city marketing, renewed community spirit, better interregional cooperation, production of ideas, production of cultural values, popular memory, education, experience and additional know-how.

Contrasting such ‘positive legacies’, said scholars also list ‘negative legacies’, such as: debts from construction, high opportunity costs, infrastructure that is not needed after the event, temporary crowding out, loss of tourists that would have visited the host city if the event were not taking place, property rental increases, and socially unjust displacement and redistributions.

Rio and MEs While the International Olympic Committee has traditionally emphasised environmental sustainability, the 2016 Rio Olympics bid was special for a clear ‘social change’ mandate: «one that “supports and accelerates long-term development strategies.”» (Watt, 2015) With seemingly unattainable environmental objectives (Guanabara Bay Sanitation Program), infrastructure projects benefiting only tourism, social programs stalled (Morar Carioca12) or contested (e.g. pacification), (see Chapters 4 and 5) «Rio is currently in danger of failing to deliver on both accounts.» (ib.) As a result of mobilisations in the cities destined for the 2014 World-Cup, social movements, universities and civil societies gathered into 12 ‘local popular committees’ – also articulated in a national one (ANCOP) – with the aim of reflecting and organising against human rights violations around the organisation and realisation of mega-events. The Rio de Janeiro committee is already working for covering the 2016 Olympics. (ANCOP, 2011) In 2011 and 2014, the first and second national dossiers were published; in 2012, 2013 and 2014 dossier by Rio Popular Committee specifically were produced. Such documents are usually structured under 8 major areas of rights violations: Housing, Labour, Public Goods and Mobility, Sport, Environment, Budget and Finance, Information and Representation, Public Security. The first one is the main focus, with ANCOP conservatively estimating 250,000 Brazilians either threatened or evicted via tactics of «systemic 12 «Morar Carioca was a much lauded social program pledging the integration of all favelas into the city of Rio de Janeiro by 2020. The program had the potential to affect sustainable and participatory social change […] depart[ing] from the endemic New-Developmentalism of large infrastructure projects with undervalued construction costs and overestimated trickle-down and multiplier effects.» (Watt, 2015)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

production of misinformation», individual over collective negotiations, public services withdrawn and violent removals. (Waldron, 2014b) See also Figure 1 and 2 in next pages, where Cummings (2013) and Dodt (2014) show pacification and evictions of favelas in respect to mega-events areas; in the second case also showing distant MCMV’s social housing relocations (see 4.3, footnote 22). Antonymous of legacy? This case-study is not sufficient to approach all the aspects of mega-events legacies, but it will be organised around the concept of the ‘footprint’ as a working umbrella-term to include all longitudes (pre-, during-, after-) and characterisations of negative legacies. The term was chosen echoing the usage of ‘carbon footprint’ in the environmental discourse. This category is intended to set the debate about the mega-events organisations and realisations around the responsibilities implicated. Therefore, it’s meant to call for strategies to minimise, or better avoid, such negative impacts, as well as to invite analysts to ‘scientifically’ – read transparently and systematically – measure in quantity and quality all the possible extents of such mega-events damages. Ideally, this ‘category-container’ would acquire and entail as many sub-categories as ways in which actors are affected. Furthermore, it would possibly gather data about, and contextualise with various usages and perceptions which are provided primarily by the very affected actors – via interviews, surveys, debates, etc. – and additionally analysts – by measurements, comparisons, etc. 13 This research will venture a field-work exploration of said category about Maré favelas and residents (see Chapter 5).

2.4. Favelas, controversial asfaltização and pacification One city, two standards and half? In one interview, a Vila Autódromo favela resident (in Knoll, 2014) conveyed many points that deserve to be fully understood: “Everything we have here, we constructed ourselves, including the water, roads and sanitation system […] We have the right to the city; we have the right to the benefits of the Olympic games […] For everybody, because it will be paid by us. We want the legacy of the Olympics to be a better life for all the workers and residents of the city.”

On the one hand, remnants of old eviction policies are still menacing the existence of favelas and its residents – e.g. the entire Vila Autódromo community is threatened because of its geographical proximity to the Olympic areas (Waldron, 2014a); on the other hand, a process of urbanisation and market integration is under way. The latter has been dubbed asfaltização 13 For example along gender lines, as the “The World Cup and Women” documentary by “House of the Working Woman” Rio organisation: «interviews with 14 women from the city reveal what it was like during the megaevent’s month for street vendors, businesswomen, prostitutes, activists, artists and favela residents.» (Froio, 2015a)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

(asphalting) by Jake Cummings (2013). Since the self-built uphill (morro) settlements had historically lacked road paving – but also a host of city services –, this word refers to the introduction of ‘asphalt’ to Rio’s favelas. As an investment spree around mega-events, a coalition of government and private interests are expanding control via the creation of business-friendly environment. This pushes what Cummings called the ‘asphalt frontier’ over favelas, which often results in gentrifying and thus displacing its inhabitants facing the most contextual adversities. The former division, which drew a dichotomy between formal (asfalto) and informal (morro), could be opened to a third, mid-way, porous category: the asphalted and ‘pacified’ favela. Mega-events pacification belt The pacification program can be described as one of the main drivers of asfaltização. Designed to securitise mega-events and the coming tourist waves, yet also fit into Rio’s broader ‘neoliberal project’.14 Indeed, favelas are being transformed «as banks, retailers and […] ad agency, […] do projects for clients, conduct research and lead immersion tours for marketers.» (Penteado, 2012) As Cummings (2013) showed, see Figure 1 below, chosen pacified favelas correspond to a ‘protectionbelt’ around the major tourist and mega-events relevant areas and transit spines. Significantly, the pacification plans budget is allocated only until 2017, in other words lasting only to cover the Olympics. (Paêbirú, 2014) The UPP (Pacification Police Units) program is an unprecedented effort to integrate the favelas into the urban fabric. Hoped to be a turning point in Brazilian history of community policing, UPP «was stated to be trained specifically in community approximation, and given a basic education in human rights […] much less ostentatiously armed […] framed in the idea that violence is an emergency measure rather than a first resort.» (Ashcroft, 2014a) It’s meant to supplant the rule of outlaw drug trafficking and ‘milicias’ (vigilantes) by permanent surveillance: a 24/7 police or military occupation, with the imposition of a state-sanctioned economy. Pacification rhetoric invited business «into these previously “dangerous” and “untapped”» favelas. (Prouse, 2014) Pacification showcased debatable authoritarian means, and the use of state of emergency military occupation – as in the case of Alemão and Maré favelas in the North Zone (see 4.3.1 and 4.4.2) – allowed by 2013 specially introduced laws. Finally, such rapid up-scaling of military force and underlying repressive criminalisation rationale cannot but recall the still vivid Brazilian military dictatorship past, as well as the current spreading of crimilitarisation trends. (Cangialosi, 2014b) 14 Favela residents often argued «that the first group entering the favelas after the military police was Light, the private (formerly state-owned) electricity company. Cable enterprises, bank branches, and garbage collectors soon followed.» (Prouse, 2014)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Figure 1: Cummings (2013), Rio mega-events infrastructures and pacified favelas.

Figure 2: Dodt (2014), Mapping Rio favelas’ evictions in relationship with Olympics and relocation sites, from 2009 to 2012.

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

2.5. Resistances, urban subaltern disputing imaginary and imageries Favelados agencies despite oppressions The exploration of neoliberal city and mega-events wrong-doings on favelas are but one side of the matter. Following Ananya Roy’s (2011, p. 4) ‘subaltern urbanism’ account, this research will seek «to confer recognition on spaces of poverty and forms of popular agency» 15 over «apocalyptic and dystopian narratives of the slum», refusing hegemonic narratives of violence or misery. Indeed, favelas themselves strive to reclaim their image as a «terrain of habitation, livelihood, and politics.» According to the famous Foucaldian (2013, p. 95) adage, «where there is power, there is resistance». Theoretical definitions of resistances – and oppressions – will be complemented with field-work interviews. Since this case-study revolves around the work of Imagens do Povo photographers, a collective based in Maré (see 6.2), some of their shots are also presented. The approaches of Beatriz Jaguaribe (2007, 2010) and Jacques Rancière (2004) allow to critically reflect upon aesthetics and arts at media, resistance and society interplays. Pedagogies of gaze and art’s resistant forms In Jaguaribe’s (2010, p. 8) sociological analyses of media, the ‘choque do real’ (reality shock) aesthetics are ‘intensified representations’ via codes of ‘naturalised realism’: reality is pursued in shocking happenings and narratives, which are portrayed as quotidian, ordinary – even banal. The ‘pedagogia do olhar’ (pedagogy of gaze) implements ‘fictional devices’ as interpretations of reality. Yet, the strategical use of such aesthetics, which pursue legitimation upon reality representations, also renders the then «dirty, violent and hopeless realities» somehow palatable due to simplified logics of ‘search for the culprit’ and biases. (ib., p. 9) In doing so, media is saturated with narratives which don’t offer any interpretative means for the otherwise many-sided and complex life. Another kind of aesthetics is explored by Rancière, questioning the «impulse to resist […] within the biopolitical conditions of the present.» (in Kastner, 2014) His argument holds that: «For the resistance of art not to disappear into its opposite, the unsolved tension between the two resistances cannot but remain.» (in Rolle, 2009) Rancière thus defines two ‘forme résistantes’ (resistant forms): the «passive resistance of the stone» – retreat from life into aesthetic –, versus the «active resistance of emancipation» – art overreaching into politics. (ib.) From Jaguaribe’s analyses media can be understood as source of oppressions, and resistances against such can be interpreted via Rancière’s complementary art approaches (see 6.2.3 and 7.2). 15 E.g. the «distinctive type of political agency: “informal life.” […] typified by “flexibility, pragmatism, negotiation, as well as constant struggle for survival and self-development” […].» (Roy, 2011, pp. 13–14)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

3. Methodology intermezzo This chapter will provide an overview about the context and design of the research project, notably including its underpinning grounds, modalities, field-work, data analysis and ultimately its acknowledged limitations and gaps.

3.1. Researcher and journalist, approaching the case-study Case-study potentials This research is approaching the overarching themes as resistances and oppressions, as well as world-scale phenomena related to global cities, mega-events, crimilitarisation, etc. (see Chapter 2), exemplified by and contrasted within a case-study. Case-studies allow for a detailed and in-depth venture in the peculiarities of selected contexts (Bromley, 1986; Yin, 2014), for instance zooming in farther than the transformations of Rio de Janeiro as a whole into its neighbourhoods and zones, over the last mega-events decade. Indeed, this research bears the intention of stirring the already heated debate of right to cities, socio-economic predicaments of global-cities and impacts of megaevents, by looking at a particular case-study of one’s already historically unfavoured and inequalityridden component of Rio, the still heavily stigmatised favelas. Furthermore, focussing on a specific part of the city, it is possible to conduct feasible and qualitatively rich analyses: the specificity of Maré favelas territory will be explored through the voices and images of residents and workers – artists, primarily photographers. Secondary sources, preferably chosen among the community and alternative media, will help integrate the stories in broader contexts – providing grounds for some compare and contrast among some Rio’s Zones. Central and sub-questions The main question leading this research is: “How are mega-events leaving a footprint, affecting Maré – a set of favelas in Rio de Janeiro’s North Zone – and its artists’ activities and ways of resistance?”. Such research question will be further split in three sub-questions, each mainly addressed in respective chapters: 1. How do mega-events affect Maré, what are the peculiarities and commonalities in respect to other favelas? (see Chapter 4) 2. How are Maré artists affected by mega-events, as workers and as residents? (see Chapter 5) 3. How do Maré artists define and engage with ways of resistance? (see Chapter 6)

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

3.2. Means and roadmap, in and out the field-work Methodology navigator Essential to the structuring and proceeding of the research, the following methodology chart constitutes a summary of the data collection modalities, along with analyses and actors involved. See also Appendix for interview guidelines (A) and excerpts (B) and a field-work notes’ sample (C). Resources

Purpose

Where / Who(m)

Targets

♦ Art venues: Museu da Maré (Favela

museum

and

activity

centre), Travessias3 and Centro das Snowball technique and expert interviews

Explore and understand the

context;

gather

contacts

about

artists,

venues

and

further

gatekeepers.

Artes

(Contemporary

art

festival and centre of arts), Lona Cultural (Public space locally managed for cultural events) ♦ Local NGOs: Observatório de Favelas (Knowledge production and study center), Redes de Maré and A Maré Que Queremos (Multi-

a.

Staff members (Museu da Maré)

b.

Geisa Lino (Lona Cultural)

c.

Alberto Aleixo (A Maré Que Queremos)

d.

Patricia Sales Vianna, director (Redes de Maré)

e.

Staff members (Observatório de Favelas)

f.

Gizele Martins, head journalist (O Cidadão)

purposed NGO and collective), O Cidadão (Community media) ♦ Photography: Imagens do Povo (collective) Collect Semistructured and in-depth interviews

a.

various

experiences

and

8 photographers (from Imagens do Povo)

life- ♦ Graffiti / stencil: Nata Familía

b.

stories of Maré artists (crew), Felipe Reis and others

6 graffiti artists (4 based in Maré)

and residents; understand

c.

2 members of Algoz band

mega-events

d.

1 member of Atari Funkerz

and

footprint ♦ Further artistic formations:

resistance

from Algoz (rock band), Atari Funkerz

respective viewpoints

(Hiphop crew), Escolinha de Skate Maré

(Maré

Skaters

crew e.

School)

3 members of Escolinha de Skate Maré

among others Secondary data

Artworks

Broaden the scope of understanding and dehistoricise relevant topics Obtain

pictures

to

provide visual narratives

a.

RioOnWatch.org

♦ Online community -oriented or

b.

Observatório de Favelas

-based media, preferably

c.

O Cidadão da Maré

d.

Social media

a.

Photographies

b.

Graffiti art-pieces

♦ Online communication

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

Internship, field-work entrée Due to limited span of fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro (September to November 2014), as well as narrowed population sample, the perspective that is examined is the one of artists. The interviewees were mainly collected among a collective of photographers (Imagens do Povo), but also graffiti artists and other connected actors (at art venues like Travessias3) significantly contributed. The field-work entranceway was granted by the overlapping internship at Catalyst Communities conducted as a reporter for an English and Portuguese news blog. RioOnWatch.org (‘Rio Olympics Neighborhood Watch’) is a project launched in 2010 by this small-scale, international volunteers supported NGO aiming at bringing visibility to Rio’s favelas perspectives on mega-events and urban transformations. Through this pre-existing network of connections and knowledge, I was assisted and informed in taking my first steps into the field-work. To mention one example, the eviction threat that the Maré Museum was facing seemed to stand at the precise cross-road of mega-events’ (direct or indirect) effects, artists involvement and resistance efforts. Interviews, and informal talks with staff, supporters and visitors, as well as – to some extent – personal involvement for the cause, granted a wide array of contacts and informations about the state of affairs in the Maré community. For example, regarding issues like security and pacification project (e.g. army occupation) and the recent real estate interest (evictions, rising costs and gentrification risks). Covering the events, debates and activities of the contemporary art festival Travessias3 – August to November 2014 – offered also a similar opportunity, even more focussed around topics of favelas’ artistry, aesthetics and daily-life narratives. Snowballing down Maré Of the contacts initially gathered and interviewed during the reporting work done in Maré, some have been contacted later on for research purposes, while others have accompanied steps of the field-work at length. Among the latter, Alberto Aleixo from the NGO A Maré Que Queremos (The Maré We Want), facilitated the work as a fundamental informant and gate-keeper, being deeply rooted in the community NGOs, political and cultural movements. A snowball strategy – or chainreferral sampling (Lewis-Beck, Bryman, & Liao, 2004) – was seminal for the research starting phase, especially at mentioned Museu da Maré (Maré Museum) or Travessias3 spaces and activities. The collective of photographers Imagens do Povo, also involved in the cited festival, soon placed itself at the core of the research – which initially intended to entail both photography and graffiti artists equally. The contribution from the latter were taken in form of interviews, yet abandoning the documentation and analyses of graffiti artworks. The photographers’ collective

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offices and workshops are located at the study centre Observatório de Favelas (Favelas Observatory), which resulted to be a pivotal reference for the whole set of research issues. Experts in Maré At different times, renowned and deeply-rooted people involved in Maré – coming from different standpoints and organisations – were also contacted. Apart from networking and discovering of artistic formations, these experts provided overlapping or contrasting contexts which were crucial to form critical opinions and analyses during and after the field-work. (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995) For example, among the producers and staff behind the events at Travessias3, the coordinator Geisa Lino from Lona Cultural – public space for cultural events locally managed by a favela residents group – deeply interconnected with the Maré artistic scene. Another important outlook was gained by discussing with Patricia Sales Vianna, director from Redes de Maré – one of the biggest multi-purposed NGO, akin to CEASM Centro de Estudos e Ações Solidárias da Maré (Maré Study and Solidarity Actions Centre). On the same research topics, responded staff members from Observatório de Favelas (Favela Observatory), a knowledge production centre that covers favelas as such in all Brazil, but at the same time heavily engaged in Maré territory. Ultimately, one of the two main community media outlet O Cidadão – the other being A Maré de Noticias – was contacted via Gizele Martins, its head journalist (See List of Interviews). Tapping into Maré artistry The kernel of this research are Maré residents, workers, artists. Among the rich array of different personalities, the sample chosen doesn’t attain to being representative for the whole favela, let alone favelas as such. On the contrary, the concept of mega-events ‘footprint’ has to be coupled to specific parts of favelas involved in the happenings (see 2.3). The legacy or footprint, the gains or losses brought by mega-events can only be measured in respect to each and every individual that composes that organic unity of favela communities. In this research, photographers and graffiti artists have been chosen, both for understanding mega-events impact and resistance from respective viewpoints, and for collecting various work and daily experiences of Maré art workers. Semistructured interviews used as pilot became increasingly loose, leaving space for in-depth and lifestory interviews. (Lewis-Beck et al., 2004) Graffiti artists reached were less in number than photographers; also the stencil crew Nata Familía, for example, which participated in the Travessias3 festival both for workshop and performance, it’s notably not based in Maré nor are its members favelados. Contacting further artistic formations – e.g. rock band Algoz – has also contributed to enriching case-study’ context and strengthening its analysis (See List of Interviews). 17

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3.2.1 Resources and analyses, working the pieces Accessing words’ worlds Both for interviews and secondary material only found in Portuguese, all the translations are mine. The interviews referenced are being differentiated by adding ‘int.’ for ‘interview’, followed by real names and date – since anonymity was not an issue. The qualitative nature of hours of recorded, and off-the-records, dialogues has been handled using coding techniques of analyses, within the framework of grounded theory. (Charmaz, 2014; Strauss & Corbin, 1990) With the help of QRS Nvivo software, the main categories of footprint and artists’ resistance have so been defined after – or at least critically informed by – interviewees’ wording and phrasing – and refined after scores of both open and axial coding. Such qualitative method fit well in the framework of grounded theory approach and its primacy of field-work material over selected and matching theories. See also Appendix (D) for graph-like representation of major codes and their relationships. Nomenclature matters Following Catalytic Communities (2014), in this research the term ‘favela’16 is preferred over many imprecise or misleading ones (such as ‘slum’, ‘shanty-town’, ‘squatter settlement’, ‘ghetto’, etc.) – or rather cosmetic and generic ‘communities’ 17. Favela residents, or ‘favelados’, could have also been termed ‘favela citizens’: such usage is advisable, yet not employed due to otherwise inconsistency with interviews or other sources. Ultimately, it is important to point out that Maré is officially a ‘bairro’ (neighbourhood) of Rio de Janeiro (see 4.4), although almost always referred to as a group of favelas (in Portuguese, ‘Complexo das favelas de Maré’ or ‘Conjunto de favelas’). The nomenclature chosen, therefore, opted for a shortened version of the latter: ‘Maré favelas’ or just ‘Maré’ – which also reflects the usage and occurrences found in the interviews. Images and reflections This research assumes that «the use of imagery» can serve as «an attempt to stray from the confining limitations of language when conveying something as ambiguous and sensorial as human 16 «Etymologically, the term favela is based on the name of the robust favela plant prevalent in the Canudos hills in the Northeast of Brazil where soldiers served battle in 1897 before victory and the final move to Rio de Janeiro to claim the land promised – yet not delivered […] As a result, they settled the first favela community and named it “Morro da Favela” (“favela hill”).» Thus, «all other informal settlements in Rio became known as favelas. The term “favela,” as such, has no inherent negative connotation, as do the above terms.» (Catalytic Communities, 2014) 17 A favelado poignantly claimed: “Beware! I want my favela, I don’t want a comunidade (community).” (in Hilderbrand, 2014) The use of ‘communities’ in substitution to ‘favelas’ bears the risk of ignoring the nuances of both, as well as arguably sweeten or domesticate the favelas. Finally, as explained by Bárbara Nascimento (in Bloch, 2015), favelada, professor and activist from Vidigal: “Any group can be a community! It doesn't have ‘ cara’ (connotations). [Instead] favela means something! A kind of place, history. It's a pretty word, it's in songs. And community? What’s that? It seems the euphemism of saying ‘moreno’ (tawny) instead of black.”

