JTMS 2015; 2(2): 325–334
Sonja Brentjes
Participant and Observer Narratives about Medieval Cross-Cultural Knowledge Transfer. Missing, Single or Multiple Translations DOI 10.1515/jtms-2015-0030
A conference on issues of cross-cultural transfer via translation with particular emphasis on historical as well as modern narratives on such events was the main activity in the second year of the International research project “Relatos de intercambio intercultural de conocimiento en la Edad Media y temprana Edad Moderna. Narradores e interlocutores, objetos y prácticas, valores y creencias” (FFI2012-38606). It took place on November 21 and 22, 2014 at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science in Berlin, of which the director Jürgen Renn and Sonja Brentjes are partners and participants in this project. The PI of the project is José Luis Mancha, Department for Philosophy, Logic and History of Science at the University of Seville. Further members are Jésus Garay and José Ferreíros of the same Department, Maribel Fierro, CSIC, Madrid, Rafael Ruiz Azuar, Archaeological Museum, Alicante, Víctor Pallejà de Bustinza, Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona, Jens Høyrup, Roskilde University, Anne Tihon, Catholic University Louvain, Menso Folkerts, Bavarian Academy of Science, Munich, and Tony Levy, CNRS, Paris. Partners of this project are Efthymios Nicolaidis, National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute for Neohellenic Research, Athens, Alexander Fidora and Matthias M. Tischler, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Bellaterra, and Antoni Malet, Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona. The project questions the main observer narratives about medieval and early modern cross-cultural exchange of knowledge via translating as created in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries by comparing them with narratives of participants in such acts, questioning the representation of those participants in historical as well as modern sources and by asking in which manner the standard perspectives on those activities need to be recentred and rephrased.1 The conference of November 2014 served to discuss recent research on such
Corresponding author: Sonja Brentjes, Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Berlin, Germany, E-mail:
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issues in other disciplines than history of science, medicine and technology, to present new methodological reflections on individual research avenues by the project’s members, those of its partners and colleagues from neighbouring fields and with comparable interests. Geographically, the conference focused on Byzantium, the Iberian Peninsula, ‘France’ and Antioch. With respect to disciplinary themes, the papers discussed issues pertaining to the history of mathematics, astronomy, philosophy including encyclopedic approaches to knowledge and nature, medieval Christianity and Syriac, Byzantine and Ottoman Studies. In addition to six members of the project (Mancha, Garay, Azuar, Pallejà, Høyrup, Brentjes) and two of its partners (Nicolaidis, Tischler), five external colleagues contributed to this meeting (Johannes NiehoffPanagiotidis, Free University, Berlin; Isabel Draelants, CNRS, Paris; Cécile BonMariage, Catholic University Louvain; Matteo Martelli, Humboldt Unversity, Berlin; Dirk Grupe, independent researcher, Munich). Brentjes, in her introductory survey on new research publications, focused primarily on issues of methodology. She pointed out that broadening the perspective to translations beyond scientific, medical and philosophical texts and investigating the terminological, cultural and social meaning of the concept of translation has brought important new insights about the multiplicity of linguistic practices, for instance in the case of Bruce R. O’Brien’s study of translations in England between 800 and 1200.2 This issue was taken up and contextualized impressively by Niehoff-Panagiotidis from the perspective of the minorities in Byzantium and the languages they used when speaking and those they used in writing. Based on a survey of major editorial projects of medieval Latin translations from Greek and Arabic, Brentjes highlighted four issues for further consideration: (1) the silence of observer narratives outside specialized research literature about translation activities in the second half of the thirteenth century in other than the standard centres like Toledo in the Iberian Peninsula and the impact that such a streamlining of narrating medieval translating has for our understanding of the thematic and human choices in particular for privileging the role of participants from outside the Iberian Peninsula to the detriment of analyzing the contributions of local contributors in the Mozarab and Jewish communities; (2) the unclear or at times contradictory specifications of the actors (patrons, translators, support personnel, readers), their contributions, skills and relationships in participant narratives and the need to contextualize