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experience.» (Appel & Galeucia, 2011) Thus, this case-study flirts with the ‘sensory ethnography’ supporting «the intelligence of the senses». (ib.) Photographers not only have contributed with interviews and chats, but also opening the doors to the collective Imagens do Povo physical office and online database. Some images have thus been discussed and will be provided – although not visually analysed – to link the words to the works of said artists (see 6.2). All the pictures presented have been reproduced asking and respecting authors’ explicit authorisations. When possible, a link to the online version of the picture has been as well referenced. The closest medium The representation of favelas is something of such paramount importance that many, inside and outside favelas, are working for. Indeed, #EndFavelaStigma was for example the hashtag-campaign used by RioOnWatch.org and Catalyst Communities NGO in social media, questioning stereotypical, unfair depictions of favelas. Accordingly have been preferred, among the secondary data researched, the ones originated by community media outlets, newspapers, blogs and social media sources – in addition, video-documentaries, debates and other sources have also been used. Furthermore, following James Holston (2008, p. 33) approach of «history as an argument about the present», I try to explore the «historical formulations» which continue to structure the «present possibilities» of particular social issues. In this case-study, specifically, the de-historisation of militarisation in North Zone Alemão (see 4.3.1), or ‘informality’ about Maré favelas (see 4.4.2).

3.2.2 Unresolved, post-World Cup yet pre-Olympics Journalist VS researcher Entering favelas means stepping into fertile but also somewhat sacred soils. My role of local NGO reporter probably added some respectability to the often problematic positionality of a middle-class European – namely, gringo (foreigner) – with a fascination for favelas. At least, speaking the (Brazilian) Portuguese language, fluently although not proficiently, positively contributed to establishing relaxed and non-intermediated conversation. On the flip-side, the conceptualisations that were explored in my internship became arguably ingrained and were difficult to depart from for the following academic work. Late arrival, early departure The clearest limitation of a work that claims to discuss mega-events impacts in Rio de Janeiro lies in the incapacity to truly incorporate the Olympics into account. The effects of Olympics Games, the mega-event par excellence hosted completely in one city, are only seen from the perspective of its preparation and planning. Also, approaching favelas long after the pacification 19

Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

and, or gentrification processes might carry the myopia of missing the ones already displaced – the residents who moved out incapable of facing hardened contextual adversity (see 4.2). Similarly, the army occupation stage reflects only one of the many pacification steps (see 4.3). Footprints sizes and shapes The current work strives to introduce the concept of ‘footprint’ in opposition to mega-events ‘legacy’. Although existing literature provides already mappings and analyses of both positive and negative impacts, the suggestion here raised lies in the focus on lived experiences of people residing and working in specific areas – as Maré set of Rio’s favelas. Nevertheless, such amplitude was out of feasible reach: this case-study exploration consisted of artists, and even among them a selected sub-set of photographers. It’s patent the need for extensive, all-embracing and favela-specific studies. Dipping a toe in Maré waters Maré is a set of 16 favelas, estimated over 140,000 residents – including generations of migrants and displaced favelados (see 4.4). Of the vastness of cultural and artistic variations, this research has only been capable of caressing the surface of one profile, Imagens do Povo and their lenses. Hopefully, such narrow focus will at least illustrate the panoramic of research gap extent and extant rest.

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4. Locating Complexo das favelas de Maré By sketching a partial bird’s eye introduction to, and comparison of a few Rio’s favelas, this chapter will particularly touch on the tourist-wise salience and menaces of the South Zone while also recognising the bonding experiences of prolonged military occupations in the North Zone. These larger issues will finally place the internal variations of Maré spatially and historically.

4.1. MEs and favelas, uniquenesses and commonalities The act of comparing Favelas entail a multitude of aspects, and abstracting one from such countless expressions, criteria and facets would be forceful if not rather abusive to these complexities. The aspects of these places (including the differences in age, construction, locations, economic statuses, and the spectrum of races and migratory patterns) still often fall out of the media or academic scopes. Hopefully, by recognising the complexities of favelas, this research will strive to avoid singlestoried and reductive accounts, while pursuing to acknowledge identifiable trends and similarities. Steadily, yet unevenly, growing Rio de Janeiro favelas are offering housing to about one in every four of its 6.2 million city residents, according to (2010) national census by IBGE (Brazil Geography and Statistics Institute), – roughly double the density of São Paulo (12%), and four times the national average (6%) of Brazilians living in ‘sub-normal conglomerates’18. Rocinha, with its unofficially estimated 180,000 inhabitants (against the official 70,000) is the biggest favela in Rio, and in whole South America. (Carneiro, Martino, & Hristova, 2014) Following three decades of policies and efforts to eradicate favelas, and then a turn to attempting to upgrade and integrate these communities, both favelas and favelados (favela residents) have kept growing in numbers – from approximately three hundred favelas in Rio in 1969 to now over one thousand. Furthermore, often «they have merged to form vast contiguous agglomerations or “complexes” of communities across adjacent hillsides.» (J. E. Perlman, 2003, p. 2) Even when the overall city growth rate was dropped to 8%, during the period 1980 to 1990, favela populations surged by 41%. (ib., p. 3) 18 The definition of IBGE census by the name of ‘conglomeratos sub-normais’ includes favelas, invasões (invasions), grotas (caves), baixadas (lowlands), comunidades (communities), palafitas (stilt houses), vilas, ressacas, mocambos, «among other irregular settlements.» (IBGE, 2010, p. 26)

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After the initial influx of migrants from North-East, Minas Gerais and other countryside regions, today rates of rural-urban migration are much lower. The growth of favelas is unevenly spread over the Rio metropolitan region: increasing by 108% in the West Zone over the ‘80s decade, corresponding to «greater availability of vacant land, newly accessible transportation and the burgeoning upper class developments in the Barra de Tijuca, as compared with 21% and 14% respectively in the already consolidated South and North Zones.» (ib., pp. 3-4) South VS North Zones Favelas are currently undergoing a rapid process of visibility that attracts new residents, tourists and investors, offering environments of hospitality, arts and cultures, but also accessible prices especially in proximity of central locations’ already saturated estates. (Assis, 2014a) Mega-events put strains on this process, directly and indirectly. Examples are gentrification and pacification intertwined processes, for which the term ‘especulação imobiliária da paz’ was coined. (Paêbirú, 2014) This ‘real estate speculation of peace’ refers to the tourist-oriented businesses and real estate speculations affecting ‘pacified favelas’, those associated with tidal waves of – factual or alleged – trust and security which UPP and media advertise (see 5.1). The next two sub-chapters explore the cases of Rio South zone favelas – Vidigal among others – which showcase as gentrification forefront (4.2), to then move to the North zone where the hand of pacification hit the two favela complexes the heaviest – Alemão and Maré (4.3).

4.2. South Zone, all (market’s) eyes on you Vidigal represents As Perlman’s (2003) study showed, favelados and non-favelados withstand the greatest income differential in the most desirable residential zones – namely, latter’s monthly average earning are 567% greater than former’s – although this holds true even in poorer areas. (ib., p. 13) Rio de Janeiro shows one of the world’s highest living cost hike in the last 6 years.19 Thus, in the present overheated real estate market, favelas are granting housing opportunities due to the lack of titling which has kept the formal market away. The hyper-appreciation of Rio’s major neighbourhoods has finally reached favelas, especially the ‘pacified’ ones (see 5.1). Located on the Morro dos Dois Irmãos (Two Brothers’ Hill), boasting a privileged outlook on the seafront, between rich areas of Leblon and São Conrado, Vidigal is a favela which underwent 19 The increment, measured by the market analysis by FIPE ZAP index, in the period from January 2008 to January 2015 in Rio – by the time of this research – corresponds to: 266,4% (sale) and 142,4% (rent). (ZAP, 2015)

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great urbanisation and valorisation in 2000s. Starting from the UPP arrival in 2012, Vidigal became one of the most widely and wildly discussed favela on topics of gentrification and ‘remoção branca’ (white removal), also known as ‘remoção pelo mercado’ (eviction by market). Market (en)titles and evicts According to one of the main indicators of Brazilian real estate market, in 2013 the average square meter in Vidigal was valued at R$8,299 (US$3,750), less than R$9,285 average in Rio. (in Assis, 2013) Even accounting for inflation, the corrected prices wouldn’t even double, yet properties purchased 10 years before for R$30,000 (US$10,400) become worth R$350,000 (US$121,500). (ib.) Many of pacified favelas’ properties have seen a «40% increase in value following the establishment of the UPPs», according to Regional Council of Real Estate Agents of Rio de Janeiro (CRECI-RJ) member Lavor Luiz. (Jansen, 2012) When asked about Vidigal in an interview about UPP, Rio State’s Security Secretary, José Mariano Beltrame (in Albanese, 2012a) claimed: “Because it was informal, it didn’t exist. Now it does exist.” CatComm NGO funder and urbanist Theresa Williamson (2014), argued that recent trends of regularisation risk only to widen inequalities, since no market is providing low-price entries to the ones who have been bought out their favelas – or directly evicted without apt compensations.20 This can be observed also in abandoned buildings occupations, such as Northen Zone Nova Tuffy (see 4.1.2) or Telerj favelas, where properties have been legally reclaimed leaving families displaced. (see Pope, 2014) Rows of invasions It is undeniable that the entrance and installation of pacification forces boosted favelas visibility in general, and the ‘pacified’ stamp granted a visa for other kinds of forces and actors: private and public, national and international, passing by or settling in – yet often replacing pre-existing ones. Private establishments, in particular, are notable in the wave of gentrifying development, ranging from youth hostels, to restaurants or luxury hotels – some owned by foreigners. ‘Fala Vidigal’ (Talk Vidigal), a locally hosted open debate cycle about gentrifications, discussed new entrepreneurship and public authorities impact in 2014. «Pacification has accelerated a process that had already begun. Real estate transactions are now looked on favorably, and today’s buyer knows what he wants to buy, and where to buy it» – affirmed a Vidigal resident (in Paiva, 2012) – «We [favela residents] know there is still a risk of removals.» (See Albanese, 2012b; Mancinelli, 2011) Residents of Santa Marta, favela from the South Zone that was the first to be pacified, protested 20 A common example among many, a favela resident evicted in 2010 receives monthly rent checks of R$400 by the government, when the rent in Vidigal has increased to a minimum of R$800. (Nileshwar, 2014)

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– strategically during July 2013 nation-wide unrest – about «real estate speculation, rising commodity and food prices, invasive tourism, eviction threats and lack of infrastructure [that] have concerned the community for years» (Stacey, 2013) ‘Invasão estrangeira na favela’ (Foreign Invasion of the Favela) (Jansen, 2012) and ‘O asfalto invade o morro’ (The Asphalt Invades the Favelas) (Gombata, 2013) were main Brazilian newspapers headlines, referring to pacified Vidigal, Pavão-Pavãozinho, Cantagalo, Rocinha, Ladeira dos Tabajaras and other South Zone favelas. Favelas’ futures aren’t (written in) stars Celebrities rumoured to or actually moving to Vidigal – like famous Brazilian artist Vik Muniz, who opened Vidigal Arts School or the false cases of David Beckham 21 or Madonna –, put into question the future demographic and cultural composition of favelas. Even more so, the Olympics will further attract capital and people inflow. The South and progressively West Rio Zones, continue to show how years of pacification and gentrification affect favelas at large. These issues are indeed discussed by plenty of locals, architects and NGOs calling for the protection of favelas and their qualities from a ‘process of de-characterisation’ linked to market threats and gentrification collateral damages. (see Cangialosi, 2014g; Di Carvalho & Balocco, 2014)

4.3. North Zone, Alemão as Maré’s elder brother The North Zone was not exempted from pacification plans: accordingly, gentrification and evictions spurred anew or intensified. By looking at Alemão, the favelas facing Maré on the opposite side of Avenida Brasil highway, an indicative comparison of bases and historical precedents will be presented, regarding especially the unique long-lasting military occupation. Expropriations in Alemão The large set of Complexo do Alemão 12 favelas – with a population of around 70,000 (according to 2010 official census) on 3 square kilometres – is second in size only to Complexo da Maré in the North Zone. After it was chosen in 2010 for pacification, real estate values sky-rocketed – e.g. more than 100% hyper-valuation: from R$100-R$250 to R$300-R$1000. Cases like Parque Novo favela of 2013 are increasingly common: 417 families were left homeless by rent hikes, and were then evicted from the occupation due to State expropriation of their newly found housing and provided rent subsidies that were still insufficient for the inflated estate market. (Lo-Bianco, 2013) Another example of expropriation is the case of Nova Tuffy occupation – named after the abandoned factory’s owner – formed by over 2,000 people who for 21 «Community leaders believe the false information [...] may have been put out by local estate agents hoping the Beckham effect would inflate house prices and help them sell their properties at a premium.» (Roper, 2015)

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seven months had found an alternative to now prohibitive rent prices. After being evicted at the end of 2013, the self-constructed houses and shops were destroyed, few families temporarily hosted in a drug-addict refuge and the remnants had to fight to have a spot on the already crowded ‘Minha Casa Minha Vida’ (My House My Life) public housing program 22. (Froio, 2014) Furthermore, many residents set gentrification and evictions in the same time-line with the coming of cable-cars, a permanent and visible sign of pacified favelas. Urbanisation for whom? Notwithstanding the priorities agreed upon with federal PAC program23 by residents – since ‘Morar Carioca’ (Rio Housing) program24 «was frozen save for a few flashy projects like environmentally friendly public housing units in a favela near Copacabana Beach» – investments were diverted from the comprehensive upgrades. A disproportionate amount of funds was instead tunnelled towards a «high-visibility, glitzy project»: inaugurated in 2011, the neighbourhood with the lowest HDI can tout the longest gondola system (3.5 km), used by only 7% of its residents. Such tourist attraction has angered many, disillusioned by missing sanitation upgrades.25 (Osborn, 2014) While some businesses find ground – like the efforts of CUFA founder Celso Athayde’s Favela Holding group to open a mall into the favela in 2014 (Quero, 2013) – other kinds of project are derailed. For example, the planned – yet unbeknownst to the very favela residents association – Federal Institute of Rio de Janeiro (IFRJ) campus, endangered due to Coordinating Body of Pacifying Police (CPP) which had been approved for the same territory instead. (Gonzalez, 2015a)

22 MCMV is funded primarily via the federal infrastructure-upgrading program Growth Acceleration Program (PAC). (see next footnote) «MCMV was first instituted in 2009 to provide improved housing for an estimated 7 million Brazilians residing in sub-optimal living conditions. The program received a budget of R$34 billion (USD $17.55 billion) to construct one million homes. […] After successfully contracting the first million units, the second phase of MCMV was established in 2011. The second stage has an allocated budget of R$72 billion (USD $35.1 billion) and promises to build an additional two million homes by 2016.» (Healy, 2014) 23 The “Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento” (Growth Acceleration Program) is a major infrastructure program of the Federal government of Brazil launched in 2007 Lula da Silva administration. The set of economic policies and investment projects aim at fostering economic growth in Brazil, disposing of a budget of R$503.9 billion for the 2007-2010 quadriennium. Under the name PAC-2, the program was continued by Dilma Rousseff administration has continued the program. (PAC - Ministério do Planejamento, 2015) 24 «[...] Mayor Eduardo Paes made a bold announcement in July 2010, that as part of the social legacy of the 2016 Olympics, all of the favelas in Rio would be upgraded by 2020 through a municipal program called Morar Carioca. […] R$8 billion budget and a partnership with the Brazilian Institute of Architects (IAB), who, as was the case with Morar Carioca’s predecessor, Favela-Bairro, would be responsible for arranging the upgrades in all favelas with over 100 homes. […] Morar Carioca concludes from past experiments upgrading favelas in Rio that, if upgraded in a participatory way, favela-style development is a valuable urban form for the city.» (Osborn, 2013) 25 Comparable to Medellín, Colombia or Caracas, Venezuela, the system consists of six stations and 152 gondolas, each carrying up to 10 passengers. It’s also integrated into the urban rail transport system. Morro da Providência, was second to receive a teleférico (cable car system) in 2014 – although delayed and afterwards only functioning from 9 to 11 AM. Rocinha residents are fighting to prevent one from being installed, planning to «sue the State for non-completion of a promised project» together with Alemão. (Freitas, 2013; Viva Favela, 2014)

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4.3.1. Alemão, anti-dehistoricising militarisation Before speaking about pacification in Alemão, it is necessary to address its history in order to counter a dangerous «presentist view of [favelas] formation and significance» (Holston, 2008, p. 34), and highlight the military interventions that fore-ran UPP plans – nonetheless linked to megaevents. Some of these events are also mirrored in the facing Maré favelas’ history (see 4.4.2). 1920s-2000s: Alemão prehistory and origins Alemão territory, in the ‘20s a rural area and leather production centre, progressed in the second after-war time as Rio’s industrial core, also due to the construction of Avenida Brasil highway inaugurated in 1946. Alemão first settlements were born starting from 1951, when the land owned by Leonard Kaczmarkiewicz – the Pole from whom the favela was named ‘Alemão’ (German) after – was divided into plots and sold. During the ‘90s decades, its businesses were partly absorbed by the ascending cocaine industry, which made Alemão into an infamous alleged criminal head-quarter. Drug trafficking is internally divided and in competition. A so called ‘war for the control of traffic’ took place in Alemão, leading Comando Vermelho (Red Command) lost control for some months by another faction called Terceiro Comando Puro (Third Pure Command); subsequently, Comando Vermelho regained the control over the majority of the territory, although the Morro do Adeus was only in 2007 regained by the fellow organisation Amigos dos Amigos (Friends of Friends) and returned under Red Command’s influence.26 2007: Of games and massacres Episodically, police had entered Alemão favelas, but nothing comparable to the huge operation led by the Military Police staged against Alemão’s leading gang: 1,350 armed forces composed by civilian and military police, together with National Force military. That June 27, 2007 – just a few days before the Live Earth concert in Copacabana and the opening ceremony of the XV Pan American Games – would be later known as the ‘Massacre no Complexo do Alemão’. Successive attacks kept the favelas under siege until the mega-events ended. Almost twenty people were killed by a disproportionate use of fire-power and violence that hinted at executions as modus operandi.27 Such events did encounter criticism: at least 11 out the fatalities were not at all involved in drug trafficking, according to the Brazilian Lawyers Bar’s public note. The United Nations Children’s Fund, among others, also criticized the operations which injured four minors. (Wikipedia, 2015b) 26 Changes in drug organisations affiliation and intestine fights kept undergoing even under UPP administration, in 2012 for example Adeus passed from TCP to ADA. (Monken, 2012) 27 In 2007, UN Human Rights High Commissioner Office Special Rapporteur reported ‘extra-judicial executions’, proved, for example, by the use of 70 bullets to kill 19 people. (OHCHR, 2007)

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2010: Challenged security goes full-force The pacification of Complexo do Alemão has to be told accompanied by a foreword. Indeed, November 2010 in Rio was later called one of the major security crises in the neighbouring cities’ area. In response to the pacification program itself, some of the drug factions retaliated: over 181 motor vehicles were incinerated, mass robberies and armed conflicts with police escalated. Elevated at an emergency situation, an unprecedented alliance28 of local police, along with the BOPE, the Brazilian Army, and the Brazilian Marine Corps conjointly raided two favelas known as ‘the largest drug trafficking headquarters’: Vila Cruzeiro and the near Complexo do Alemão. 29 Over 40 people were killed and the bulk of criminals managed to escape; yet the euphoric press hailed such longfeared resolution as a war against drugs’ successful turning point. (Domit & Barrionuevo, 2010) 2010-2012: Once summoned, army stays The pacification process is marked by four phases: 1) Retomada (taking back [the territory]), 2) Estabilização (stabilisation), 3) Ocupação definitiva (final occupation), 4) Pós-Ocupação (after occupation). The first two steps are usually conducted by BOPE special forces – although Alemão, Rocinha and Maré (see 4.4.1) are exceptions for the use of military forces. The stabilisation one can last weeks or months, before proceeding to the third phase of UPP bases installation. For Alemão, State and Federal governments requested that troops would remain stationed in the occupied area at least 6 months, and President Dilma Rousseff allowed them to stay until the UPP installation. (The Rio Times, 2012a) The coming of pacification units, originally scheduled for October 2011, would further be delayed by Governor Sergio Cabral until April 2012. Then, 660 military police officers were set at two locations – of eight planned – to patrol sixteen communities. Before the UPP, the area had been occupied by the Police Special Operations Battalion (BOPE) Police Battalion and the Shock Battalion (CHOQUE) since March 2012, as well as the Brazilian Army’s Peace Force who entered in November 2010. July 2012 marked the first police officer to die in a favela under the UPP administration, in Nova Brasília. Finally, an additional 500 UPP forces were then assigned to the Complexo, totalling to 1,800 officers. (The Rio Times, 2012c) 2014: #SOSComplexoDoAlemão, #DontShoot! According to one Alemão favela resident and member of the well-established alternative media 28 Rio Governon, Sérgio Cabral Filho, was granted by Defence Minister (in lieu of then-away president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the avail to use military forces for such situation – unexampled decision in Brazil: parachutes infantry, firemen, army, air-force with helicopters and special forces’ armoured vehicles. (Wikipédia, 2014) 29 Details of the operation, including criminals’ run from Cruzeiro to Alemão, were globally broadcast by TV stations; later, also detailed in the narration of ‘Todo dia é segunda-feira’ (Everyday is Monday), a (2014) memoir by Rio’s Public Safety Secretary Beltrame.