1 BRENTJES e. a. 2014. 2 O’BRIEN 2011.
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such incomplete information by studying the intellectual, cultural and economic life in the communities of the participants at the time and place of the translations; (3) the insufficient differentiation between various types of translations (single, multiple, invented, incomplete, anonymous, attributed, retro-translations etc.) and how such a broader perspective on the character of the translation results would modify the current view of a translation movement in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Provence or even replace it with the image of a cluster of individual and group activities of largely independent, local and only occasionally interdependent character; (4) the economic and institutional conditions that shaped the later distribution of specific translations made from Arabic or Greek and their respective combination with texts of other provenance, authorship or thematic affiliation; the specifically discussed example was that of the reproduction of texts studied at the University of Paris and the question of how to learn more about comparable processes elsewhere. The discussion focused first on Simone Van Riet’s challenge of Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny’s interpretation of the cooperation between Dominicus Gundissalinus and some Abraham ibn Da’ud.3 As a result, issues were raised that concern our current knowledge about (1) the evolution of spoken languages in environments of translation, (2) the linguistic boundaries between members of different communities and the conditions under which the participants in translating could learn to speak, read and write the various linguistic registers, (3) the linguistic properties of the source texts and the degrees of their accessibility to local and foreign participants in translating in the Iberian Peninsula or in the Provence, and thus (4) the problem of how to understand, unpack and interprete the cooperation between members of different linguistic and faith groups in specific acts of translating. Information about research in these and related problems outside the sphere of cross-cultural exchange of knowledge via translating was provided. In particular, new research was highlighted about the translations of administrative and diplomatic texts during the thirteenth and fourteenth century in the Iberian Peninsula and the decisive role of Jewish, Muslim and converted personnel in these activities as well as linguistic developments with regard to the vernaculars and the usage of different linguistic registers in various communities.4
3 D’ALVERNY 1954–1956; VAN RIET 1972, p. 90*–105*, especially p. 95*–98*. Yet see now on this specific philosophical dialogue in Toledo FIDORA 2003, p. 98; FIDORA 2004a; FIDORA 2004b. 4 For the important role of Jews, Muslims and converts in translation activities in administrative and diplomatic contexts: JASPERT 2008, p. 159–161, 179, 186 und 188. For Arabic skills in late medieval Toledo: MOLÉNAT 1994. For the linguistic map of the medieval Iberian Peninsula: BOISSELLIER e. a. 2012.
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Starting from an early twentieth-century linguistic map of the region called today Macedonia,5 Niehoff-Panagiotidis reflected on the possible distribution of spoken and written languages across the Balkans and Greece during the Ottoman and later-medieval Byzantine Empires. He emphasized the linguistic differences between the various country sites and cities as well as between the communities that made up the urban populations. Turkic idioms entered the analyzed regions in the fourteenth century and acquired different levels of distributions and relevance as the spoken language of tribal groups migrating towards the West, the language of commerce, administration and law, and as language of literature and education. The cities on the Balkans significantly differed linguistically from their surrounding country sites. Ioannina, for instance, despite its Slavic name, was grecophone, while the people of the villages spoke Albanian and forms of Romance (vernacular derivatives from Latin). Yet as in the case of Turkic, such vernaculars were also spoken by nomadic groups about whom Byzantine sources report since the eleventh century. A different linguistic situation prevails in another major city of the Greek mainland during the Ottoman period. Saloniki was dominated by Judaeo-Spanish because of the expulsions from the Iberian Peninsula since the late fifteenth century. Other linguistic groups in the city were speakers of Bulgarian, Greek and Albanian. The populations outside of Saloniki spoke predominantly a Bulgarian vernacular and forms of Romance. Other examples complicated this already complex picture. Niehoff-Panagiotidis explained the mélé as results of multiple migrations from the North and the East, already testified to in Byzantine sources, among them Slavic and Turkic tribes. The presence of other language forms like Albanian or the group of dialects called Aromanian (vernaculars derived from Latin) is less clearly understood. Such a polyphony of plurilinguistic minorities in urban settings makes discussions of translating much more challenging than what is known so far about Western regions of Europe. Yet their practices of writing and speaking can provide important insights into the socio-cultural conditions of translating versus plurilingual communication, the emergence of new writing tools like alphabets, the arrival or creation of new languages like Judeao-Spanish or JudeaoGreek and the migration of languagues across groups of populations. Moreover, the highly complex situation of Southeastern Europe suggests looking for colleagues who are mapping the linguistic developments in other parts of Europe and studying the impact that these linguistic changes have on the creation of written literatures. A research project where such a study is undertaken for Italy and France is the project “Babel Eve. Émergence du vernaculaire en Europe”,