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collective Papo Reto (Straight Talk)30, pacification started in 2014 being weary and showing its ‘true face’: the promise novelty of approach was only a restyling of uniforms. He argued that this UPP police was still under-prepared to confront a ‘giant’ – drug trafficking –, so violations and conflicts intensified and became daily again. Even during the World-Cup, which was perceived as ‘cease-fire’, innocent residents were dying due to police misconduct.31 Organizers of peace protests used #SOSComplexoDoAlemão hashtag32 to promote movements for justice in the community, also connecting to broader anti-criminalisation and anti-racist movements, as the international Marches Against Black Genocide and concomitant US Ferguson protests with #DontShoot33. 2015: Irrepressible carnival joy One of the latest and alarming clashes between UPP and residents involved guns firing, tear gas and pepper spray, when Alemão yearly carnival party took the street. On the evening of February 17, 2015: residents gathered in to drink, eat and enjoy samba music; street vendors sold beer and food and music was playing loudly. At early hours of next morning, five policemen started firing guns after having ordered music to be turned off and performing body searches. (Froio, 2015b) Another episode of repression involved the samba group Unidos do Complexo do Alemão, who has used the sports court Quadra Nova Brasília to rehearse for years during carnival. Yet, a document signed by UPP commander forbid the events claiming that «due to the current scenario in the community wherein residents and policemen have been hurt and killed, it is not recommendable to authorize an event where alcohol abuse is known to happen.» (ib.) Notwithstanding, a disobedient samba group’s procession took place, with the police barring people from joining in.

4.4. Focus on Maré, from swamps arose with strength The next two sub-chapters explore the case of Maré favelas, from arduous self-construction origins until contemporary heavy-handed militarisation (4.4.2), also briefing on its actors and territory richness, complexity and variety (4.4.1).

30 The collective featured in New York Times printed and online February 18, 2015 edition: Witness, a US-based human rights organization focussed in training and supporting citizen journalism around the world, collaborated for five years with Papo Reto. (Livingstone, 2014; Shaer, 2015) 31 Families started legal proceedings against UPP from the first killings in 2012. (The Rio Times, 2012b) 32 «[...] The hashtag has a reach of half a million people around the world. Tweets originated mainly from Brazil, but people from the United States, Portugal, Sweden and Australia also joined in […]» (Bentsi-Enchill, 2014a) 33 «The independent reporting collective Mídia NINJA has used #DONTSHOOT to call out police violence “in Ferguson, in Brazil, in Palestine” and to demand an end to the “genocide against poor black people in Brazil going on now.”» (Robertson & Cangialosi, 2014) The case mentioned regards the fatal shooting of Michael Brown – unarmed young black – on August 9, 2014, in Ferguson, Missouri, and subsequent protests and debates.

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Figure 3: O Globo, “O desafio da pacificação na Maré”

4.4.1. Maré, vast and diversified whereabouts The highway Avenida Brasil separates Maré from the Complexo do Alemão on its opposite side. Maré borders also other two main highways: Linha Amarela and Linha Vermelha, obligatory passages towards international

airports

and

UFRJ

university

on

Governor and Fundão islands, or out to other parts of Brazil. In Maré there are five armed forces contending sixteen favelas: ‘milicias’ (vigilantes), in the two northern favelas; Comando Vermelho (first criminal gang) dominant in the four central favelas; Terceiro Comando Puro (third and newest organisation) controlling the rest – yet, competing against Amigo dos Amigos. Soldiers are the last weaponed actor, spread over Maré since 2014 (see 4.4.2 and 5.1.3). Above,

“Maré

pacification

challenges”

figure

illustrates some areas of influence. (O Globo, 2013) x+y+z = Maré cultures Some of the favela cultural expressions are undergoing collaborative mapping thanks to the 29

Figure 4: Solos Culturais, “Guia Cultural de Favelas” (Maré cut)

Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

project Guia Cultural de Favelas (Favelas Cultural Guide) by Favela Observatory, as an offshoot of Solos Culturais (Cultural Soils) (2013), with the aim of valorising and visibilising the favelas’ many cultural activities. In the previous page on the right, an edited cut of Cultural Soils’ mapping shows some of the case-study relevant actors. Maré bears the legacy of many Northeastern migrants traditions, which still shows in the mixture of cultural expressions as forró, samba, pagode, funk, hip-hop, rock and so on. Rock fostering mobilisation and discussion Notably, an example of cultural expressions and civil society interplay is Musicultura (2012), an ethno-musicology research group by Maré residents and students at UFRJ started in 2004 – based first in Maré Museum, then in CCDC (Community Centre of Citizenship Defence) – which aims at studying its own neighbourhood musical manifestations. As a result, about 15 collective and individual publications were produced, ‘Maré de Rock’ festivals were organised combining Rock (with local bands as Algoz, Levante, among many others) and social struggles – e.g. against megaevents triggered violations (see 4.4.2 and 5.1). Its editions were 2010 ‘Pela Vida Contra o Extermínio’ (For Life and against Extermination), 2011 ‘Pela Cidade e Contra a Criminalização da Pobreza’ (For the City and against Criminalisation of Poverty). (Valdean, 2011) ‘Rock em movimento’ (2014) (Rock in Movement) collective, is another remarkable example of Maré arts and grass-root activism, democratically organising concerts and debates – with yearly editions from 2011 to 2014, around topics such as real estate speculation and bus fare rise. Generations of resistance In the words of Benjamin Parkin (2014), Maré is indeed a «vibrant place with a powerful civil society, boasting strong traditions of activism and self-organization, in addition to its festive Northeastern cultural traditions.» In fact, more than 100 social organisations are based within its favelas, among which the aforementioned Observatório de Favelas (Favela Observatory), Redes de Desenvolvimento da Maré (Maré Development Networks) and Conexão G, first favela-based LGBT organisation; and also, cultural organisations such as the Museu da Maré, or religious groups, etc. The evolution of civil society in Maré communities – as with so many others of Rio’s favelas – has been influenced by 1980s and ‘90s evictions, as Projeto Rio threats (see 4.4.2). «This strengthened the organization of the residents in self-identifying themselves in Maré, improving the quality of life», contended Edson Diniz (in ib.), founder and co-director of Redes da Maré. Many of current organisations were founded by residents involved in political and community activism. From records and memories 30

Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

1994 is the year in which Dona Orosina – considered the first resident of Timbau Hill, Maré’s oldest territory – passed away. On that year, the set of favelas and social housings composing Complexo das favelas de Maré was listed as neighbourhood of Rio. Maré has stories that many favelas could relate to, furthermore it’s one of the first that took good care in documenting its own history.34 Examples are: the historical archive named in homage of its first inhabitant and fierce defender, Arquivo Orosina Vieira35; (Monteiro, 2003) publication projects of Núcleo de Memória & Identidade da Maré (2014) (Maré Identity and Memory Nucleus), collecting and rescuing residents testimonies from all Maré favelas as also ‘Narradores da Maré’ or ‘Maré de Histórias’ artistic projects; Museu da Maré, the first favela museum – also among MEs-related speculation victims (see 5.1.2) – and photographers’ collective Imagens do Povo visual documentation (see 6.2).

4.4.2. Maré, anti-dehistoricising informality 1940-2005: Of roots and stilts Orosina Viera’s house, the first in Maré, was built by an immigrant from Minas Gerais, with woods stranded from the sea of Guanabara bay on the mangrove swamp. During the ‘40s, Avenida Brasil highway construction gathered more workers and self-built occupations, birthing Morro do Timbau (1940), Baixa do Sapateiro (1947) and Parque Maré (1950) favelas (see Figures in 4.4.1). Starting from 1947, Timbau Hill had to contend the territory against the nearby first battalion (1º Batalhão de Carros de Combate) – nowadays CPOR army airport – ‘occupation taxation’ and architectural restrictions, which banned any permanent structure. The formation of Favelado Workers Union in 1954, one of the very first Rio witnessed, 36 earned Timbau water distribution, electricity, sewage, paving and garbage collection. Stilt houses two meters above sea-level were typical of Baixa do Sapateiro, a region marked for the first city land-filling – using highway construction by-products and waste – inside the project of UFRJ university on Fundão island, connected by Osvaldo Cruz bridge. Increasing eviction and demolitions stirred the formation of a Residents Association in 1957. Similarly, the favela of Conjunto Marcílio Dias (1948) – as later Praia de Ramos (1962) –, founded by fishermen families on stilt houses, faced same threats. Roquete Pinto (1955) arose out of residents land-filling. Parque Rubens Vaz (1954) and Parque União (1961) favelas originated, together with Nova Holanda (1960), developed from the Temporary Housing Centre thought as a shelter for residents removed from other Rio’s favelas. In 1979, under military dictatorship, such housing complexes 34 E.g. “Favela tem memória” (Favela has got memory), project recording Rio’s favelas stories. (Viva Favela, 2008) 35 Dona Orosina was interviewed and recorded on video-tape at 99 years of age. (CEASM & Museu da Maré, 2010) 36 Formations took place by that time also in Santa Marta, Borel, Dendê, Providência favelas. (de Oliveira, 2003)

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were built and Vila do João (1980) came about, envisioned by the Housing Program (Pro-Morar) to relocate families who lived in stilt houses. Limited services and clashes with public power triggered the formation of more residents associations in the ‘80s. In 1982, ‘Rio Project’ would attempt urbanising the whole region: the program responsible for major landfillings and stilt houses total removal, as well as land titling. In this way Conjunto Esperança (1982), Conjunto and Vila do Pinheiro (1990), Bento Ribeiro Dantas (1992) and Nova Maré (1996) favelas are born. In 1994, Maré is recognised as a neighbourhood, enlisting a final addition to the favelas complex in 2000s, when ‘Salsa e Merengue’ is created to relocate further evicted favelados. (Redes da Maré, 2015a) Maré is today composed of 17 favelas, with a total of 140,000 residents distributed on about 5 km2. (Valdean, 2014a) The not so often mentioned seventeenth favela is McLaren, a newborn favela inside established ones, with approximately 40 families living in makeshift barracks underneath Linha Vermelha viaduct, without water or sewage connections since 2005. (Alves, 2014) 2009-2014: Of bullets and rights In 2009, ‘Conferência Livre na Maré sobre Segurança Pública’ was a cycle of debates involving Maré residents, civil society, human rights and security representatives as part of the national conferences leading to the First National State Security Conference (1° Conseg), taking place in Brasília. (Ferraz, 2015) From 2010, favela association leaders met monthly in the collective ‘A Maré que queremos’ (The Maré we ask for), discussing about public policies and structural transformations for their favelas – at times, together with armed forces representatives. One of their struggle is oriented against the ‘mandado de busca coletivo’ (collective warrant), that authorises invasions in every house of Parque União and Nova Holanda areas. (Retrato do Brasil, 2014) Topics of public security and human rights are frequently and extensively discussed within Maré civil society, in the attempt of engaging, protecting and informing residents. In particular, knowing Maré had been listed for pacification plans, ‘Somos da Maré e temos direitos’ (We are from Maré and we have rights) was a 2012 initiative by Redes da Maré, Favelas Observatory in partnership with Amnesty International Brazil (2014), to disseminate the knowledge about human rights and violations, distributing stickers and handouts at every door. When Rio streets where invaded with protesters, during the famous ‘June days’ of 2013 protest waves and the Confederation Cup mega-event, an equivalent but differently treated protest took place in Maré. The night between June 24 and 25 is remembered as ‘chacina de Maré’37. The BOPE 37 The term chacina refers to bloody and flaunty killings by armed forces, often in retaliation, usually targeting young, black and poor males. In this case, allegedly linked to the BOPE Sergeant killed shortly before. (Barnes, 2014)

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forces and helicopter firing to repress Maré pacific protest and later unrest, resulted in many violations, no arrests but the death of nine residents and a military. In May 2014, a discussion about human rights and public security in favelas was opened at the event ‘Diálogos necessários’ (Necessary dialogues), involving the former national Public Secretary, Amnesty International Brazil, Favelas Observatory, among others. (Redes da Maré, 2015b) Also, the investigations about the 2013 chacina were discussed in Maré, at an unprecedented debate involving police, residents and civil society representatives, in December 2014. (Euclides & Noronha, 2014) Maré has consistently demanded dialogue and participation: one example was the convocation of Security Secretary Beltrame to agree, with civil society and residents associations, on a set of conditions for the military occupation, as well as creating an ombudsman for the UPP across the city – something the Observatory and other associations had long campaigned for. (Parkin, 2014) 2014: Of boots and tracks At the dawn of March 30, 2014, the occupation of Maré is said to have lasted 15 minutes and involved 1,180 forces from special forces like BOPE and CHOQUE, to other battalions of military and civil police, including 4 helicopters and 21 armoured vehicles. The cooperation of intelligence and the plenum of forces was already displayed and tested in Alemão attacks – dubbed ‘Operação Arcanjo’ (Operation Archangel), the 19-month-long army occupation (see 4.3.1). Recalling the 2010 security crisis situation, UPP policemen started being attacked in mid-February 2014: governor Sérgio Cabral formally asked and – once authorised by president Dilma Rousseff – ordered the military occupy of the favelas. Armed forces would then total 2,700 units to supposedly stay until July 31 – that is to say, until World-Cup’s end. In the ‘processo pré-pacificação’ (process of pacification preparation), on March 21, 120 BOPE special forces units invaded Nova Holanda and Parque União, looking for the organisation Comando Vermelho who was believed to have commissioned the attacks in February. Security Secretary reported that during the 15 days preceding military occupation, 16 people had already been killed and 8 injured by policemen, in 36 conflicts with ‘suspects’. (Castor & Merlino, 2014) Numerous residents reported to the local and community media of abuses and violence: the majority being invasion of houses without any warrant; also cases like 5 young favelados being captured and interrogated for a night; or even enforced disappearances and executions. (ib.) The army remained the only official force in Maré and was granted the power of arresting suspects. Its many operations caused the closure of four schools, and the terror of many among

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

students and professors – e.g. episodes involving the ‘Caveirão do Ar’38, that was reminiscent of the student killed in 2011 while inside CIEP Gustavo Capanema schools. (Assis, 2014b; Redes da Maré, 2013) The occupation was extended three times – before and after 2014 elections, and disregarding the change of Military Police pinnacle due to corruption charges (Cruz & Cunha, 2014) –, moving the last deadline from end of 2014 to June 2015. The 2,700 military-men from different states forces entirely changed about every three months, leaving no space for institutional learning. (Pita, 2014) The last battalion, mostly coming from Brazil’s North-Eastern region, has been the most problematic for Maré: already in the aftermath of World-Cup many organisations had called for media attention, trying to highlight the persisting and appalling violence. (E. S. Silva, 2014) One of such cases was the atrocious killing of Osmar Paiva Camelo, president of Morro do Timbau residents association and renown pacification supporter. He was shot seven times at close range on September 15. (Bentsi-Enchill, 2014b) 2015: Of peace and fears On February 23, 2015, the ‘Protest for Life in Complexo da Maré’ gathered 800 people, taking Avenida Brasil and Linha Amarela highways. Such demonstration was stirred by a series of violent occurrences, which totalled nine injured and four dead in about two weeks. 39 The pacific march singing “peace without a voice is no peace but fear” 40 was later challenged by episodic and escalating violence between police and the protesters – former claiming having been confronted by suspects. Two people were killed and three others were wounded. Independent media outlets like Papo Reto, Midiã NINJA, Mídia Independente Coletiva, Jornal A Nova Democracia (see Moradores da Maré se insurgem contra a PM e o Exército, 2015) reported and video-documented from such scenes, showing misuse of non-lethal and lethal weapons by police and army-men. “Who controls and who’s controlled by whom” – asked Redes da Maré director (E. S. Silva, 2015) – “Amidst this total loss of respect towards something so fundamental as the non-negotiable guarantee of life?”41 Currently, Maré civil society is facilitating the preparation of the Second National State Security Conference (2° Conseg), pursuing dialogue and participation on themes of violence, security and human rights. 38 ‘Air skull’, in contrast to the land armoured vehicle one, so baptised after the dagger-pierced skull BOPE logo. 39 A vehicle with five Maré residents was gunned down by the military (December 2014); 29 year-old man was left in a coma with his leg amputated after being shot; a resident was killed, mistaken for a drug dealer; a community van was fired at, close to an army blockage (January-February 2015). (Gonzalez, 2015b) 40 “Pois paz sem voz, paz sem voz / Não é paz, é medo!” is a line from the song ‘Minha Alma (A Paz Que Eu Não Quero)’, by the Brazilian band O Rappa. 41 Alluding to the constitutional clause “Garantia da Lei e da Ordem” (Guarantee of Law and Order), which allows for the use of the military in public security operations, elaborated and refined for and before MEs times (see 2.2).

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

5. MEs footprints on Maré This chapter will present field-work material and considerations regarding MEs negative impacts on Rio de Janeiro, under the developed conceptualisation of ‘MEs footprints’: firstly, as such are perceived by Maré artists and residents (State and private triggers and security issues); secondly, aiming at specific aspects of MEs footprints regarding artists’ work and art.

5.1. Maré in Rio, MEs footprints exploratory case-study Ears on the ground, eyes on the horizon How are mega-events ‘stomping’ on Rio de Janeiro city and its favelas? Where can one read such ‘tracks’, and where exactly do they lead to? The footprint exploration in this case-study has been loosely inspired by cited Rio Popular Committee’s dossier 8 areas of human rights violations (see 2.3). (Waldron, 2014b) Namely, the footprint analysis will be limited to some of Maré favelas’ residents and workers, specifically looking into connotations given by interviewed photographers – but also graffiti artists and residents; furthermore, the insights obtained about Maré will be further combined with the previous contextualisation work. Regrettably, there is not sufficient space nor material available for the formulation of possible counter-strategies or broader models of such. Rio and MEs seen from Maré Maré residents hold various opinions regarding mega-events and the footprint left on Rio. This case-study will notably highlight those negative aspects which sometimes already explicitly echo the critique of the neoliberal urban projects and denied right to the city (see Chapter 2). Almost unanimously unsatisfied with expenditures and investments, other than lamenting widespread evictions and debatable approach towards security, consulted Maré residents felt neglected and betrayed. «Yet another ‘fool the Brazilians’ moment, with tax money not being used for the benefit of society at large, especially with the collusion of private institutions like FIFA.» (int. Reis, 2015) The appalling impression is that «they are trying to make Rio de Janeiro like Cancún 42, a city of those!» – a shift in the economic planning for marketing the city itself. The role of economic elite is marked: Heike is the mentioned entrepreneur investing in the UPP projects – pushing up-scale militarisation. «The greater interest is not the people, but the capital, the money.» (int. Rack, 2014) Mega-events did financially foster structural changes in the city, «but in the way they’ve been 42 A city in south-eastern Mexico, on Yucatán Peninsula coast, renowned tourist destination. Its tourist zones’ master plan is (in)famous for the ‘supermanzanas’ (super-blocks), giant trapezoids residential complexes.