5 WEIGAND 1924.
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guided by members of the Universities in Chambéry (Université de Savoie, LL-Labors), Lyons (Université Jean Moulin – Lyon 3, CEDFL-GADGES), Grenoble (Université de Grenoble – 3 Stendhal, CERHIUS-ILCEA), Turin (Università degli Studi di Torino), Milan (Università degli Studi di Milano), and Alessandria, Novara and Vercelli (Università del Piemonte Orientale).6 Garay and Nicolaidis discussed other topics related to translation in Byzantium. Garay spoke of the fate of Proklos’ works and the cultural translations or transformations demanded at different moments in time when Christian scholars engaged with the œuvre of ‘pagan’ writers. Until the eleventh century, his texts were not taught at Byzantine schools. However, they were transmitted partially and in modified forms in the works of Christian writers. In the eleventh century, Michael Psellos rehabilitated his name and doctrine and taught them in Constantinople. One of his students, Johannes Italos, was a well-known Neoplatonist, who was condemned for his teachings and his public behavior as a heretic. Garay also spoke about other Neoplatonists, among them the author of the first Georgian translations of and commentaries on Proklos’ works, Ioane Petritsi (eleventh to twelfth centuries). Nicolaidis surveyed what we know about Byzantine translations of Arabic and Persian astronomical texts. In his view, the representation of Ptolemy in Byzantine sources as ‘our astronomer’ and of other astrologers/astronomers as ‘charlatans’ provided an effective barrier against the translation of such texts from Arabic for a long time despite their technical and observational superiority. Another consequence of this kind of evaluation was a pragmatic use of some elements of Arabic astronomical texts such as tables, while ignoring entirely the theoretical debate among astrologers and philosophers in Islamicate societies. The further depiction of foreign authorities in Byzantine sources was their description as ‘new’ or ‘modern’. This terminology was sometimes used as a negative opposition to the appreciative representation of Ptolemy. Nevertheless, there were a number of Byzantine translations of astrological treatises, astronomical tables, and – as is well known – in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries of theoretical reflections on planetary models. Nicolaidis proposes to classify these different translations according to their different time horizons as more or less independent enterprises (eighth, eleventh and fourteenth centuries) with possibly different addressees and functions. In addition to these translation activities regarding Arabic and Persian sources, two further source languagues can be found among Greek translations made during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: Latin and Hebrew. 6 Their results are being published in the electronic Journal Corpus Eve. Émergence du vernaculaire en Europe: http://eve.revues.org/669?lang=fr.