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

conceived, they’re not improving what’s already there.» (int. Rosa, 2014) Urban renewal favours «only the wealthiest are benefiting from improvements, [while] further hiding poverty, pushing the poor farther away.» Not improving their quality of life, on the contrary «they only need to get rid of those people and use that space. […] They break in, mess up! Last thing heard was that they were cutting down trees, to expel people who kept wanting to stay: it’s state terrorism!» 43 If «capital’s interest» prevails, and government isn’t acting «to lessen the inequalities within the city spaces, which instead are intensifying, stimulating such hate and disfiguring: it’s very cruel, indeed.» (ib.) Another complaint regarded the lack of reparation or negotiation by «feudal lords» businessmen. (int. Diniz, 2014) One way to remedy for evictions could have been assigning newly built residencies to displaced favelados: «but it’s not the case, it’s already all sold, all the apartments!» (ib.) Ultimately, the prohibitions of the city furthers the idea that living costs are rising (see 4.2, footnote 19), without the quality of life accordingly improving. The transportations, instead of being systematised, have worsened: «why not investing in subways?» (int. A. Rodrigues, 2014) Yet financial elites like «motorways tycoons» can steer «Brazilian cities [to] keep planning more highways, over railway or subway systems.» (ib.) Favelas and MEs seen from Maré It is perceived that for ‘appealing’ to foreign investment, the city is willing to establish the required business-driven logic, which implies restructuring by means of regulation and security for the ‘unresolved’ part of Rio. «It’s remarkable how mega-events have legitimised the government to do so, […] a ‘package’ of real estate speculation, eviction and militarisation of favelas.» (int. Valdean, 2014) «This project will never ever be the way it’s advertised, as a ‘city for everybody’: it’s for the few.» (ib.) As such, some entrepreneurs gain space inside favelas – e.g. Vidigal or PavãoPavãozinho, in Rio South Zone (see 4.2) – while its residents contest: «“Hotels for whom!?” This city project is not for the people, not for the favelados.» (int. A. Rodrigues, 2014) Projects like cable-cars in favelas leave wondering as «things are always meant not for the residents, rather for people coming from outside, [the tourists].» (int. Barreto, 2014) As one mega-event follows the other, «the legacy is only superficial, nothing really changes [for the better].» (int. Lourenço, 2014) Indeed, favelas’ «histories, trajectories of 50-60 years» are again neglected for happenings that last «one month or two». (int. Diniz, 2014) Evictions deny residents having friends, families, ‘affective ties’, closeness and acquaintance with jobs and places. Thus, «they are never righteously rewarded, not even [only] financially speaking.» Cidade de Deus (City of God) it’s exemplar: «born 43

It’s the case of many evictions of favelados, who had been already displaced for other causes: if they resisted «blazes happened […] as it’s extremely easy to set precarious, wooden houses on fire», noted Rovena (int. 2014).

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out of evicted and relocated people, it was a social housing complex totally isolated from the rest of the city […] without electricity, water, schools, hospitals.» Such is the case of many current relocations. «So after having resisted to stay there, an incredible neighbourhood has been born, and the super-valorised area wants to get rid of them!» A menace framed as a wealthy middle-class, «bourgeois appropriation.» (ib.) In the following sections, MEs footprints most salient explorations according to the case-study will be addressed: partly by abstracting to public (5.1.1) or private (5.1.2) triggering; then looking at security issues (5.1.3) – in a manner that doesn’t claim to represent neither the whole of Maré nor the footprints’ account totality or possibilities.

5.1.1. State-triggered, unwelcome infrastructures and evictions Although evictions are statistically expected to be a prominent impact of MEs on favelas, Maré hasn’t been reached in the same way others in Rio have – Vila Autódromo is a well-documented example, being adjacent to 2016 Olympic Park in Barra da Tijuca, in Rio’s Eastern Zone. (Waldron, 2014a; see also Chapter 3). Unlike favelas such as Alemão or Providência, Maré is mostly flat – apart from Timbau hill – and thus untouched by touristy cable-car plans and evictions. (int. Barreto, 2014) Looking at State-triggered impact on Maré, most influential were the ‘sonic walls’ construction and projects planned over pre-existing textures, as the schools or UPP buildings. Up-bricking is no upgrading If one looks at public works built for Maré, they stand «parallel to highways», namely «schools, sport facilities [or the] police battalion.» Project are bordering Linha Vermelha as if to showcase for the outside. ‘Barreiras sonoras’ (sonic barriers), were attempted by 2003 and only realised for 2007 Pan American Games. Disguised «wall of shame», are believed to «invisibilise» rather than acoustically protect the favelas. (int. Diniz, 2014) In other words, a symbolic wall to divide «favelas from, let’s say, the [formal] ‘citizen’ as they call it.» (int. Lourenço, 2014) Eviction VS self-construction-powered belonging Maré residents show a strong sense of belonging typical of self-constructed favelas: «“I love this square, I remember when there was nothing: it was big jungles or mangrove swamps, and we land-filled everything, we built a square and brought shows and tranquillity”». (in int. Rosa, 2014) Another resident stated: «“There was nothing, no water [service], residents did everything on their own.”» It’s «easy» for the government to claim its property over houses and command demolitions, «houses built and renovated along 30 or more years, then the government comes and casts people 37

Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

far away.» Afterwards, this «code» is lost: «a very strong [neighbours’] network, [where] people learnt a great deal about solidarity, also as an outcome of the people’s very survival.» (ib.) Demolish, for better or worse! From 2010, Rio’s favelas increasingly started to be listed for eviction. Among these, Mandacaru – at the upper end of Maré – is often listed: «houses are of very precarious building materials, yet city council doesn’t provide with any alternative for survival, housing... on the contrary it evicts or tries to.» (Martins, 2014) A favela close to Pinheiro and Salsa e Merengue, ended up being removed for a school to be built. This planning is perceived as a controversial legacy, «for [Maré] wants more schools, but not by throwing people out of their houses.» (ib.; see O Cidadão, 2014) Maré counts one higher- and one middle- school for about 140,000 residents – even more so considering favelas demographics are skewed towards youth. (int. A. Rodrigues, 2014) Also, for building a sport court close to the Canal do Cuinha – once again close to Linha Vermelha –, evictions occurred. (int. Lino, 2014) Insufficient kindergartens, garbage collection or basic health systems, «yet the State starts moving [in] only with the army occupation.» (int. Rosa, 2014) UPP ‘Risk’ For the pacification’s last stage, the UPP buildings are installed inside favelas. «They occupy the best places, like they did in Penha [a favela in the North Zone]: they took the only leisure space, they destroyed a basket court». (int. Lino, 2014) Rather, «there should be a policy of knowing the territory before occupying it.» It shouldn’t «override», but «aggregate» spaces and services. For example, in Maré «they erased bike-roads, somewhere children went playing: wasn’t there any other option?» (ib.) Moreover, the BOPE special forces had occupied a house someone was instead trying to rent – since «empty houses» are suspected to be «criminal dens.» (int. Rosa, 2014) A space revitalised by residents as skate-park is feared to be as well cleared for the installation of future UPP buildings in Maré – close to new-born and threatened McLaren favela (Félix, 2014) – since it strategically lies on the ‘border’ between two drug-factions. (int. Escolinha de Skate Maré, 2014)

5.1.2. Market-triggered, real estate speculation and business re-appropriation The issue of gentrification and real estate speculation is felt only at an initial stage in Maré – not as the rampant phenomena in South or West Zones of Rio (see 4.2). Many referred to a general living cost increase linked to the false image of security marketed by the ‘pacification propaganda’, also causing a hyped business interest – for example, threatening Maré Museum of eviction. Pacification bubble As many other favelas, Maré is experiencing a price rise stressing residents financial conditions. 38

Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ

«It’s happening – as it did in Alemão – the rent is rising, houses and things are more expensive, in this façade.» (int. Martins, 2014) The fetched impression of ‘post-occupation safety’, promoted by media, is locally contested: «it’s in everybody’s face, that’s an illusion!» (int. Rack, 2014) The «UPP brought this real estate speculation very much in South Zone». (int. Lourenço, 2014) Yet, it also reaches Maré: «who sold the house for R$40,000 now sells for R$80,000 […] someone is even selling for R$220,000!» (ib.) This speculation bubble might burst, but meanwhile residents are already harmed: «commercial media is telling everybody’s ‘at peace’ – when actually is not – [so] the ones outside believed it and want to get properties back, old factories and terrains, for profit.» (int. Martins, 2014) From business seizure to state patrimonialisation Museu da Maré is believed to be a case of said business return. (interviews: Diniz, 2014; Lourenço, 2014; A. Rodrigues, 2014) In times when Guanabara Bay was still used for fishing, the few factories in Maré were shipyards. As such industry started closing down, old buildings were abandoned or squatted. Maré Museum was launched in 2006, developed and maintained in a building loaned for 10 years to the NGO CEASM (Maré Center of Solidarity Studies and Actions). Once the contract expired, the former owner «communicated the loss of investor interest in renewing the [loan’s] terms.» (Cangialosi, 2014d) After seven years providing an acclaimed space for historic preservation, culture and art, Museu da Maré has received official notice to vacate the property, amidst ongoing local and international opposition. (Cangialosi, 2014f) The deadline was then extended and the museum finally recognized in December 2014 as a main tourist attraction – in the same circuit of Sugarloaf Mountain or Corcovado icons; ultimately, in March 2015 Rio’s Culture Secretary stated the Museum will stay in Maré. (Balocco, 2014) Gentrification spectre and hopes The wave of asfaltização (see 2.4) – urbanisation and collateral gentrification – is hoped to also bring positive outcomes: «that they will build technical schools, improve infrastructures»– argued Rosa (int. Rosa, 2014) – «[and] improve the quality of life.» The second closest to the centre after South and West Zones (see Chapter 4), are Northern Maré and Alemão, believed to be the next target for the ones excluded from the gentrified favelas’ rising entry-barrier.

5.1.3. Security, the army yet another weaponed players The topic of security stands on its own as a controversial footprint: questioning the intentions, the strategies and the results, the army presence is in Maré one of the most prominent mega-events triggered outcome. As the facing favelas of Alemão, the army has been used in a context of ‘state of 39

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exception’, which is driven by and drives crimilitarisation phenomena (see 2.2). Insufferable conflicts are often the result of the formal city order cast and imposed upon aspects of favela life. Security for whom? Prioritising the security of non-favelados over Maré residents, former Rio governor Garotinho (in int. Diniz, 2014) argued during one of his campaigns 44: “What would it be of the drivers using Linha Vermelha, without Maré battalion?” With its entrance by Linha Vermelha and «its back-doors at Maré», many favelados wondered about the rationale of such ‘security measures’. (ib.) Similar arguments can be made about the pacification project: «it’s for the sake of World-Cup and Olympics, it’s self-evident.» (int. Barreto, 2014) For example, once mega-events will end, the forces will probably leave: «this policing in the favelas it’s surely security for people outside, once again.» (ib.) Maré, unlike the favelas in South Zone with UPP, was promised an army from very early. Indeed, from 2010 «they were preparing this ‘false peace’ idea to show gringos (foreigners) […] that we were ‘in peace’, that tourist could come to Rio de Janeiro, watch the World-Cup and do that in tranquillity.» (int. Martins, 2014) Maré is close to the international airport and highways, just as the facing Alemão: «so there are two militarised favelas», correspondingly, showing «these invasions are surely for the sake of the city ‘getting ready’ for mega-events.» (ib.) Exceptionality and in/formality meet crimilitarisation This security approach can be criticised from many points: «firstly, it’s not security for the ones who live in the favelas, and secondly, it’s a very debatable military interference, even more so in a country which had a military dictatorship some 40 years ago.» (int. Rosa, 2014) Furthermore, Maré is officially considered a neighbourhood, and thus it should have been since served with basic infrastructure and services instead (see 4.4). «With the army arrival, came the proposed ‘Social UPP’45 – as they call it –», yet the public power enters favelas «insofar only repressively.» (ib.) One year after, the memory of the Chacina de Maré – and of the nine protesters killed – is still vivid (see 4.4.2). The disproportionate and violent repression of a protest in Maré, that was similar to any other in Brazil by that time, yet treated with harsh double-standards. «Here we have no 44 From Garotinho’s (2009) blog-post it reads: «we adopted a public security model […] [to] provide the main highways of special policing, as in the case of Linha Vermelha, where we built a battalion inside Complexo da Maré to avoid the constant attacks of criminals against drivers who transit along that region.» 45 The pacification programme hasn’t been thoroughly discussed in this research. Falling out, for example, the “UPP social” «[...] created to deepen social inclusion in pacified favelas alongside the police units, has been an overwhelming failure. It has since been replaced by Rio+ Social with the jury still out on whether that will be successful.» (Ashcroft & Hilderbrand, 2014) UPP social worked on «“the territorial control and pacification of the areas with UPPs” [and] “Integration” [of] favelas […] [in]to the asfalto (“asphalt,” or “formal” city), which includes everything from defining street names and quite literally putting these communities on the map, to raising socio-economic indicators to those of the “formal” city […].» (Bentsi-Enchill, Goodenough, & Berger, 2015)

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rubber bullets, [Maré] residents were pushed back into favelas using fire shots.» (int. Martins, 2014) The protest was about ‘right to life’ and for favelas to be granted the «same law that exists in the city»: «we don’t want military occupation, but public power in other regards.» (ib.) Is it because Maré and other favelados are ‘poorer’ and ‘disadvantaged’ that there are no war-tanks also in Leblon or Copacabana wealthy areas? Indeed, in Maré, tanks and army «without any clues» keep fighting, killing, arresting, breaching houses or ‘stop-and-frisking’ on the streets: «[army-men] think that just living here, it means being ‘bandidos’ (criminals).» (ib.) «“People will have to die”!? What kind of re-socialisation is this?» – questioned Lourenço (int. 2014). Naturalised violence and police brutality often lead to unfair treatments and even extrajudicial executions. «When people talk about human rights, conventional media say “oh, this stuff of human rights is for bandidos!”» (int. Martins, 2014) Maré community newspaper O Cidadão strives to counter favela stigma by «looking at why favelas exist, why [favelados] are being criminalised, why funk is criminalised […] to question all this for the defence of culture, music, ultimately citizenship.» (ib.) Yet, «violence generates large economies – like drugs[’ ones]: media gains [and] criminalising under-served population generates income for the State.» (int. Reis, 2015) Following (hegemonic) orders «Militarisation is ridiculous because it claims to regulate plenty of life aspects.» (int. Valdean, 2014) This is mostly perceived at public spaces, notably when used for social activities. Indeed, this pacification process «brings a logic of order, of law, from a formal city viewpoint.» (ib.) This logic comes from the other half of the «divided city» (see Ventura, 1994) – where wealthy «square buildings» form «square neighbourhoods», «enclosured» or gated communities – and embeds many regulations. Still, «the city could learn a lot from life in favelas, something militarisation is not capable of altering.» (int. Valdean, 2014) Complex outcomes «Army doings, traffic doings: everyone [still] committing barbarities.» (int. A. Rodrigues, 2014) Even besieged, Maré is experienced as a ‘no man’s land’. Disregarding the army, the traffic is perceived still active – as in other pacified favelas. «Strategies changed already: the trafficker doesn’t stand in fixed points, [now] keeps changing; they used bigger weapons, they’re using smaller ones [now].» Before favelados could know when armed conflicts occurred and avoid them: with the army, «traffickers can meet, clash, and anywhere residents walking by end up stuck in between.» (ib.) Arguably «drug won’t end, its trade works with UPP […] because they could also be profiting from it.» (int. Lourenço, 2014) Additionally, residents complained about getting assaulted 41

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only recently, after the occupation. In fact, some argue that such presence broke certain symbols, and this allowed such assaults. «It already happened that a resident was assaulted and called for military-men, who replied: “I’m not here to combat assaults!”» (int. Valdean, 2014) «[Conflicts] don’t end, because it is not with police that one changes a reality, not with war!» (int. Lino, 2014)

5.2. Impacts on artists’ works and working conditions Maré artists, and in particular photographers, have had their work greatly impacted by security issues triggered by mega-events: the army hindered their freedom to circulate and take pictures. Of course the footprint that affects them as residents is present and relevant, as for example the financially interfering rising cost of living and transport of the city. (interview Diniz, 2014) Freedom to move and click «One has to ask for official permission to the [army] command... are they nuts!? I’ve always photographed around here!» – stated Rodrigues (int. 2014), arguing that one should have the «right as citizen» to take pictures of «officials in uniforms» as «public people». «I’ve been taking pictures in favelas from 1999» – he argued (ib.) – «as a photographer it got harder, because one has to mediate with police, with the army... and also with the [drug] traffic that still goes on!» Under life danger or violence threat by the many armed actors, he concluded (ib.): «is this what UPP means? Which pacification is this? Which ‘project of city’ is this one that has to do with militarisation and not education, [nor] formation of citizens?» Notably, some photographers suffered from personal and equipment damages by repressive State forces – also during protests in other parts of Rio. «It’s becoming the hell for us to go and take pictures, and gain some reflections upon it.» – complained Rodrigues (ib.) He had the motorbike ‘accidentally’ shot by army-men, thus hindered in the mobility required to move and work in a congested city as Rio: «The State supposed to protect me, provide me a better life and work, shot my equipment, my bike which takes me everywhere: these guys cut my legs!». Some houses of photographers were broken into and equipment destroyed, or others have been stopped and ordered their pictures to be deleted. (int. Barreto, 2014) «Only because I live here I can’t do my clicks?» – protested Barros (int. 2014). With this continuous tension of possible conflicts, the very intent to take pictures is ruined: «One is discomforted, questioned […] it’s so hard to even think about it.» (int. Diniz, 2014)

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6. MEs resistances by Maré artists This chapter will approach field-work material about conceptualisations, perceptions and practices of oppressions and resistances; sketching trends and approaches of artists to their work, mainly focussing on photographers’ collective Imagens do Povo, the documentation of quotidian over stigmatised depictions of favelas, the activism in disputing over imageries and representations.

6.1. Resistances and oppressions, peek into Maré struggles Given the account of MEs footprints (see Chapter 5) and favelas (see Chapter 4), it's already possible to detect a few typologies and instances of oppression46. In the following sections, the latter will minimally frame those forms referenced by Maré residents and artists (6.1.1), to then contrast such oppressions with an assemblage of practices, visions, definitions of resistances (6.1.2).

6.1.1. Oppressions, im/material violations As illustrated below, the oppressions perceived by interviewed Maré residents (see also 5.1) account for: (1) State repression by means of physical and psychological violence – e.g ‘autos de resistência’, evictions, ‘stop-and-frisks’ –, behind and beyond crimilitarisation; the latter sustained and legitimised by (2) media and further stigmatisation of favelas; also (3) private actors charmed by the ‘pacification propaganda’ and thus fostering real estate speculation, rise of living costs and finally gentrification; (4a) ultimately, society at large, not having access to favelados daily life, is still held captive of a ‘single-storied’ version, and at times even (4b) unreceptive of favelas grievances and communication – often ostracised – attempts. ‘Repressão eterna da favela’ The history of favelas is infamously tainted by systemic violence and exploitation: from Canudo wars of post-slavery times and unmet land grants promises, to Cabeça de Porco settlement massacre and successive evictions, throughout either ‘cosmetic’ or dependency-making policies of dictatorial and democratic times, until modern drug traffic misfortunes. (see Cangialosi, 2014a, pp. 5–11) Nevertheless, as Janice Perelman (2011) argued, favelados are not ‘marginals’: on the contrary they’re «tightly integrated into [society] – albeit in an asymmetrical manner.» (in Cangialosi, 2014a, p. 7) The historical – to the current – harm inflicted on favelas can be read from the State Security 46 The word has been chosen echoing Paulo Freire (1970) legacy often found in favelados’ words, hereby used as an umbrella-term for human rights violations, discriminations, exploitations, etc.