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Translations from Latin included translations of Arabic astronomical tables and other treatises made at Cyprus in about the third quarter of the fourteenth century by Greek native speakers in the service of the Crusader dynasty of Cyprus, the Lusignans. The same phenomenon of indirect transmission or multiple cross-cultural transmission can be observed among the translations made by the Jewish community of Karaites in Constantinople. While these activities are relatively well studied, except for aspects of the activities of the Karaites, there are a few other Byzantine translations of Arabic astrological and astronomical texts (Abū Ma’šar; Ibn al-Mutannā) which have not been investigated so far and may belong to other contexts. Other desiderata concern the use of astrology and of astronomical instruments, in particular the astrolabe, by Byzantine scholars. Grupe’s summary of his study of Stephen of Antiochia’s Latin translation of Ibn al-Haitam’s treatise On the configuration of the universe met with Nicolaidis’ presentation in so far as he too spoke about translating in a Crusader State. Several surprising features came to the fore. Stephen appears to be a competent student of theoretical astronomy, who not merely understood Ibn al-Haitam’s text with his efforts to ground Ptolemy’s mathematical models of the planets in natural philosophy, but set out to improve these efforts and complete them in those parts, which the eleventh-century scholar had left undiscussed. Stephen also executed observations of the sky and apparently introduced new technical devices to overcome some of the contradictions between the two areas of knowledge. Grupe claimed that Stephen already invented the so-called Tusi couple. Hence, a publication of his research is of great importance since it will not only offer information about astronomical activities in Crusader Antiochia and the most likely cooperation of Stephen with local experts, but can challenge a central part of the current understanding of the development of planetary modeling in Islamicate societies. Høyrup offered a glimpse into what he called advanced arithmetic in alAndalus through an anonymized Latin translation called Liber mahameleth. This text is seen as a translation either made by Gundisalvi in the later twelfth century or by someone closely connected with him. If the translator intentionally veiled his authorship of the translation, this would be one of the rare texts known for such a procedure. While there are many anonymous translations of scientific and other texts, none of them has been so far described as intentionally anonymized. No proposals have been made so far for why Gundisalvi or his ally might have chosen to do so. The main part of Høyrup’s paper focused, however, on the other feature of his description of the text, namely its presentation of commercial mathematics from a position of a more advanced mathematical practice. Høyrup described this higher level of approach to practical
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problems and techniques as incoporating systematic variations of properties and conditions of problems, the application of three kinds of methods (algebra, Euclid’s Elements, Book II, theory of proportions), and generalizations. The following talks discussed Syriac alchemy in its current stage of research (Martelli), methodological problems in the study of Ramon Llull’s Llibre de bèsties (Pallejà), scientific, ritual and other objects produced or acquired in the Iberian Peninsula in different communities and transformed through their use by other Iberian groups for other purposes or audiences (Azuar), the representation of Toledo as a centre of translation acitivties by thirteenth-century Latin authors of encyclopaedias (Draelants), and various modes of transfer of biographical material on Muḥammad’s life in Latin sources (Tischler). Martelli outlined the problems of the study of alchemy in Syriac, highlighted the close connection of alchemical and medical texts in various manuscripts, which seem to point to an integration of textual practices if not more between alchemy and medicine in some Syriac circles. A similar component seems to characterize the main cultural contexts of Syriac alchemical texts – their presence within collections including Sergius of Reshaina’s translations of Greek medical texts, which probably circulated in important Syriac cultural centres between the seventh and the ninth century (monasteries, schools). A third reflection of the possibly close relationship between alchemy and medicine in Syriac circles is the representation of Zosimos of Panopolis as a physician and of Hippocrates of Chios as an alchemist in two Syriac manuscripts in London. Since there is no ancient connection of Hippocrates with alchemical doctrines and practices, this new image emerged clearly in a different context whose contours are obscure. Pallejà criticized strongly the orientalizing tendencies among previous researchers with regard to Llull’s bestiary. He proposed to look for biblical inspirations in Hebrew, in particular the Talmud, and in Llull’s activities in elite aristocratic education in Paris. Azuar presented a survey of a variety of objects which where used in different faith communities across the Iberian Peninsula and in other parts of the Mediterranean world. His main effort was to determine their possible routes of movements in the Mediterranean and across the Peninsula. Draelants posed the question whether the idea of Toledo as a centre of AraboLatin translations already was a myth in the thirteenth century. She proposed to consider its emergence as promoted by Toledo’s role as a centre of studies in the disciplines of the quadrivium and in particular, of one discipline, which was seen as a derivative of these mathematical sciences, which were identified as astral sciences – negromancy, that is the science of the magical properties of stones, plants and animals. It is this feature that Draelants also considers as the base for the vernacular translations undertaken in the thirteenth century at the court of Alfonso
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X. She sees support for such an interpretation of the evolution of the myth and the particular fame of Toledo in Christian cities of Europe after the twelfth century in the Latin encyclopaedias of the mid-thirteenth century, which used with regard to Arabo-Latin material primarily translations made in the second half of the twelfth and the first half of the thirteenth centuries in Toledo or in the eleventh century in Salerno. These translations were brought to Paris from the North, in all likelihood by English scholars. Yet not all texts came via this route. Some were apparently accessed in the Picardie and Brabant, while in other cases, for instance Arnold of Saxony, the provenance of his sources is unknown. In general, the material used by the encyclopedists excluded the more technical literature from astrology, astronomy, algebra or arithmetic. The combined anchorage of Toledo’s reputation outside the Iberian Peninsula in Arabo-Latin translation activities and the study of the astral sciences in combination with magic, divination and alchemy seems to support the hypothesis that an interest in these disciplines motivated first and foremost the translations of Arabic scientific, medical and philosophical texts into Latin. Tischler paid particular attention to conceptual and methodological innovations in the study of cross-cultural transfer of information in contrast to translations of scientific texts. He suggested considering the activities related to Latin representations of Muḥammad’s life as acts of communication. Important forms of such Latin representations were complete and partial translations of Arabic versions of the Prophet’s Life (“as-Sīra an-nabawīya”) as well as translations and paraphrases of the Qur’ān (“al-Qur’ān”) and partial collections of sayings attributed to the Prophet (“aḥādīt”).7 The use of such Latin versions of Islamic or polemical writings in Arabic among Catholic clerics in the Iberian Peninsula requires us to consider them not merely as linguistic transfers of texts, but as communicative engagements in different traditions of faith. Such cross-cultural activities constitute a different format of translation and need to be taken into account when discussing the relations between the Arabic and Latin witnesses and the contexts of such material in other textual environments. A further point, of primary relevance in the discussion, was the terminology used to name the act of translation and the differences between terms like “convertere”, “traducere” and “interpretari”.
7 Bibliotheca Islamo-Christiana Latina (BICL), an online repertoire of Latin testimonies of Muḥammad’s life developed by MATTHIAS M. TISCHLER: http://www.sankt-georgen.de/hugo/ forschung/spanien_bicl.php, as well as TISCHLER 2008; TISCHLER 2011a; TISCHLER 2011b; DI CESARE 2012; FERRERO HERNÁNDEZ/DE LA CRUZ PALMA 2014. FLORENCE NINITTE is preparing her doctoral thesis at the University of Louvain-la-Neuve about the vernacular depictions of Muhammad’s life in Catholic Europe.