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Secretary Beltrame statements, caught by Wikileaks: «One cannot imagine what government neglect of the favelas has done to this city. It is a failure of public service.» (in Ashcroft, 2014a) Photographer Valdean (int. 2014) argued about State interventions prior to army ones: «the occupation is a more extended military operation, which had yet always existed!» Some referred to pacification as «weapons switching hands» – from drug traffickers – to «a representative of State, a representative truly connected to repression and oppression.» (ib.) The army presence keeps reminding how «poor continue being [oppressed, even] tortured – especially when poor and black.» (int. Rosa, 2014) Within the same city space, only favelados are coerced into a limited freedom, a «conditional release»: «to dominate [favelas] means keeping the ones who live on the other side under an impression of relief, saying the State functions and controls – constantly violating the rights to be, come and go, of [favelas’] population.» (ib.) Current State can be seen akin to colonial or dictatorial regimes, where favelados stand on a «shooting line», amidst «several other interests» which never really contemplate them, as argued by graffiti artist Reis (int. 2015): «nothing changed, only the way news are framed by media, repressão eterna da favela (unending favela repression)!» Single-storied favelas Violence is but one story, and it’s surely not one that defines favelas in all their facets. Indeed, all favelados interviewed accused certain stereotypical and stigmatised renditions of favelas as demeaning and diminishing, to the point of a wholesale and devastating criminalisation of them all. Such pervasive «culture of invisible violence» chants: «“Don’t go to favelas, don’t!”, “Favelas are dangerous places!” “Don’t mingle with people from favelas!”» – lamented Nata Família stencil crew (int. 2014), bringing the non-favelados’ perspective. The account given by someone living outside favelas is often biased on multiple levels. «This discrimination of poor people, also racial, a discrimination so strong is alienating!» (ib.) Favelados recounted of daily abuses, like waking up to guns pointed at their faces while still in bed: «Breaking in, without any warrants? [...] They come in looking down onto us as if we were inferior» – voice Maré graffiti artist Soares (int. 2014). Even soldiers, the majority living in peripheries, can be somehow «oppressed» – argued Maré photographer Lourenço (int. 2014): «it’s the oppressor commanding over the oppressed – soldiers – who are giving orders here to try oppressing another oppressed – favela residents.» «As part of the routine when it comes to the large number of deaths of young black Brazilians», the media sensationalising and shocking look at violence and drug traffic can sustain criminalisation – for example «by publishing images of children playing with kites while carrying guns in the favela.» (Gepp, 2015) Conversely, such coverage can spur desensitisation (in Shaer, 2015):

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ Police shootings in Alemão are so common that they barely register outside the favelas. “Four or five bodies show up, […] maybe it makes the news […] One body? Never. The media doesn’t care what happens here. They’d rather not think about it.”

The latter statement by independent media collective Papo Reto founder (see 4.3.1) points at mass/alternative media divide. In Lourenço’s (int. 2014) words: «We live in a technological time of information and disinformation at once: [too] much distorted information!» Acts of resistance, bravery or oppression? In Brazil, ‘acts of resistance’ is a wording linked to past military dictatorship, which still shows how crimilitarisation (see 2.2) can mean – extra-judicial – death sentences. In fact, registered as ‘autos de resistência’, this term describes confrontations where police responded in ‘self defence’. With statistics of 20 killings per month, in 1998 Human Rights Watch reported Rio’s Military Police chief of police to even reward officers involved for their ‘acts of bravery’ 47. «However, HRW discovered that many of these cases were inconsistent with acts of self defense: bullets in the back of the head, multiple (in one case 32) gunshot wounds.» (Ashcroft, 2014b) Under such laws – argued Maré photographer Rodrigues (int. 2014) – «if they kill youth here, as it always occurs, they set up a ‘flagrant’, a weapon in his hands and say that the person had been killed in a troca de tiro (gunfight): ‘auto de resistência’.» ‘Official media’ only frame favelados as «scum, unemployed, criminals», justifying and fostering the naturalisation of such police brutality. «Oppression, the whole time, whether in television or elsewhere, telling that criminals have to be killed 48!» – voiced photographer Lourenço (int. 2014).

6.1.2. Resistances, in/direct manifestations Communication and protest endeavours All Maré favelados asked recognise the media bias: «How is it that the television doesn’t show the people’s day by day?» – protested photographer Barreto (int. 2014). Another perspective contrasting «the commercial media saying “the army’s here to bring peace”» is proposed by «the alternative media – the ones that arguably search out the factual information – show[ing]: “these article are wrong! It’s not like this!” Yet these media never gets to [vast] population.» (int. Lourenço, 2014) «The strategy has always been […] producing information, contrasting what’s 47 «Police violence reached a peak in 2007, when Rio’s forces killed 1,330 people, the large majority of these in the poorest parts of the city.» (Ashcroft, 2014b) 48 «“Violence always existed in the community. But now that the police have pacified it, this violence grew because the government is using the propaganda [machine]. When you see a [police] representative on television that says that a good bandit is a dead bandit, they show what the police are actually doing in the community.”» – argued a Cantagalo resident and member of the Network Against Violence (in Ashcroft & Hilderbrand, 2015, italic added)

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been set up.» – claimed Rodrigues (int. 2014). Currently, many favelas residents do take pictures, record videos and send all via mobiles to NGOs and human rights workers: «if the army misbehaves, there’s always someone making a small clip and posting: so they must think twice before screwing up!» (ib.) The lack of «dialogue» and «understanding» is recognised as a central issue. The attempt is «to foster […] a partnership, a dialogue: [something] much more pacific than the way in which [favelados] are treated.» – suggested Barreto (int. 2014). Still, there are «ruptures» in the dialogue about some «city matters» – as photographer Valdean (int. 2014) claimed: «many have died in conflicts and then press told the boy was a [drug] trafficker, involved [in crime] and so on». Ultimately, he argued: «what’s left, as a communicative action is closing the [highway Avenida] Brasil and burn tires!» (see 4.4). Indeed, the proximity with main traffic arteries has often been strategically used by Maré protesters. «An illegitimate action, but one that in its radicalism is a language, an extreme form due to the lack of other possibilities [to] raise the voice» 49. A sadly common example features a young boy killed and the news only reporting the police version, over the mother and resident ones – which could counter the ‘autos de resistência’ setting-up. Yet, «this version doesn’t have any importance, doesn’t seem to have any importance! So, close the [highways] Amarela or Brasil, stop the traffic, burn tires, wave flags... because this is the extreme point of communication with the rest [of the city]» Still, even this communication’s last resort often «results in nothing.» (ib.) Photographer Rosa (int. 2014) recounted other many communicative efforts, as the successful campaign ‘Somos da Maré e Temos Direitos’ (We Are From Maré and We Have Rights) (see 4.4) which contributed to securing rights, raising awareness and obtaining a service of ombudsman: «for – when the UPP comes – the idea is […] [that] if one has a problem with criminals, one goes to the police for complaining; when one has troubles with the police, whom does one complain to?» Direct, confrontational actions Valdean (int. 2014) assured: «There are countless actions in […] resistance of mega-events. Because it’s natural, when confronted with a situation of conflicts like this, people are naturally going to resist – artistically, or any other ways.» Yet, the ‘authoritarian’ system replied brutally. (see 4.4.2) A ‘carnival block’ in Maré made a case of «direct resistance»: «since the territory is fragmented due to the various armed group, this [block] used to parade each year and discuss issues 49 Recalling a passage from Dr. Martin Luther King’s (1967) speech: «These [humiliating] conditions are the things that cause individuals to feel that they have no other alternative than to engage in violent rebellions to get attention. And I must say […] that a riot is the language of the unheard.»

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of transit, of ‘[right to] come and go’ in Maré.» Yet, some of their «illegal actions» were perceived to interfere with other forms of resistances. Dissensions about public spaces keep occurring, for example in the case of criminalised and banned parties, i.e. baile funk (see 4.2). Acts of disobedience were historically common in Maré, like closing up streets (see 4.4): «Even with war tanks present, people keep doing it. […] But after all, [favelados] are civilians, not military.» (ib.) Arts of resistances: stencil, graffiti and photography What happens at work, art and resistance intersection? As a sub-set from the Maré vastness and richness, the following excerpts50 from case-study interviews show personal definitions and testimonies by graffiti artists and mainly photographers, later presented in detail (see 6.2). Since 2014 UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, yet historically a symbol of struggle against slavery, racism and other oppressions – according to Nata Família (int. 2014) – in Brazil «the art of resistance is Capoeira itself.» The stencil collective, born and based outside favelas, participated in Maré Travessias 3 contemporary art festival (see 4.4.1) with stencil performances (choosing a photo by Imagens do Povo as inspiration) and workshops. For them, Resistance means respecting traditions […] many people mistake resistance for rebellion. […] To resist is doing things in their essence, achieve doing something even when everything’s against it. For one to resist in something one believes, this is resistance: and the art holds this role. [For example,] regardless of everybody telling “you can’t paint there!”, “you can’t speak like this or that!”, people do talk back! Our way of resisting lies in all varieties of expressions, all this explosion of unnecessary formations. We give ours, […] believing it to be important without anything in return! […] There’s something to the resistance, there in the favelas, a purity... very purity of the residents. Even without having lived there, it’s something I admire, that is for everyone to admire going by favelas – without generalising, still. Resistance is a word that allows many ways of thinking, many meanings. To me it means ransoming old values that got lost. So it’s something one practices, if one is putting in practice that, he [or she] is resisting by that act: in those practices that are more day by day. The ones who live there [in favelas] that’s top of resistance, damn!, daily facing violence – material, as well.

Maré Lona Cultural (see 4.4) producer Geisa Lino opinioned (int. 2014) about how, although some favelados graffiti artists are very «oppositional» and «politicised», still «they are not going to emphasise or create a propaganda about such a corrupted government. They aren’t letting these happenings interact with their work.» Felipe Reis (int. 2015), graffiti artist reference in Maré – who participated in Travessias 3 festival as performer and workshop instructor – offered his definition: Art of resistance is believing it would bring something about without any financial return, instead 50 Such interplay is articulated very differently among the various artists. To respect such complexity, the selected interview extracts in this section are expressly kept the most lengthy and uncut as possible.

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ something from inside-out – not only ‘customer satisfaction’; to be and stay present in other circles, not only those favouring one’s interests. I don’t know whether there’s a form or strategy to be resistant against the masses, the status [quo]. I think there’s something as artist, to allow oneself to perish in some ways, yet the survival [issue] exists: we need an exchange, a return – but how does this apply in a society that pushes ones against a wall that defines the artist? A question that might be complex to be answered nowadays, something very personal: I define my living as answer.

Spread across Rio de Janeiro, various «engaged» graffiti writers – for example, ‘Mafia44’ crew from Niteroi, São Gonzalo – painted denouncing the abuses of drugs and of the ‘war on drugs’. In Maré – according to photographer Diniz (int. 2014) – graffiti artists are rather only focussed on art. Leonardo Rack (int. 2014) and Robson Soares (int. 2014) – member of ‘Atari Funkers’ crew with Felipe Reis – are active in Maré. Both distrusting State interventions and especially sceptical towards ‘pacification propaganda’ by media, they «briefly painted something about such topics». Yet, believing «painting and talking of favelas are frequently accessed via ‘colours of violence’», these artists conversely «aim way beyond such [narratives]» via, for example, different «formats or visions of reality: an art which until today hasn’t been imposed any political position upon.» (ib.) Bruno Zagri (int. 2014), graffiti artist who lived in Maré and Travessias3 participant, affirmed: Even being marginalised from the beginning, due to poor ghettos of black and latinos, [graffiti art] always had this character, a very subversive vocation. Until today, regardless being accepted in Brazil, in other places of the world graffiti are still crime, still illegal. So, today there’s a team [of graffiti artists] who lives and keeps the essence of graffiti as ‘vandal’ – ‘depredation’ even. Politicised graffiti, graffiti of attack, graffiti of denounce. I believe it’s really valid, man! Since it’s the propaganda of the oppressed against the oppressors, it’s the weapon we have, be it paper, pencil, microphone, spray... I think graffiti can be used to decorate houses as much as to send out a message.

Ratão Diniz (int. 2014), Maré favelado and fecund photographer, (see 6.2.2) reflected at length on resistance in arts, especially in relation to photography and favelas: Photography has to be an instrument for one not to desist! Regardless of being an environment so intense, so mad, Maré people are living now in. I think people can’t stop to act, to mobilise space[s]. I think Maré has this particularity, being so big, – not only Maré, there are many favelas in Rio, but still – there’s a very consistent artistic movement that is so alive, that is today part of the [favelas] identity. This strengthens [favelas]! I believe this unites, for people not to desist! I think this movement of arts in Maré, for a necessity of people to explore, to expose themselves towards a conflict of the very human being. […] “How is it that there’s in Rio de Janeiro such an artistic movement of marginal arts [i.e. from peripheries]?” – I don’t mean in conventional sense, of streets and interventions: but graffiti, performances, theatre in the streets. […] Rio is living in such a crazy moment, politically, which is awful beyond definition! Rio is really exposed – it hasn’t been voiced enough – that everything is sold, policies

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Vida Pulsante – Mega-events footprints and resistances by artists in Maré favelas, RJ are not watched over, projects not financed… It’s a struggle. I believe this artistic movement is a necessity of Cariocas [Rio residents] wanting to denounce; and in Maré it turned even stronger. What was there before the army, it’s now even more ahead in the sense of productions, meetings, collectives; of doing something, and not leaving anything die! […] One can’t just think of photography, but [all] arts have this power, of change, transformation and resistance. We improve and strengthen ourselves with others, and Maré is powerful in this. I always try to stick to the team, to support, to not let die.

Monara Barreto (int. 2014), favelada born in Alemão and working in Maré for Imagens do Povo as well, (see 6.2.2) offered her perspective as photographer and archivist: I think that from our archives, [resistance] is very strongly present. An image has a very strong power to convince people: I believe our work it’s a lot about this, by Imagens do Povo or many photographers who share a very similar discourse. Making pictures with the aim of bringing about change, starting from the interpretations of people [themselves]. Starting from the moment in which one sees a picture not shaming favelas! Many times I’ve been told: “Gosh!, such beautiful pictures of favelas that you’ve taken!” And it’s precisely this, starting from our archive [to] convince those people that this is a space like any other in the city; how people live ordinarily, working, studying: and that [favelados] like to live here as well.

As illustrated above, resistance for artists can be seen and practised as means to: (1) preserve specific cultures or traditions, in times of repression or commodification; (2) help to keep one’s identity and work focus, no matter external disturbances (mega-events related) or (neoliberal) cooptation; (3a) counter oppressions (see 6.1.1), either directly opposing its sources, (3b) or contrasting them with alternatives (favelas representations) (4) or finally just by the sheer and ‘honest’ work, superseding the bias of unemployed or criminal favelados.51

6.2. Photographers’ collective Imagens do Povo at Observatório de Favelas Among the artistic formations arising from Maré fertile soils, this research tackles a wellestablished institution of photography, networked with many other favelas’ NGOs and projects. In the next two sections, via Imagens do Povo photographers’ works and considerations, two inferred and generalised trends will be analysed: one showcasing an interest for alternative coverage of struggles and denounce of violations (6.2.1); another providing an account of favelas which portrays daily life, culture and events conventionally left out of the ‘single-story’ rendition (6.2.2). 20 years of empathetic photography In 2004, ‘Escolas de Fotógrafos Populares’ (Popular Photographers Schools) were created and coordinated by the photo-documentarist João Roberto Ripper in spaces such as favelas, «so that 51 Exemplified by statements as: «We have to go on, we can’t stop. […] My answer is my work: [thus] be respectful! [Army] keeps misbehaving, without approaching people properly, without respect.» (int. Lino, 2014) «In 16 years [of career], the coming of the army doesn’t change anything: my work keeps being the same.» (int. Amaro, 2014)

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residents could become protagonists of what was happening and changing locally.» (int. Lourenço, 2014) Pillars of the institution are the formation of photographers from ‘popular spaces’, allying photographic technique, social issues and democratisations of communication – promoting the ‘right to communicate’ as in the «third generation of human rights». (Baroni, 2015, p. 3) «Documenting favelas daily, via a critical perception, Imagens do Povo isn’t just ‘popular photography’ in its representation», but also in the making. (int. Lourenço, 2014) The second publication, commemorating the 20th anniversary in 2014, was called ‘Nós’ (We) and highlights this ‘empathy’ between photographers and photographed. Though many works assume «activist traits», this occurs in the «opportunity» of the «photographers gaze»: rather a «possibility», than a «compulsion» – certainly political, but above all poetical, i.e. «finding in the quotidian the beauty present in the common.» (Miranda, 2015) «Central objective of the program is creating novel representations of popular spaces contributing to the deconstruction of stigmas related to such territories.» (BlogIP, 2015) As Rovena Rosa (int. 2014), former professor and now coordinator of Imagens do Povo, summarised: the proposal of IdP – «beyond all this concern about formation, market and so on» – is an effortful work «in the field of symbolic, precisely in the resistance against stereotypes – the single story – giving people the chances to see via other gazes and other perspectives in relation to these [city] spaces. In this sense [Idp] is a resistance against stereotypes.» IdP is a brain-child of Observatório de Favelas (Favela Observatory) – which is also the partner organisation of Redes de Maré (Maré Networks): «a civil society institution which conducts research, capacity-building, consulting work and public action aimed at producing knowledge and proposals on favela-related issues and urban phenomena.» The fostered agenda entails expanding citizens’ rights, «based on the redefinition of favelas in the context of public policy initiatives, development and public security.» (Melo, 2015) Widely recognised and awarded, Imagens do Povo achieved many national, international awards and exhibitions – ranging from Maré’s annual Travessias contemporary art festival to taking part of events as Rio +20 and the International Circus Festival; or covering elections for French-German channel ARTE and FLUPP. (BlogIP, 2015) IdP boasts an archive of more than 10,000 images online, and about double offline. So far more than 200 photographers were formed by the programs52, among whom about 70 constitute the ‘Agência Escola’ (School Agency)53.

52 «Courses of photography take up 10 months, 540 hours – with access to photography language, photo-journalism, human rights, history of arts and philosophy – go beyond a mere course of photography image.» (int. Rosa, 2014) 53 The School-Agency provides services of photography coverage in the area of events (institutional, social, sport, etc.) and editorial, together with documentary archive projects development at request; sided by formation courses.

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6.2.1. Reporter-activist approach (Baltar, Naldinho & A.F. Rodrigues) In this generalised grouping fall some photographers who have expressed social denounces in claiming rights and making oppressors accountable – e.g. army occupation or other pacifications. Baltar, of inalienable respect and rights Social documentarian photographer, Luiz Baltar (2015) was formed at the School of Popular Photographers of Maré. Since 2009, he records the daily process of evictions in several communities, resulting in a collective work entitled Tem Morador (There is resident), aiming at denouncing human rights violations and providing support and solidarity to people’s struggle. He provided his photography for ‘SHM 2016’ (2015) – i.e. the code for eviction painted of houses before demolition – which documented Rio’s evictions from 2009 until 2013, plausibly amounting to more than the previous Pereira Passos and Carlos Lacerda administrations combined. (Chagas & Grellet, 2015) Baltar (2015) also documented pacification and «military invasions», «participating in the network of communicators and tracking task forces sponsored by the Network of Communities and movements against violence» across Rio’s favelas. He «believes in photography as a form of activist and critical expression, pursuing the establishment of a dialogue between photography and social issues, above all regarding what concerns the gaze on the city.» (ib.) Member of Imagens do Povo, Baltar is also part of ‘Favela em Foco’ (Focus on Favela)54 collective among other projects, fostering community media «to document the struggles and daily life while giving visibility and support. It is to do this with, not for, [communities].» (Robertson, 2014) Among many albums in Baltar’s Flickr portfolio (2007) stand out those projects related to Maré and social issues related to mega-events and militarisation. 55 «It’s time to mobilise: Maré resists!» reads ‘Maré Occupation’ album description: the «sensationalist spectacle of media» hits favelas. At once suffering public power «incompetence» and «negligence», while nurturing the fight for overcoming inequalities and for the «right to have rights», favelas don’t accept «militarisation, criminalisation […] and violation of rights» for «peace is not conquered by yet more weapons.» Below two Baltar’s pictures: “Which peace I don’t want to keep, to try being happy?” (2014a) – at army pacification dawn, word ‘paz’ (peace) hanging down power lines (5/04/2014) –; “March Against Black People Genocide in Maré” (2014b) – protesters crossing above Av. Brasil highway, holding signs against UPP and criminalisation of poverty and social movements (6/09/2014). 54 Born in 2007, after two years planning, Favela Observatory offered photography workshops to Jacarezinho favela’s youth, which then expanded with «photographers from Jacarezinho, Complexo do Alemão, Bonsucesso, and Maré, all in Rio’s under-served North Zone» and coverage «including protests during the World Cup, [UPP] occupations, trash collectors’ strike, and traditional Afro-Brazilian religious celebrations.» (Robertson, 2014) 55 The disclaimer in almost every picture significantly reads: «This picture shall never be used to offend the image of the photographed, [nor] jeopardise his honour and dignity.» (Baltar, 2007)

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Photo 1: Luiz Baltar, “Qual a paz que eu não quero conservar [p]ra tentar ser feliz?”