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Bibliography Studies D’ALVERNY
1954–1956 MARIE-THÉRÈSE D’ALVERNY: “Avendauth?”, in Homenaje Millás-Vallicrosa 1954–1956, 1, 19–43. BOISSELLIER e. a. 2012 STÉPHANE BOISSELLIER e. a.: Langues médiévales ibériques. Domaines espagnol et portugais (L’atélier du médiéviste 12), Turnhout 2012. BRENTJES e. a. 2014 SONJA BRENTJES e. a.: “Towards a new approach to medieval cross-cultural exchanges”, in Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 1 (2014) 9–50. DI CESARE 2012 MICHELINA DI CESARE: The pseudo-historical image of the prophet Muhammad in medieval Latin literature. A repertory (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift Der Islam N. F. 26), Berlin/New York 2012. FERRERO HERNÁNDEZ/DE LA CRUZ PALMA 2014 Vitae Mahometi. Reescritura e invención en la literatura cristiana de controversia, ed. by CÁNDIDA FERRERO HERNÁNDEZ/ÓSCAR DE LA CRUZ PALMA (Nueva Roma 41), Madrid 2014. FIDORA 2003 ALEXANDER FIDORA: Die Wissenschaftstheorie des Dominicus Gundissalinus. Voraussetzungen und Konsequenzen des zweiten Anfangs der aristotelischen Philosophie im 12. Jahrhundert (Wissenskultur und gesellschaftlicher Wandel 6), Berlin 2003. FIDORA 2004a ALEXANDER FIDORA: “Abraham Ibn Daud und Dominicus Gundissalinus. Philosophie und religiöse Toleranz im Toledo des 12. Jahrhunderts”, in LUTZ-BACHMANN/FIDORA 2004, 10–26. FIDORA 2004b ALEXANDER FIDORA: “Ein philosophischer Dialog der Religionen im Toledo des 12. Jahrhunderts. Abraham Ibn Daud und Dominicus Gundissalinus”, in SCHWARTZ/KRECH 2004, 251–266. Homenaje Millás-Vallicrosa 1954–1956 Homenaje a Millás-Vallicrosa 1–2, Barcelona 1954–1956. JASPERT 2008 NIKOLAS JASPERT: “Interreligiöse Diplomatie im Mittelmeerraum. Die Krone Aragón und die islamische Welt im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert”, in ZEY/MÄRTL 2008, 151–189. KÖPF/BAUER 2011 Kulturkontakte und Rezeptionsvorgänge in der Theologie des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. by ULRICH KÖPF/DIETER RICHARD BAUER (Archa Verbi. Subsidia 8) Münster in Westfalen 2011. LUTZ-BACHMANN/FIDORA 2004 Juden, Christen und Muslime. Religionsdialoge im Mittelalter, ed. by MATTHIAS LUTZBACHMANN/ALEXANDER FIDORA, Darmstadt 2004. MOLÉNAT 1994 JEAN-PIERRE MOLÉNAT: “L’arabe à Tolède, du XIIIe au XVIe siècle”, in al-Qanṭara 15 (1994) 473–496.
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O’BRIEN 2011 BRUCE ROLAND O’BRIEN: Reversing Babel. Translation among the English during an age of conquest, c. 800 to c. 1200, Newark (De.) 2011. SCHWARTZ/KRECH 2004 Religious apologetics – philosophical argumentation, ed. by YOSSEF SCHWARTZ/VOLKHARD KRECH (Religion in Philosophy and Theology 10), Tübingen 2004. TISCHLER 2008 MATTHIAS MARTIN TISCHLER: “Orte des Unheiligen. Versuch einer Topographie der dominikanischen Mohammed-Biographik des 13. Jahrhunderts zwischen Textüberlieferung und Missionspraxis”, in Archa Verbi 5 (2008) 32–62. TISCHLER 2011a MATTHIAS MARTIN TISCHLER: “Die Iberische Halbinsel als christlich-muslimischer Begegnungsraum im Spiegel von Transfer- und Transformationsprozessen des 12.–15. Jahrhunderts”, in Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 20 (2011) 117–155. TISCHLER 2011b MATTHIAS MARTIN TISCHLER: “Transfer- und Transformationsprozesse im abendländischen Islambild zwischen dem 11. und 13. Jahrhundert”, in KÖPF/BAUER 2011, 329–379. VAN RIET 1972 SIMONE VAN RIET (ed.): Avicenna Latinus, Liber de anima seu sextus de naturalibus I-II-III. Édition critique de la traduction médiévale. Introduction sur la doctrine psychologique d’Avicenne par GÉRARD VERBEKE, Louvain/Leiden 1972. WEIGAND 1924 GUSTAV WEIGAND: Ethnographie von Makedonien. Geschichtlich-nationaler, sprachlich-statistischer Teil, Leipzig 1924. ZEY/MÄRTL 2008 Aus der Frühzeit europäischer Diplomatie. Zum geistlichen und weltlichen Gesandtschaftswesen vom 12. bis zum 15. Jahrhundert, ed. by CLAUDIA ZEY/CLAUDIA MÄRTL, Zürich 2008.
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