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Photo 2: Luiz Baltar, “Marcha contra o genocídio do Povo Negro na Maré” 53

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Naldinho, demystifying favelas oppressors Maré favelado formed at Popular School of Photographers in 2006, Naldinho Lourenço was coordinator of the Project ‘Work & Communication & Art’ for visual arts from 2006 to 2009. He participated in collective exhibitions as ‘Olhar Cúmplice’ (Complicit Gaze), ‘Esporte na favela’ (Sports in favela), ‘Além da Imagem’ (Beyond the Image) among many others. After the experience at ‘Imaginação Maré’ collective and audio-visual workshops by NGO CEASM in 2000, Naldinho (int. 2014) began specialising in photojournalism from 2008, «starting from the death of an 8-yearold child called Mateus – the police killed.» (see Clarke, 2013) He documented issues of «police violence», trying to show the «other side» of the protest in favelas, mainly in Maré. Naldinho (int. 2014) criticised past favelas documentation, tainted by «the role of photographer who, living outside, followed police already focussed on violence, looking for blaming and shaming», the lack of dialogue towards residents and the abuse of police or army authority as main source of conflicts. He lamented the criminalisation by «conventional media» of favelas as «production of drug traffickers»: «you spend a week here and you can [already] see that it’s not like this, man!, not at all!» Beyond the fact that criminality does exist «to a certain extent», Naldinho endeavour is directed to «demystify what [mass] media do» and keep «State oppression» in check. In addition to such, he fosters «documentary photography that valorises the other, working on human rights above photography itself»: «weekend barbecues», «kids playing football», «flying kites», etc. «[All] this has to be shown! This culture, […] this strength that Maré has!» (ib.) Among the many and different Naldinho documentations on Flickr (2008), stand out ‘Taça das Favelas’ (Favelas Trophy), Rio’s favelas football competition with the aim of promoting integration and promoting visibility and the coverage of favelas’ theatre company ‘Marginal’ shows56. Below, two Naldinho’s pictures: the “Occupation of Rocinha” (Lourenço, 2011) – taken on the pacification first day (13/11/2011) – also accompanied by a comment and quote 57, linking occupied favelas to a song which warns about their dangerous transformations; the “Wall”, taken six years after the killing of a young 16-year-old Maré resident by the police at the moment when favelados where attempting to close a highway in commemoration and protest but met army-men opposition.

56 The group is composed by Maré residents, developing since more than 5 years with the NGO Redes de Maré – acting and working towards the democratisation of the artistic process itself. 57 Complemented by the author adding: «Be it Rocinha, Prazeres, Alemão, São Carlos, Mangueira or Maré», playing around favelas names Paulo César Pinheiro song “Nomes de Favela” goes: «The rooster doesn’t sing anymore in Cantagalo (“singing rooster”) / Water doesn’t run down no more in Cachoeirinha (“small waterfall”) / Kids don’t pick mangos in Mangueira (“mango fields”) / And now what a big city is Rocinha (“small back-country”)!»

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Photo 3: Naldinho Lourenço, “Muro”

Photo 4: Naldinho Lourenço, “Ocupação da Rocinha” 55

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A.F. Rodrigues, countering bias with empathy In 2006, Adriano “A.F.” Rodrigues formed both at Popular School of Photographers and ESPOOC (Popular School of Critical Communication)58. Graduated in Agricultural Sciences (at UFRRJ) and Geography (at UFF) he is member of Rio’s Special Coordination of Communication. Rodrigues partook in many exhibitions, as 2007 ‘Belonging: an inside story from Rio’s favelas’ at London’s Canning House and 2015 East London’s ‘Becontree 100’, «celebrating the extraordinary moments, images and stories […] the lives and experiences of local residents.» (Byrne, 2015) «Geography is necessarily present in this discussion of space that photography I’m developing, together with colleagues from Imagens do Povo» – explained Rodrigues (int. 2014) – «[about] the extensions and dynamics occurring among residents, workers, students of the ones who live in popular spaces and formal city.» Photography practiced as «provocation» for the ones who don’t usually have access to the «information [that] permeate» these spaces, which «will reach them, and with that will engage in this reflexive process.» In fact, he strives for «dialogue» and «interaction» among those «spaces and people who live and build them […] bringing information which counter what has been historically imposed on what favelas are, by people who are not favelados.» (ib.) From his Flickr portfolio (2007), standing out are albums like ‘Revelando Favelas’ (Unveiling Favelas): aiming at «unveiling untold stories. [untold] not because they’re omitted by their characters, but because unheard […]» Moreover, it’s an ‘empathic’ photography quest «for diversity of colours, believes, origins, interests […] revealing, for others, a different version of favelas[:] a place of daily labour, of unending study, of struggle, of fraternity, tenderness, art and leisure.» There are various documentations of Maré protests, like 2008 ‘Act for Life, Against Extermination’ and ‘Scream of the Excluded’ – yearly civil society protest against State oppression –, as well as pacification processes throughout the Rio city and events across the whole Brazil. In the caption of ‘Death in Maré’ picture, Rodrigues (2009) recounts what has been witnessed as tortures before a resident’s killing: «We don’t even conceive making this kind of reportage for it might seem too appellative, but they’re necessary [documentations] so to build upon these mournful stories and in some way contribute to a serious reflections about the state of things.» Below, two picture by A.F. Rodrigues: “Father runs to protect his baby” (2010), from the album “Violence in Alemão Complex” – taken during the invasion of the favelas (see 4.3.1) (26/09/2010) – and “Regardless, life continues in Rio’s favelas” – tagged with #FavelaResiste and taken in a Maré favela particularly full of skateboards among youth side by side military war-tanks. (12/2014). 58 It’s yet another brain-child of Favelas Observatory, like the Pinhole Workshop partnership he taught for in 2008.

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Photo 5: A.F. Rodrigues, “Pai corre para proteger seu bebê”

Photo 6: A.F. Rodrigues, “Mais do mesmo e a vida segue nas favelas do Rio” 57

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6.2.2. Archivist-documentarian approach (Barros, Monara, Ratão & Valdean) This grouping comprises photographers who engaged in protecting the memory and culture of favelas, those daily and festive events beyond external disturbances – e.g. mega-events and army. Barros, because Maré rocks Maré photographer and video-maker, Paulo Barros was formed at the School of Popular Photographers in 2009 and Photography Educators in 2010. He documented the rock music scene of Maré, producing video-clips and following tours – Canto Cego and Algoz Maré bands (see 4.4.1) – and internationally. Also member of collectives Favela em Foco and ‘Caçadores de Sonhos’ (Dream Hunters), Barros took part in many exhibitions and workshops. Both his Flickr (2009) and personal (2015) portfolios prominently feature music or urban sports and arts subjects (BMX, skateboards, graffiti, break-dancing, etc.), together with daily-life and social events coverages. In Barros words (int. 2014) Imagens do Povo catered «much about photography as ethical and political issues.» For Barros, «photography can serve to expose also what’s good about [favelas] – not the violence, the [drug] traffic, that we’re tired to see – at the same time keep watching over issues like military interventions.» He regards highly «the political part, the most engaged part of human photography», «thinking critically» and «denouncing» about favelas; yet later he «kept doing this a bit differently, more focussed on art itself». Thus, Barros documented «graffiti among other hip-hop elements […], as well as something very specific to Maré, which is its Rock.» Where the single-story rendition of favelas would only feature funk, pagode and samba – «considered popular rhythms» – «one can find a completely different reality [in Maré]: there’s an immense diversity, plenty of artists in all areas, and many many musicians playing Rock.» The work of Barros isn’t just about «accompanying art and culture in Maré, giving support [by] taking pictures at shows, and disseminating», but ultimately «making networks: everyone being friendly and supportive, chasing after [each other] with talent, struggling, making things happen.» He’s aware of commodification threats, but hopes that favelados «with their logic, are making art for art [’s sake], transforming, pushing it beyond mercantilismo» – by which he meant «selling without any worry about the message conveyed while [the product is] consumed […].» (ib.) Below, two Barros’ pictures. “Algoz and Matanza” – portraying Algoz rock band (see 4.4.1) opening the concert of country-core band Matanza in Duque de Caxias (28/03/2015); “Meeting of Favela 8” (2013) – documenting ‘MoF’ 8th edition, one of the biggest graffiti event at Vila Operária favela, Duque de Caxias: world-record mutirão (collective volunteering) by hundreds of artists hiphop various disciplines, sided by social projects like health checks (01/12/2013). 58

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Photo 7: Paulo Barros, “Algoz e Matanza”

Photo 8: Paulo Barros, “Meeting of Favela 8” 59

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Monara, to access and preserve memories Favelada from Complexo do Alemão, Monara Barreto formed at School of Popular Photographers in 2009 and currently works as database indexer – parallel to her Biblioteconomy studies (at UFRJ). Meanwhile, from 2008 to 2009, Monara took part of the workshop ‘PAC Memories’ – documenting the works of ‘Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento’ in Alemão favelas59, an urbanisation and development State programme started in 2007; she’s also part of Favela em Foco collective and participated in various exhibitions – among which 2011 ‘Prazer, sou do Povo’ (Pleasure meeting you, I’m from the people) in Santa Tereza – and other workshops. Monara (int. 2014) expressed her «interest in organising the memory, to preserve Maré’s remembrances.» Such project goes even beyond Maré, with «IdP’s database being quite specific, it focuses on popular spaces and festivities». Such is «an archive that many image databases don’t have: having access to different places, recording such images and bringing them [to fruition].» Having confronted her lived experiences as favelada with media stigmatisation, she «always bore that in mind»: “why aren’t these other sides of favelas shown?” (ib.) Monara’s effort lies in «showing what people are used to see, independently from that being favelas or other environments […] for people to know how [someone else’s] daily life.» Her interest in graffiti allowed her to follow Rio North Zone scene, and across the city, always with the mindset «for the graffiti, like favelas, to show the side [outsiders] aren’t used to know.» The approach is allembracing, «to show beyond grafiteiros [graffiti artists] painting on walls.» Ultimately, «as part of the city is not integrated – but still making part of it –» via photography she deals with «historical inequalities» and media which still «separate favelas from the city.» (ib.) Monara’s Flickr portfolio (2011) features extensively graffiti artists – e.g. Felipe Reis at mentioned Travessias 3 contemporary art festival (see 6.1.2) – and body painters at work, celebrations and shows – especially about her home-place, the Alemão’s Hill. Below, two Barreto’s pictures: “Graffiti in McLaren” (2014a) – featuring graffiti artist Bruno Smoky, favelado paulista from Brasilandia, contribution to Maré’s youngest favela (see 4.4) (14/03/2014); “Timoneiros da Viola Bloc” part of Imagens do Povo carnival coverage ‘Folia de Imagens 2015’ – block dedicated to Paulinho da Viola60 (08/02/2015).

59 Said program received many critiques: part of this investments resulted in a cable-cars system, for which many – including Monara and her family who luckily «got to buy a new house and fix everything» – were evicted (see 4.3). 60 Artist from São Paulo, member of “A Voz do Morro” (The voice of the hills, favelas), who provided unprecedented chances for sambistas (samba composers) from favelas to record their own works without intermediaries.

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Photo 9: Monara Barreto, “Graffiti na McLaren”

Photo 10: Monara Barreto, “Bloco Timoneiros da Viola” 61

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Ratão, of origins, pride and belonging Ratão Alegria Diniz was formed at Maré School of Popular Photographers, entered Favela em Foco collective and in early 2015 left Imagens do Povo. From 2007 he’s worked on the project ‘Revelando os Brasis’ (Revealing the Brazils) for Culture Minister’s Audio-Visual Secretary. Diniz participated in various national and international projects – like 2012 ‘Rio Occupation’ artist residency in London and ‘Ginga da Vida’ for Alliance Française in Paris. He recently published his first photography book ‘Em Foto’ (In Pictures) (2015): collecting images, testimonies, interviews and reports from places, people and events throughout Brazil along four sections ‘Favela’, ‘Graffiti’, ‘Festas Populares’ (Popular Celebrations) and ‘Interior’ (Country-side). Ratão (int. 2014) expressed his unwithered determination to «take pictures, get to know places and people, tell [their] stories: making something that would contribute to society in some ways.» In fact, «thinking photography as a cultural and political means, rather than work», his ideals deeply aligned with IdP’s vocation: «it’s not a denounce, or let’s say that it is... but a denounce by the beauty, the beauty of favelas!» Showing beauty, happiness and good-will regardless of social or geographical contexts is the key counter-stigmatisation. In his words: I consider myself favelado since favela is a plant from Bahian sertão (rural inland), which resists to rigid cold and heat of those areas. So, my friend, just as that plant I believe I resist to the climatic diversity of the human being and environment, this diversity so complex! We are – we have to be – favelados to live in this madness that are the contradictions of our lives. (ib.)

Thus, favelado are represented with pride and «photography strengthens such identity […], this awareness of one’s origins, one’s histories» which Ratão has not denied – rather revered – to fight against discriminations and biases. «As a photographer, this issue of belonging only got stronger!» So, in his work Ratão often explores the many Brazilian local cultures and traditions, especially the North-Eastern components which are the root of city migrants creating Maré favelas (see 4.4). (ib.) From Ratão’s Flickr portfolio (2005) stand out: ‘Revolta Popular’ (Popular Revolution) covering protests in and out favelas; ‘GraffitArte’ extensive graffiti essays; ‘Bloco da Lama’ (Mud Block) documenting a tradition dated 1986, carnival block members who cover themselves in black sludge to then wander the streets of Paraty. Below, two pictures by Diniz: “Member of Carroça de Mamulengos group” (2010) – a troupe formed by a family of actors, musicians, story-tellers and clowns who travelled Brazil for years, celebrating the 10th anniversary of educational project ‘Programa Criança Petrobras’ and NGO Redes de Maré partnership, at Lona Cultural Herbert Vianna (see 4.4.1) (04/12/2010); “Mud Block” (2013) – adding to the black mud, people traditionally wear bone masks and costumes (09/02/13). 62

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Photo 11: Ratão Diniz, “Integrante do grupo Carroça de Mamulengos”

Photo 12: Ratão Diniz, “Bloco da Lama” 63

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Valdean, rather ignoring disturbances Formed at School of Popular Photographers in 2004 – the first batch –, Francisco Valdean is an art-educator and blogger with a Social Science degree. He’s coordinating Imagens do Povo image database and giving classes on web content production. Valdean participated in many exhibitions, among which 2011 ‘Verão da Cultura Urgente’ (Urgent Summer of Culture) – about the future of memory and community mobilisation with ‘Periferia.com’ collective – and 2013 ‘Desde junho nas ruas’ (From June in the streets) – Rio street protest coverage by independent photographers, brought also to ‘galeria 535’ exhibition panel at Favelas Observatory. From 2007 he posts pictures and texts about cities, especially Rio’s favelas, on his blog ‘O Cotidiano’ (The Daily). Valdean (int. 2014) confessed that, «when the issue of [army] occupation arose, a friend proposed to organise some activities. [He] replied: “Honestly, I think… I’d very much like to ignore that!”» He stands for favelas not as «other city», rather part of it. Therefore, he decided not to «lose time after this damned militarisation», covering only such issues partially, «almost despising such events». For «it’s a militarisation of space […], [so] doing a work about it would enter the area of photo-journalism.» The latter is by Valdean unloved for its linkages with war-reportage, deemed inherently tuned to violence and conflicts, yet that’s precisely how favelas have been since depicted. Only by themes of drugs and shoot-outs, although such events constitute only «catastrophe[s]», indeed «always in those moments the ‘cotidiano’ (daily) is interrupted.» Still, the army’s and pacification’s «regulation of space» wasn’t a «total rupture»: «this vida mais pulsante (most pulsating life) didn’t change!» – he argued. (ib.) Even after ‘70s eviction threats and ‘80s turning towards urbanisation, Maré kept changing until today. «But it’s still there, this vida pulsante, it continues unaltered. It stays there, resisting!» Thus, his photography disregards the «temptation of changing focus» for such limited «time-windows», perceived as «disturbances» of daily life in favelas. Such depictions were missing from «130 years of visual memory», lacking «cultural activities and celebrations […], ignoring an important part of life in favelas.» Conversely, Valdean focuses on «life in its most complex and complete moments», an «almost anthropological» photography that, for what it pursues, is «unclear» even to him – guided only by some «hunches». Valdean Flickr portfolio (2006) and blog (2007) present albums as ‘Cotidiano Conjunto de Favelas do Alemão’ (Daily Alemão Favelas), ‘Feira da Teixeira Ribeiro’ – a Maré street-long neighbourhood market – and plenty of daily, festive events coverages. Below, two Valdean’s pictures: “Youth in Timbau favela” – catching Maré kids peeking and playing; “Iracema, Baixa do Sapateiro resident” – portrait of an elderly at home, still from Maré.

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Photo 13: Francisco Valdean, “Crianças no morro do Timbau” 65

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Photo 14: Francisco Valdean, “Iracema, moradora da Baixa do Sapateiro” 66

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6.2.3. Struggles over rights and representations, framing some considerations The findings coming from previously analysed oppressions and resistances in Maré (see 6.1) and IdP photographers’ works (see 6.2) are in this section reunited and briefly rediscussed. Concisely, the manifold outcomes of photography workings on identity and representation [1] impact the relationship of Maré favelados towards themselves – inwards, and outwards to – favelas and cities at large; [2] even when not explicitly manifest, this photography is imbued with sociopolitical issues – as the right to the city – and therefore [3] responsive to Rio and favelas transformations – e.g. mega-events – and changing narratives by which these histories are told; [4] Images do Povo is also partaking struggles against oppressions – be it enduring stigmatisation, recent crimilitarisation, etc. Below, each of these points will be consecutively detailed, to also frame such works as means of resistances against ways of oppressions sketched.

[1] Two complementary gazes The work of the photographers’ collective Imagens do Povo – partly inherited from its founder, the Favelas Observatory – is about citizenship and empowering in favelas, and other ‘popular spaces’. Specifically, the photographers’ work allows for and promotes the recognition, protection and primacy of favelados identities and their representations. The dispute over imaginary, symbols and conceptions related to favelas surely has in Imagens do Povo talented champions. In this collective, favelados are active components in taking – ‘imageticamente’ (imagetically) (see 7.2) – control of the means and meanings of production and reproduction of imageries and imaginaries. In fact, the focus is either and alternatively turned inwards on themselves and their ‘popular spaces’ of origin, or outwards showing the interconnectedness of people and cultures across and beyond Rio de Janeiro. The combination of both gazing directions critically shows how favelas are indeed embedded, yet not in equal terms integrated, into the broader cities and societies. This pursuit upholds itself as a clear demonstration of the centrality of ‘peripheries’ and an heart-felt, constant re-discussion of ‘marginality’. [2] Same rights (to the same city) By starting from local – Maré – then surpassing its scope, Imagens do Povo reaches for other favelas, cities and further realities. Thus, Maré is expressesed and configured according to its double-nature, as favelas ensemble and as an officially defined neighbourhood (see 4.4). Maré is indeed a space placed within, and intrinsic to Rio – in its uniqueness and similarity when compared 67

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other parts of city or favelas (see 7.1). Such facets and their representations are extremely central in the territorial and imagetic dispute over favelas, historically grounded in biases – e.g. stigmatisation and criminalisation – which fuel the city to act oppressively against some of its denied parts (see 6.1.1). Imagens do Povo fosters those favelas demands which (re)claim favelados legitimation as bearers of rights and worth of respect, as any other citizen and human being. Ultimately, it’s a dispute, a struggle that engages territories, bodies and minds of favelados and – beyond themselves to – the city, at once and as a whole – in loops. (see 2.5 and 7.1) [3] Making (up for) history The work of Imagens do Povo photographers can also be seen as oriented at catching three different strands of time. At once: ransoming the memory of the past, as the birthing of Maré and its favelados origins; while chasing its lineage in the present, like the transformation or preservation of favelas cultures and celebrations; while protecting from or bridging to the future, the coming of mega-events and further Rio metamorphoses. IdP image archives reflect on favelas and cities via novel narratives and ways to approach said histories told in pictures, in all three photography elements: the protagonists in front of the lenses, the means adopted and the subjects behind them. This photography’ aesthetics and underpinnings can serve to denounce, document or express creativity, but such are often coexisting in each of the photographers’ work. [4] Countering oppressions, in narratives and contents The careful and tender look of Imagens do Povo photography towards favelas and other communities’ traditions embeds a reflection – a pedagogy of gaze, even (see 2.5 and 7.2) – which is fundamentally opposing oppressive narratives (violent, stigmatic, etc.). In fact, such empathy contrasts historical and contemporary oppressions – for example, those recorded in discriminatory, disrespectful and, or sensationalist photo-journalism – which had looked down to favelas in violence-thirsty or shaming gazes. The pillars of IdP image database are indeed those of quotidian, daily life and celebrations, which fills in the void left by untold or under-represented vital, joyous and mundane occurrences which are – as well, sometimes even prevail – in favelas. By portraying under different lights and from other angles favelados are reaffirmed as humane subjects. Healthy or hurt bodies, wielding children’ toys or work tools, in restful idle or energetic activities, and so on; ultimately, people engaged in whichever moment of human and citizen life. The collective of photographers fulfils and as well takes advantage of the role of photography as knowledge and information production, interacting and catering to alternative or community media. When for example the daily life of favelas turned into a militarised and suffocating environment, 68

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Imagens do Povo had also taken care of covering those moments of unrest or conflict, of political and civil struggles, dealing with State eviction or weaponed abusive powers among others. One of the many balancing acts of IdP (see 7.2) might be understood as providing alternative narratives and representations – when lacking –, meanwhile engaging with and against existing contents and narratives – when oppressive. Photographers, resistances vis-à-vis oppressions Recalling the summary previously outlined along oppressions (see 6.1.1) and resistances (see 6.1.2), photographers of Imagens do Povo would hereby fit in all instances of resistance sketched. At once, the collective showed trends of social denounce and activism (see 6.2.1), directly opposing oppressions sources (3a); while documenting and protecting traditions, identities by producing favelados’ own representations (see 6.2.2), resisting by and for one’s culture, identity and socio-economic positions (1, 2, 3b, 4). Such actions are hence directed against all forms of oppressions mentioned: on the one hand towards State (1), media (2) and, or private actors (3) triggered ones – e.g. army, unfair coverage, business property seizures; while on the other trying to voice, communicate and provide a fairer representations of favelados to contrast stigmatisation and other oppressive biases at large (4) – i.e. the beauty present in the common and quotidian, in favelas and elsewhere.

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7. Final considerations This chapter will finalise the research done in an endeavour to make field-work and theoretical reflections converge or collide. The control over favelas is wrestled by state armed forces and private actors, while their residents are demanding rightful access to the city. Pacified and gentrified favelas question whether the outcome, rather than the formal city order – the ‘asfaltização’ – overriding favelas, could instead be a synergistic integration. Imagens do Povo’s struggles of activist and empathetic art against various oppressions stand as sign of hope and resistance.

Neoliberal, global Rio: games and oppositions Favelas can be defined, using the words of architect and urbanist Manoel Ribeiro (in Cangialosi, 2014g), – at Travessias3 debate ‘Quando as cidades ficam prontas?’ (When Are Cities Finished?) – as «“urban expression of Brazilian social debt”» and in the meantime as «“[...] nuclei of resistance against the centrifugal forces of market which want to throw away the poorer periphery”.» This research attempts to enter the critical discussion and exploration of the local repercussions of intricate neoliberal and global city projects. Maré and other favelas approached in the case-study show how MEs fit into such projects, as a way to scale-up the urbanisation of capital and strategically use the exceptionality to flex crimilitarisation muscles. Therefore, the perspective chosen is about the MEs negative impacts – as opposed to their alleged ‘legacy’ – on a specific set of favelas. Finally, such footprints have been contrasted with expected manifestations of resistances in Maré favelas. Starting from such wide aperture – i.e. phenomena scope –, the focus has thus been specifically set closer on the photography collective Imagens do Povo and some graffiti artists. The findings reflected expected MEs-triggered impacts, although the case of Maré revealed even more nuances once brought into Rio Zones’ context – the broader trends of North Zone militarisation and gentrification of the South one – as following sections will show (see 7.1.1 and 7.1.2). Also, the urban transformations of Rio have matched theoretical entry-points and analyses, bringing about the awaited resistances of Imagens do Povo – by artists’ words and pictures – at the crossing of politics and aesthetics, in order to preserve favelas’ ‘vida pulsante’ (pulsating life) mixing political reportage and activism with de-stigmatising narratives and artistic documentations of daily occurrences, as the second sub-chapter will show (see 7.2).

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7.1. Mega-events, dividing rights to the city and city into dividends MEs and global ostentação Rio features in the trend studied by Saskia Sassen (2013), which from the «late 1980s with the rise of global cities as strategic to the corporate and financial global economy», has then evolved into a «rapidly growing network of major and minor global cities»: a novel architecture including «aspects as diverse as the environment and terrorism.» Rio de Janeiro – together with São Paulo and Brasilia – partakes in a «new politico-economic heavyweight axis next to now-established China», as the New Developmental Bank (NDB BRICS) indeed demonstrates how these countries’ «economic power is large and ascendant.» (ib.) The series of MEs hosted in Rio are undeniably significant and, according to Bonisseau (2014), inherently ‘ostentatious’61 […] due to the enormous investments and elaborate structures erected in association with such events. The hope is that through successfully carrying out such [mega-events], the nation be seen by the world as a safe, modern, confident and wealthy country, while simultaneously convincing its own citizens that the country is entering a small circle of developed, influential nations.

Rio is called to profoundly restructure itself as any other global city and MEs host, «rebuilding key parts […] as platforms for a rapidly growing range of globalised activities and flows, from economic to cultural and political.»62 Such projects are inevitably on a collision course with favelas, deeply interrelated with Rio’s texture, highlighting «the emergence of strong competition for space and the development of a new type of politics claiming the right to the city.» (Sassen, 2009, p. 234) Taking a meat-axe to favelas In Harvey’s (2008, p. 37) words, the «planet as building site» is clashing with «the planet of slums», suggesting a grim prediction: Rio hillsides covered in «high-rise condominiums» while the erstwhile favela residents are displaced out-of-sight. Similarly, Ribeiro (in Cangialosi, 2014g) argues for the need of rejecting the neoliberal «market’s “invisible hand” as a feasible planner», but also sketches a two-ways alternative scenario: «Favelas, if well understood, are spaces of enrichment of urban culture[;] if misunderstood, they are spaces to be removed and gentrified.» The latter seems to be the prominent trend, unfortunately, as the most ostensive MEs footprint are pacification-related waves of evictions and gentrification. 61 «The current, ostentatious transformation of Rio de Janeiro has had extreme negative impacts on the lives of many favela residents and on its history and popular culture. Policies include mass forced evictions, military occupation of favelas, psychological and physical intimidation […] and the creation of high profile transportation systems that raise many questions as to their usefulness for residents.» (Bonisseau, 2014) 62 Exemplary is the quilombos occupations’ eviction – historically communities of Afro-descendant fugitive slaves – for the renewal of the destitute harbour into a financial centre – i.e. “Porto Maravilha” project (see 2.1, footnote 7).

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7.1.1. Pacified favelas, assimilated or integrated? Porous borders: pacification belt and asphalt frontier Although this research focussed on Maré favelas, located in Rio North Zone, some remarks can also be drawn from the South Zone contextualisation (see 4.2). Comparatively, Maré hasn’t yet been hit by real estate speculation as hard as ‘remoção branca’ (white eviction) or ‘invação gringa’ (foreigners invasion) gentrification have been sweeping beach-front favelas. Still, the ‘asfaltização’ (asphalting) (Cummings, 2013) is expanding from the core of those areas to the West and North of Rio, pushing farther the ‘asphalt frontier’ – formal city over morro (hill, favelas) (see 2.4). Pacified favelas in the South Rio can serve as records – older MEs footprints – to understand the possible trajectories of distant favelas futures. Indeed, the case of Maré Museum (see 5.1.2) is an indicator of the risk any favelas territories can undergo: businesses buy into the pacification propaganda and seize back properties, while hyper-valuation inflates soil, rent and sale prices. 63 In comparison, Maré favelas haven’t been suffering eviction threats as much as the ones located on MEs ‘securitisation belt’ or other areas of capital urbanisation interest. Unwished-for urbanisation: teleféricos, barreiras and so on In a recent meeting between Alemão residents and researchers, government officials, civil society members and journalists, many issues regarding the city approach towards favelas were raised. Namely, the presented proposals agreed upon together with favelados – calling for sanitation and education projects and life-quality improvements – which never arrived, showed the «severe scarcity of social programs», but also the emptied participatory schemes and prevailing business interests. (Nidumolu, 2015) In fact, Alemão did receive glittery cable-cars instead of the longpromised university; and, similarly, Maré was gifted with rather invisibilising ‘barreiras sonoras’ (sound barriers) and a few construction or UPP projects which didn’t mind overriding pre-existing public spaces or structures (see 5.1.1).64 Pacification plans: progression, relapse and imminence After about a year of army occupation (see 4.4.2), Maré will substitute army-men with UPP units65, following a similar pattern of the other big favelas set in the North Zone, neighbouring Complexo do Alemão (see 4.3). Meanwhile, the pacification experience in the latter has been so

63 Similarly, Nova Tuffy or Telerj favelas, occupations of abandoned buildings both in the North Zone, have been legally reclaimed leaving families displaced (see 4.1.2). 64 Compare Parque Novo allotment occupation expropriation for new public housing in Alemão (Lo-Bianco, 2013). 65 «Despite being occupied by 2,700 troops since April [2014] in the run up to the World Cup, shoot-outs and deaths in Maré have continued. [In April 2015], military police began to take over […] from soldiers.» (Bowater, 2015)

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troublesome that army and special forces will be deployed once again 66. Thus, the status of ‘pacified favelas’ seems to bear many uncertainties: both regarding the efficiency of such heavily militarised approach to ‘fight crime’; but also about the endangerment of favelas cultures and demographics. Will favelas and favelados resist the waves of crimilitarisation, gentrification and evictions? Is urbanisation – when coming with actual upgrade and service provision – going to preserve the identity of such ‘pacified favelas’? Will favelas then be fairly integrated into the city or rather forced into the current dominating structures of power and inequality? Advancing an open hypothesis, these pacified favelas spaces could become a ‘third space’, a ‘border-zone’: such further hybridisation of formal and informal could either be widening or bridging the gap among among pacified and non-pacified favelas, or among favelas in Rio’s many Zones and the rest of the city.

7.1.2. Formal city’s orders, (MEs extraordinary) outlawing ordinary The MEs footprint perceived the most by Maré residents reached in this case-study is related to the army occupation (see 5.1.3), reflecting similarities with the neighbouring Complexo do Alemão, in the broader context of North Zone heavy-handed crimilitarisation (see 4.3). Conflicts are often triggered by the clash of army (instructed) ways and biases with favelas’ everyday life. Emergencies and crimilitarisation lethal combo The ‘Olympic state of emergency’, together with previous instances of MEs-triggered ‘exceptionalities’ is by all odds linked to the favelas pacification, also called ‘retomada’ (reconquest). The expediency of such ‘shocks’ – whether natural, perceived or induced – links to the criticism of Klein (2008) or the reading of Agamben (2005). The enforcing of draconian means to build neoliberal-friendly environments requires at once legality and normalisation of such prolonged emergency states. Looking at Alemão 2007 Pan American Games massacre, or 2010 security crisis (see 4.3.1), such cases show the allowance for unprecedented displays of armed forces – also, scale of force and coordination among a wide-array of departments. Specifically, military interventions have been granted in public security operations by the constitutional clause ‘Guarantee of Law and Order’, aptly introduced during 2013 MEs-related revolts. The debate therefore must entail both criminalisation of poverty and social movements and militarisation of responses and approaches at once, thus combined into the concept of ‘crimilitarisation’ (see Cangialosi, 2014b). Deputy, scholar and human rights commission president Marcelo Freixo (2010) indeed characterised «the culture of violence» and repression as a lose-lose situation, where instead 66 «While the success of the Pacifying Police Unit (UPP) program varies from community to community, the situation of urban violence and police brutality in Complexo do Alemão is particularly worrying after three months of constant conflict since the beginning of the year.» (Nidumolu, 2015)

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the «solution for Rio public security has to pass by the guarantee of the rights of favela citizens.» Favelas (pulsating) life-threat Furthermore, crimilitarisation is also linked to the disciplinary mechanisms the ‘formal city’ implements to regulate ordinary life in favelas. Such attitude is biased by the principles of ‘war on drugs’, stigmatisation and other oppressions which result in a variety of conflicts between armed forces and favelados, at very basic levels. In Maré case, Imagens do Povo photographers found themselves restricted both as residents – in the use of public spaces and organisation of events – and as artist workers – threatened or even suffering equipment and personal damages (see 5.1.3).

7.2. Snapshots of ‘vida pulsante’, ‘imageticamente’ (re)balancing and (r)existing How do Rio neoliberal projects of city and MEs configure themselves in the dynamics of oppressions and resistances – conceptualisations and practices – by Maré favelas artists? How is Imagens do Povo partaking in the political struggles and claims? Oppressions and resistances, Maré dynamics peeked Notably, MEs fooprints feature among many other sources of entrenched oppressions. As shown by the findings of this research (see 6.2.3), the case of Maré seen by the photographers’ collective matched the resistances – social denounce and activism, documentation and protections of identities, cultures and daily life – to the oppressions – State, media, private actors misbehaviours, stigmatisation and other biases fostering crimilitarisation. Imagens do Povo plays a key role in the dispute over the aesthetics, symbols and conceptions related to favelas, in which favelados are an active component in taking ‘imageticamente’ (imagetically) control of the means and meanings of production and reproduction of imageries and imaginaries. Specifically, the manifold outcomes of photography workings on identity and representation (1) impact the relationship of Maré favelados towards themselves – inwards, and outwards to – favelas and cities at large; (2) even when not explicitly manifest, this photography is imbued with socio-political issues – as the right to the city – and therefore (3) responsive to Rio and favelas transformations – e.g. mega-events – and changing narratives by which these histories are told; (4) Images do Povo is also partaking struggles against oppressions – be it enduring stigmatisation, recent crimilitarisation, and so on. Balancing trends, two aesthetics of politics The two generalised trends, dubbed in this case-study as ‘reporter-activist’ (see 6.2.1) and ‘archivist-documentarian’ (see 6.2.2) approaches, do not oppose as the simplistic ‘autonomous art’ VS ‘engaged art’ connotations. Indeed, following the account of Jacque Rancière, these two can be 74

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related to the coexisting ‘politics of aesthetics’: respectively, the politics of the ‘becoming life of art’ (le devenir vie de l’art) and the ‘resistant form’ ones (la forme résistante). In the first case, the work of the artists merges «with other forms of activity and being» – the emancipation of arts overreaching into politics; in the latter, «the political potential of the aesthetic experience derives from the separation of art from other forms of activity» – the passive resistance of the retreat from life into aesthetics. (Berrebi, 2008) Finally, this tense balance surpasses the negotiation «between art and politics, […] finding a form that can exist in-between the two opposite aesthetics.» (ib.) Rebalancing narratives, empathy over shock Imagens do Povo ‘empathetic’ photography, in the words of Rodrigues (2007) (see 6.2.1), is a pursuit «for diversity of colours, believes, origins, interests […] revealing, for others, a different version of favelas [as] a place of daily labour, of unending study, of struggle, of fraternity, tenderness, art and leisure.» Such can be brought to Rancière’s characterisation of ‘relational aesthetics’: «art is there to bring social links between people», especially those disconnected by society. (Berrebi, 2008) Furthermore, since «politics is the struggle of an unrecognized party for equal recognition in the established order», such aesthetics are struggling for «the battle [which] takes place over the image of society – what it is permissible to say or to show.» (Davis, 2006) The reading by Beatriz Jaguaribe (Jaguaribe, 2007, 2010) of media overlaps here with Rancière, defining the limits of Brazilian pervasive aesthetics of ‘choque do real’ (reality shock), by which reality is pursued in shocking happenings and narratives, which are portrayed as quotidian, ordinary – even banal. Such depiction and ‘pedagogia do olhar’ (gaze pedagogy) is the target of Imagens do Povo struggle: by the use empathy over shock, this photography can ‘imageticamente’ rebalance such narratives complementing to, and contrasting against ‘dirty, violent and hopeless realities’ propagandised by mainstream media. Furthermore, Jaguaribe critique of media targets the simplified logics and biases which are instrumentally implicated in such ‘shocking’ representations. Rancière, as well, urges against such ‘representative regime’, to counter the effects of our age of simplification – […] resulted from the glut of consumer oriented entertainment messages and political propaganda which the mass media feeds us daily in the interests of corporate profit and governmental psychological manipulations […]. (Nechvetal, 2007)

Balancing acts, ‘atos de existência’ and ‘vida pulsante’ The lesson learnt, is that there’s no bigger mega-event than life. Yet, as Valdean (int. 2014) pointed out (see 6.2.2) in «130 years of visual memory» about favelas, what’s missing are «cultural activities and celebrations» therefore precisely «ignoring an important part of life in favelas.» Once

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again, Rancière (2004, p. 33) similarly demands «honour [to be] conferred on the commonplace», so to find «symptoms of an epoch, a society, or a civilization in the minute details of ordinary life.» In the words of Diniz (int. 2014) (see 6.1.2 and 6.2.2), this implies «a denounce by the beauty, the beauty of favelas!» Showing beauty, happiness and goodwill regardless of social or geographical adversities is the key counter-stigmatisation. Thus, the mechanisms of Imagens do Povo strengthen identities, therefore resisting – passively and actively – fighting oppressions. Indeed, the goal is to preserve the pulsating life of favelas: «for one not to desist», «to not let anything die!» (ib.) Such actions could ultimately be called ‘atos de existência’ (acts of existence) – echoing and reworking ‘atos de resistência’ (acts of resistance) wording (see 6.1.1). As in Shane Koyczan’s spoken words poem “To this day” (2013), favelados – and everyone else’s – pulsating lives «[...] will only ever always / continue to be / a balancing act / that has less to do with pain / and more to do with beauty.»

7.3 Closure, departing from the case-study Before concluding, there are a few issues around and beyond this specific case-study to be pointed out: about the role of graffiti artists, the methodological approach adopted and further research suggestions regarding Rio, favelas, media and mega-events studies. Grafiteiros honourable mention Graffiti artists are co-protagonist of this case-study, who have illuminated the research providing insightful remarks about the state of mega-events, oppressions and resistances in Rio and Maré. Unfortunately, due to field-work constraints and other limitations, the material gathered about such artists cannot attain to the representativity hereby pursued with Imagens do Povo. Nevertheless, there are commonalities in the way Soares and Rack (see 6.1.2) have remarked the necessity to look for narratives beyond the ‘colours of violence’ which media have trapped favelas into. Plausibly, the diffuse disregard towards certain issues conducive of a politicisations of art are similar to the attitude of ‘rather ignoring disturbances’ (see Valdean in 6.2.2) – or, in Rancière terms, the art form of ‘resistance of the stone’. Finally, the interaction between photographers and graffiti artists is remarkable in the way documentations of art-pieces, but also back-stage, as well spurred counter-oppressive narratives and art-works (see Barreto in 6.2.2). Grounded relevancy This case-study has hopefully provided an exploration of the mega-events negative effects at the level of specific Rio’s favelas, accessing the field-work via a methodological decision of allowing data precedence over successive theorisations. Grounded-theory and interview coding have been 76

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fundamental in the pursued approximation to Maré favelados’ realities and mapped dynamics of oppressions and resistances. Also, the focus adopted for IdP photographers’ collective has granted both consistency and plurality of aspects and themes explored via images and words. Finally, the photographic imagery used urges for further research in the direction of ‘sensory ethnography’, also by means of audio and video with «minimal editing, translation, or captions, [which] can “reflect an ambiguity of meaning that is at the heart of human experience itself”.» (Appel & Galeucia, 2011) IdP as community photography and Rio as plural city En passant, according to Alice Baroni’s (2014) study of community and mainstream media photography, this research also affirmed how IdP’s «images call for an acknowledgement that everyone has a right to be portrayed in a context of dignity and integrity.» Furthermore, this research supports the demand for «a better media ecology» (Baroni, 2015, pp. 15–16): [...] community and mainstream media should learn from each other’s practices so as to build discourses that depict the complexity and plurality not only of the favelas, but also of Rio […] – discourses that understand the favelas as an integral part of the city and residents as citizens who share the same entitlements and responsibilities

Finally, the «sociocentric view of the fragmentation of the city resulted from spatial, cultural, and economic distinctions in the way the territory is distributed in Rio» (ib., p. 2) is being daily challenged by the attested and rising centrality of favelas, hopefully bidding «farewell to the ‘divided city’». (J. de S. e Silva, 2002) Thus, this case-study aligns itself accordingly in conceiving Rio rather as a ‘plural city’ «where the everyday of the people living inside and outside the favelas is embedded in a complex network of relationships of distance and proximity.» (Baroni, 2015, p. 2) Exit prompts and guesses By all means, Maré is vaster than this case-study. Indeed, its richness and variety are fertile soil for the exploration of favelas’ many cultures, organisations and artistic manifestations. Beyond the fact that each of Maré favelas could and should be approached separately, the comparison to the North Zone and contrast to the South one has shown how different grouping of Rio’s favelas do inform about each other. In this regard, the West Zone is possibly already the frontier of capital urbanisation – Rio’s asphalt frontier –, thus increasingly deserving attention. Unfortunately, this case-study couldn’t formulate any possible strategies or models to prevent or mitigate MEs footprints. At the same time, it has shown the inescapable need of such tasks. The future is obscure, but certainly Rio has already had a long trail of mega-events 67 and heavy 67 Different in size, the list goes by: 2007 Pan American Games, 2011 Military World Games and Rio+20, 2013 World Youth Day, 2013 FIFA Confederations Cup and 2014 FIFA World Cup (see Chapter 1).

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footprints to learn from: what will be the impact of an event like 2016 Summer Olympic games, a whole mega-event concentrated in one single city? On the one hand, mayor Eduardo Paes (in G1 Rio, 2015) has affirmed the city «already showed it can – even at most violent times – fake to be providing security during the events, as Rio always did […] for tourists»; on the other, governor Luiz Fernando Pezão (in Flueckiger, 2015) «has announced that the final bases for the city’s new Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) will be constructed under an urgency regime». These declarations can serve as examples to argue about the unfortunate continuation of ‘state of exception’ and crimilitarisation worrisome practices. Furthermore, the post-Olympics will probably be a time of crashed budgets, both for the megaevent hosting itself68 and the end of costly UPP plans: what’s the future of pacified favelas? Either the threat of a relapsing crime, or the opportunities of policy learning 69 and evolutions – as for the UPP Social program, already closed down and re-fashioned. This year, Rio has just celebrated its 450 th anniversary. Yet for Maré, and other favelas, time can be cyclical or tidal. Come what may, as illustrated by Maré Museum plate (in Cangialosi, 2014e), it’s always time for resistance.

Tempo da Resistência

Time of Resistance

«Aqui, resistir sempre foi preciso

«Here, resistance has always been necessary

Resistir à força da Maré, à ação da polícia,

To resist the strength of the tide, police actions,

Às ameaças de remoção

[Resist to] threats of removal

Os moradores se organizam em associações

Residents organised themselves in associations

Lideranças surgiram

Leaderships arose

Muitas conquistas foram alcançadas

Many achievements were conquered

Mas o tempo da resistência não acabou

Yet the time for resistance is not over

É preciso continuar resistindo

We need to keep resisting

Violência, preconceito, discriminação

[Resisting to] violence, prejudice and discrimination

Aqui, resistir sempre é preciso

Here, resistance is always necessary

Mas resistir sozinho é impossível»

But resisting is impossible on one’s own»

68 «The Olympic projects are already behind schedule […] [which] usually means increases in cost. The Pan American Games was 10 times over its original budget. This was a much lower-scale event.» (Sheridan, 2012) 69 «According to experts, Rio de Janeiro stands out in the statistics due to the lack of preparation of security personnel and a confrontations culture, which lead to a lethal police force with victims of all ages.» (Flueckiger, 2015)

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Rodrigues, A. (2009). Morte na Maré [Photo]. Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/af_rodrigues/9146969876/ Rodrigues, A. F. (2010). Violência no Complexo do Alemão - Pai corre para proteger seu bebê [Photo]. Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/af_rodrigues/5210725276/ Rolle, K. (2009, January 1). Jacques Rancière – The Two “Resistances” of Art. Retrieved April 15, 2015, from http://divus.cc/london/en/article/jacques-ranciere-the-two-resistances-of-art Roper, M. (2015, January 27). “David Beckham ruined my favela!” Slum-dwellers attack star over house. Retrieved March 8, 2015, from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article2927065/David-Beckham-ruined-favela-Slum-dwellers-attack-star-shanty-town-turnsluxury-enclave-rumours-bought-trendy-shack.html Roy, A. (2011). Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism: Rethinking subaltern urbanism. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 35(2), 223–238. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2011.01051.x Sánchez, F., & Broudehoux, A.-M. (2013). Mega-events and urban regeneration in Rio de Janeiro: planning in a state of emergency. International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 5(2), 132–153. http://doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2013.839450 Sassen, S. (2001). The global city: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Sassen, S. (2005). The global city: introducing a concept. Brown Journal of World Affairs, 11(2), 27–43. Sassen, S. (2009). The Specialised Differences of Cities Matter in Today’s Global Economy. Reforming the City: Responses to the Global Financial Crisis, 209–236. Sassen, S. (2013, March 11). The Future of the City [Text]. Retrieved from http://www.theeuropean-magazine.com/saskia-sassen--3/6573-the-future-of-the-city Savell, S. (2014, July 7). The Brazilian Military, Public Security, and Rio de Janeiro’s “Pacification.” Retrieved from http://anthropoliteia.net/2014/07/07/the-brazilian-militarypublic-security-and-rio-de-janeiros-pacification/ Shaer, M. (2015, February 18). “The Media Doesn”t Care What Happens Here’. Retrieved March 91

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20, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/22/magazine/the-media-doesnt-care-whathappens-here.html Sheridan, E. E. (2012, February 12). Brazilian Finance and the 2016 Olympics. Retrieved April 19, 2015, from http://sevenpillarsinstitute.org/case-studies/financing-ethics-and-the-brazilianolympics Silva, J. de S. e. (2002, September 30). Adeus “Cidade partida.” Retrieved from http://observatoriodefavelas.org.br/acervo/artigos/adeus-cidade-partida/ Silva, E. S. (2014, September 29). Medo sob a pacificação. Retrieved April 17, 2015, from //anistia.org.br/imprensa/na-midia/medo-sob-pacificacao/ Silva, E. S. (2015, February 27). Drama sem fim na Maré. Retrieved April 17, 2015, from http://oglobo.globo.com/opiniao/drama-sem-fim-na-mare-15451918 Solos Culturais. (2013). O Guia Cultural de Favelas. Retrieved March 31, 2015, from http://guiaculturaldefavelas.org.br Stacey, L. (2013, July 10). Santa Marta Protests: Real Estate and Commodity Prices, Evictions and Jeep Tours. Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=10367 Strauss, A. L., & Corbin, J. M. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications. The Rio Times. (2012a, April 20). Military Forces Remain in Complexo do Alemão and Penha in Rio’s Zona Norte (North Zone) | The Rio Times | Brazil News. Retrieved from http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-politics/military-forces-remain-in-complexo-doalemao/ The Rio Times. (2012b, May 1). Family of Teenager to Sue After Complexo do Alemão Shooting: Daily Update | The Rio Times | Brazil News. Retrieved from http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-politics/family-sues-after-alemao-shooting/ The Rio Times. (2012c, May 19). First UPP in Complexo do Alemão: Daily Update | The Rio Times | Brazil News. Retrieved from http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-politics/first-uppin-complexo-do-alemao/ Valdean, F. (2006). Valdean Flickr. Retrieved March 26, 2015, from 92

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https://www.flickr.com/photos/70629803@N00/ Valdean, F. (2007). O Cotidiano. Retrieved from http://www.ocotidiano.com.br/ Valdean, F. (2011, October 30). Maré de Rock II: arte politizada. Retrieved from http://www.ocotidiano.com.br/2011/10/mare-de-rock-ii-arte-politizada.html Valdean, F. (2014a, May 5). Conheça as 17 favelas que compõem a Maré. Retrieved April 17, 2015, from http://www.brasil247.com/pt/247/favela247/138801/Conheça-as-17-favelas-quecompõem-a-Maré.htm Ventura, Z. (1994). Cidade partida (1. ed., 1. reimpr). São Paulo, Brazil: Companhia das Letras. Viva Favela. (2008). Favela Tem Memória (1 de 4). Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A2YryKViKLQ&feature=youtube_gdata_player Viva Favela. (2014, January 3). Cable Car is Still a Source of Controversy. Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=12935 Waldron, I. (2014a, December 11). If This Villa Weren’t Mine: New Documentary Tells Story of Vila Autódromo [FILM REVIEW]. Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=19531 Waldron, I. (2014b, December 23). Brazil’s Popular Committees Publish National Dossier on Mega-Events and Human Rights Violations. Retrieved from http://www.rioonwatch.org/? p=19156 Watt, S. (2015, February 27). Opinion: “No [Olympic] Legacy is so Rich as Honesty”–Shakespeare | The Rio Times | Brazil News. Retrieved from http://riotimesonline.com/brazilnews/opinion-editorial/opinion-no-olympic-legacy-is-so-rich-as-honesty-williamshakespeare/ Wikipédia. (2014, October 3). Atos de violência organizada no Rio de Janeiro em 2010. In Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre. Retrieved from http://pt.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Atos_de_viol %C3%AAncia_organizada_no_Rio_de_Janeiro_em_2010&oldid=40201931 Wikipedia. (2015a, January 26). 2013 protests in Brazil. In Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=2013_protests_in_Brazil&oldid=644322993 93

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Wikipedia. (2015b, April 15). Complexo do Alemão massacre. In Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Complexo_do_Alem %C3%A3o_massacre&oldid=656569149 Williamson, T. (2014, November 27). Os riscos do título de propriedade. Retrieved from http://redesdamare.org.br/?p=13211 Williquet, M. (2014). Copa Para Quem? - The webdocumentary. Retrieved from http://copaparaquem.com/ Yin, R. K. (2014). Case study research: design and methods. ZAP. (2015). Índice Fipe Zap de Preços de Imóveis. Retrieved April 16, 2015, from http://www.zap.com.br/imoveis/fipe-zap-b

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List of Interviews

Aleixo, A. (2014, November 8). Member of A Maré que queremos [Personal interview]. Algoz (2014, November 12). Members of Algoz band [Personal interview]. Amaro, S. (2014, October 24). Director of Vila Olimpica [Personal interview]. Barreto, M. (2014, October 28). IP photographer [Personal interview]. Baltar, L. (2014, December 3). IP photographer [Email interview]. Barros, P. (2014, October 28). IP photographer [Personal interview]. Diniz, R. (2014, November 4). ex-IP photographer [Personal interview]. Escolinha de Skate Maré. (2014, November 8). Maré Skaters School [Personal interview]. Lino, G. (2014, October 24). Producer of Lona Cultural [Personal interview]. Lourenço, N. (2014, November 4). IP photographer [Personal interview]. Martins, G. (2014, November 1). Head journalist of O Cidadão Newspaper [Personal interview]. Nata Família. (2014, November 10). Nata Família stencil collective [Personal interview]. Rack, L. (2014, October 23). Graffiti artist [Personal interview]. Reis, F. (2015, February 5). Graffiti artist and member of Atari Funkerz [Email interview]. Rodrigues, A. (2014, October 28). IP photographer [Personal interview]. Rosa, R. (2014, October 28). IP photographer and coordinator [Personal interview]. Soares, R. P. (2014, October 23). Graffiti artist and member of Atari Funkerz [Personal interview]. Valdean, F. (2014, November 4). IP photographer [Personal interview]. Zagri, B. (2014, October 14). Graffiti artist [Personal interview].

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Appendix This addendum will illustrate some of the field-work process, such as the interview structuring and transcripts, organic reflections and notes, and part of coding’s dynamics.

A: Interview guidelines The following outlined questions have been followed – at times aptly adapted and expanded from – for interviewing artists (top) and experts (bottom) in Maré, hereby shown in its English translation. 1. How is it like to be an artist in Maré? How did you start and proceed with this occupation? 2. What’s the attitude or message you convey [as graffiti artists/photographers], individually and as a collective? 3. Speaking about mega-events, what did the World-Cup bring for Rio and Maré? What are your expectations and reflections about the coming Olympics? 4. What changed [e.g. after the army occupation] for you as a resident? And as an artist? 5. What do you perceive as oppression – both material and non-material – in Maré? [For example, human rights violations, real estate speculation, or cultural repression, etc.] 6. How would you define art of resistance? What are the strategies and tools of artistic resistance of [photography/graffiti] arts? 7. Further comments?

a. b. c.

How has Maré changed in relation to the mega-events [before, after World-Cup time]? How do you perceive material and immaterial oppression in Maré? [How about the army?] I’m interested in art as form of resistance, do you know of anything [linked to mega-

events]? d. What are your expectations for Olympics, accounting for Maré and Rio? e.

Further comments?

B: Interview excerpts The following extracts are taken from the interviews transcripts – times in brackets, questions underlined and important wordings emboldened –, hereby shown in original Portuguese language.

«Naldinho Lourenço, @ Observatório de Favelas (Maré) – 04/11/2014 Pra começar, como iniciou a fotografar? Qual é a sua experiencia de fazer arte qui na Maré?

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[0.25] Eu fazia parte de um coletivo que era “Imaginação Maré”, no CEASM. Aí tinha uns cursos de produção gráfica, de audiovisual, até chamado de produção de vídeo, isso em 2000. O projeto acabou, mas ele teve suas vertentenses alcançadas, porque cada um si acabou si tornando de uma forma digamos uma extensão do que foi o projeto, cada pessoa que participou daquilo. [1.40] Em 2004, surgiu o Imagens do Povo a escola de fotógrafos dentro certas favelas que funcionava num outro espaço, criado coordenado pelo João Alberto Ripper. […] A gente ainda continua fotografando favelas e utilizando os que são dados, fotografia documental, o que valorizar o outro, trabalhar direitos humanos em cima da fotografia. […] [3:05] Então a minha vida fotográfica foi em cima disso, de trabalhar garantindo o outro lado [da visão], garantindo valorização dos moradores e das favelas. Acho que resume-se nisso. O que você achou sobre as época dos megaeventos, da Copa [du Mundo] e agora durante as preparações das Olimpíades: quais mudanças levaram pra Maré? [3:45] Foi um gasto exorbitante de dinheiro... por N situações, pelos estádios que vão ficar acabando se depreciando, pelas questões de direitos humanos, por aqui virar um quintal de obras – também por conta das Olimpíadas. Você vê que é muito difícil caminhar pelo Rio de Janeiro, transitar de ônibus, de carro também. Você não tem uma sistematização do transporte. [4:10] Eu, em quanto morador de Maré, achava que isso – além de ser um absurdo – com os moradores, com os trabalhadores, deveria ter uma forma, uma outra situação de você valorizar o povo sem ter vários gastos: ao fim não tem legado nenhum! [4.40] Tem jogos [Pan-americano] que tiveram no 2007, que não deixou legado nenhum, e agora ainda uma vez não tem deixado legado nenhum, o legado é aquele legado superficial que nada acontece. Pra Maré, cara, não deixou absolutamente nada. Colocaram uma proteção acústica, bota entre aspas, que são muros pra dividir a favela do digamos “o cidadão” que eles diziam… [5:15] Porque teve um primeiro momento que eles queriam botar um muro porque poderia ferir algum cidadão que passava pela via expressa. Aí eles inventaram uma outra situação, que é a proteção acústica: aquele muro disfarçado, que não protege absolutamente nada e ninguém, pra tentar velar, tentar esconder a favela. […]» «Francisco Valdean, @ Imagens do Povo (Maré) – 14/11/2014 […] Sempre falando de Maré, o que você percebeu como uma violência, opressão: seja material – inclusive as ostensivas das armas – ou imaterial – assim, como repressão cultural ou outras formas? Como morador e como artista, no trabalho de fotografo? 97

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[12:10] Eh, eu sinceramente só contei pouco! Meio que desprezo esse fato, assim, não documentei nada dele, desprezo ele. Porque? Primeiro, ele é uma militarização do espaço. Pra mim fazer um trabalho com ele, eu ’taria muito no campo do fotojornalismo – que eu não curto muito. Porque acho que a vida, essa vida que me interessa, ela não mudou! Ela não teve alteração significativa. Os conflitos que se dão, eles se dão muito no espaço publico. O seja, as ruas, as atividades na rua: e o conflito se dá aí. […] [15.30] Então pra mim, eu passei a ver na verdade de um processo de ocupação como uma operação policial mais extensa, que vai durar com muita força até 2016. Depois lá, não sei o que tem. Mas eu acho que do ponto de vista do que eu vem documentando, a vida continua assim. Continua, sem grandes problemas. Claro, se o morador fecha uma rua, si não tem autorização aí vai ter problemas com os militares. [16:05] Os conflitos maiores eles se dão entorno do dessa regulação do espaço publico muito por conta da lógica da ordem, que é a lógica da cidade formal; de que a cidade é dividida, então a lógica é realmente uma outra. Então os militares chegam e querem botar ordem. Claro que tem mediação, inúmeras ruas se consegue fazer eventos, bailes funk, porque também tem um acerto de algo – não é uma rotura total, como ouvi em outras favelas. [17:25] Então eu em quanto artista não virei a minha câmera para nada. Hoje fotografando, por exemplo a coisa do parque, parque continua acontecendo do mesmo jeito, sem problemas. O tipo de vida que eu me interesso de registrar é isso, não mudou, continua acontecendo. Eu estava pensando nas resistências artísticas aos megaeventos – aos efeitos direitos e indiretos –, considerando estratégias e formas de fazer resistência com a fotografia... [18:05] Tem inúmeras coisas nesse sentido, da resistência aos megaeventos! Porque é natural que quando a gente é colocada numa situação de embate com uma realidade dessa, naturalmente as pessoas vão resistir – artisticamente, ou de outras formas. Ocorreu na Providência, ocorreu na Vila Autódromo. A gente tem, digamos, uma coisa tão autoritária que massacra todo isso. Todos, todos são massacrados. Tem pouquíssimos resultados. No fim, aquele aí não dá muitas coisas não. [18:55] A Providência resistiu um tempo, continua, mas as obras foram feitas. Não teve dialogo, até mesmo com essa resistência. No caso da Maré teve, tem. Do meu ponto de vista do trabalho é que assim, eu sinceramente acho que essa vida mais pulsante ela não mudou. […]»

C: Field-work notes The following extracts are taken from research – and concurring NGO reporting internship – 98

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annotations, hereby shown in original Italian and other mixed languages. «02/09/2014 Articolo scritto a quattro mani per RioOnWatch: “Ferguson Rings Familiar in Brazil” comparando vicende negli States con Complexo do Alemao; base ed ulteriore esempio per trattare l’aspetto più “criminalizzante” alla sentenza di un morador de rua & catador do lixo (vedi cartoneros argentini) menzionato in discussione accademica: “Criminalization, Militarization and the Normalized Absurdities that Condemned Rafael Braga Vieira” […] Criminalizzazione + militarizzazione = crimilitarizzazione (!) Vivere in Alemao, anche se solo per una settimana, mi ha comunque e certamente toccato qualche corda... riflessioni che non possono che finire in versi: “Morros sono al giorno / fratture esposte / iningessabili dalla metropoli Morros sono di notte / pugni di cielo / stelle rumorose della favela”» «30/09/2014 Ragazzetti continuano a morire nelle favela, basta entrare su facebook e twitter – ovviamente non in main-stream media: solo in Complexo do alemao sono morti 2 in 48 ore e 5 in totale nel mese. La polizia militare è indagata (corruzione/droga), ma gli alti capi si scrollano le inchieste di dosso... » «25/10/2014 Con queste elezioni [...] c’è il rischio di fare salire la destra d’ombra dittatoriale. […] non vedo unione politica, e se la vedo è solo grass-root: un rapper/studente-universitario che cerca di portare le lotte della favela (intervista dall’ultimo articolo che dovrebbe uscire oggi) o altri attivisti di favela che pubblicano libri. Ancora una volta favela e asfalto non comunicano da pari. Per il resto sì, c’è un’agenda comune di black power e HR defence....ma tant’è!» «09/10/2014 [...] articolo pubblicato “When Are Cities Ready? A Debate Between Architects, Photographers & Favela Residents” Ho adorato riportare questa quote: “Let’s make a masterpiece that shall be greater than the human, it will be a city that is black, beautiful, generous, diverse in gender and sexual orientation; a city filled with our human manifestations, that fits all of us, but not the ferocity of capitalism” […] »

D: Coding graph The graph below shows the most used codes centred around Maré, photography and some of their relationships. Note the arrows showing Imagens do Povo pursuit for “dailylife” narratives and contents, in opposition to “favela-singlestory” (see 6.2 and 7.2). 99

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Figure 5: Graph-like representation of codes and relationships revolving around Maré and photography

100